X'iU 


^  • 

EX-LIBRIS 


RICARD°  DE  ROBIHA 


PEABODY  MUSEUM 


OF 


AMERICAN  ARCHAEOLOGY  AND  ETHNOLOGY 

HARVARD  UNIVERSITY 

PAPERS 

VOLUME  IV. 


Cambridge,  Mass. 
Published  byJthe  JMuseum, 
1904-1906-1910. 


Salem  1Press : 

The  Salem  Press  Co.,  Salem,  Mass. 

1910. 


CONTENT?. 


1.  Representation  of  Deities  of  the  Maya  Manuscripts. 
By  Paul  Schellhas.  Translated  by  Miss  Selma 
Wesselhoeft  and  Miss  A.  M.  Parker.  1904. 


Editorial  Note  by  F.  W.  Putnam .  ° 

Preface  by  Paul  Schellhas .  5 

The  Material  of  the  Manuscripts  .  7 

Representation  of  the  Gods 

God  A.  The  Death-God .  10 

God  B.  The  God  with  the  Large  Nose  and  Lolling  Tongue  16 

God'C.  The  God  with  the  Ornamented  Face .  19 

God  D.  The  Moon-  and  Night-God .  22 

God  E.  The  Maize-God .  24 

God  F.  The  God  of  War  and  Human  Sacrifices  ....  25 

God  G.  The  Sun-God  .  27 

God  H.  The  Chicchan-God .  28 

God  I.  The  Water-Goddess .  3l 

God  K.  The  God  with  the  Ornamented  Nose .  32 

God  L.  The  Old,  Black  God .  34 

God  M.  The  Black  God  with  the  Red  Lips .  35 

God  N.  The  God  of  the  End  of  the  Year  .  37 

God  O.  A  Goddess  with  the  Features  of  an  Old  Woman  .  38 

God  P.  The  Frog-God .  39 

Mythological  Animals 

1.  The  Moan  Bird  .  41 

2.  The  Serpent  .  42 

3.  The  Dog .  42 

4.  The  Vulture .  43 

5.  The  Jaguar .  44 

6.  The  .Tortoise .  44 

Summary  .  46 

Plate  1.  I.  Gods.  II.  Mythological  Animals 


2.  Commentary  on  the  Maya  Manuscript  in  the  Royal 
Public  Library  of  Dresden.  By  Ernst  Forstemann. 
Translated  by  Miss  Selma  Wesselhoeft,  and  Miss 


M.  A.  Parker.  1906. 

Editorial  Note  by  F.  W.  Putnam  .  51 

Preface  by  Ernst  Forstemann .  53 


(iii) 


IV 


CONTENTS 


First  part  (of  Manuscript).  Pages  1-45 .  55 

Second  Part  (of  Manuscript).  Pages  46-74  182 

Index  to  pages  in  Manuscript  and  corresponding  pages  in  the 

Commentary .  .  267 

Plate  2  I.  Glyphs  referred  to  in  Text.  II.  Cardinal  Points 

3  Animal  Figures  in  the  Maya  Codices.  By  Alfred  M. 

Tozzer  and  Glover  M.  Allen.  1910. 

Editorial  Note  by  F.  W.  Putnam .  275 

Key  to  the  Pronunciation  of  Maya  Words .  277 

List  of  Plates .  279 

List  of  Illustrations  in  Text .  281 

Introduction .  283 

I.  Synoptic  Consideration  of  the  Meaning  and  Occur¬ 

rence  of  Animal  Forms 

Manner  of  Representation  .  285 

Mythological  Animals .  286 

Animal  Sacrifices  .  288 

Offerings  shown  by  Glyphs .  2S9 

Animals  as  Rain-bearers .  291 

Animal  Head-dresses .  291 

Secular  Occupations .  293 

Animal  Glyphs .  294 

II.  Zoological  Identification  and  Ethnological  Explanation 

of  Animal  Forms 

Mollusca .  296 

Fasciolaria  gigantea .  296 

Oliva  .  297 

Other  Mollusca .  298 

Tnsecta . 298 

The  Honey  Bee .  298 

Blow- fly  .  301 

Lepidopterous  Insects .  302 

Myriapoda .  303 

Centipede .  303 

Crustacea .  304 

Crayfish .  305 

Crab .  305 

Arachnida .  305 

Spider .  305 

Arachnoidea .  305 

Scorpion  .  305 

Pisces .  307 

Several  unidentified  Fishes  .  307 


CONTENTS 


V 


Amphibia .  308 

Frogs  or  Toads .  308 

Tree-toad .  310 

Reptilia  .  310 

Serpent .  310 

Iguana .  318 

Crocodile .  319 

Turtles .  321 

Aves  .  324 

Herons .  324 

Frigate-bird .  325 

Oeellated  Turkey .  326 

King  Vulture .  329 

Black  Vulture .  331 

Harpy  Eagle .  334 

Yucatan  Horned  Owl . .  .  336 

Yucatan  Screech  Owl  or  Moan  Bird  ....  337 

Coppery-tailed  Trogan  or  Quetzal  ....  340 

Blue  Macaw .  343 

Imperial  Woodpecker  .  345 

Raven  . .  346 

Miscellaneous  Birds  .  346 

Mammalia  .  347 

Opossum . 347 

Nine-banded  Armadillo  .  347 

Yucatan  Brocket .  347 

Yucatan  Deer .  348 

Yucatan  Peccary .  351 

Baird’s  Tapir .  353 

Rabbit .  354 

Other  Rodents .  355 

Jaguar  .  355 

Puma .  358 

Coyote .  358 

Dog .  359 

Bear .  364 

1  Leaf-nosed  Bat  .  365 

Capuchin  Monkey .  366 

Bibliography  . .  369 

Plates  1-39,  with  explanations .  374 


Note. —  This  complete  list  of  Contents  will  take  the  place  of  an  Index 
to  this  volume. 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2018  with  funding  from 
Getty  Research  Institute 


https://archive.org/details/representationofOOsche 


PAPERS 


OF  THE 

PEABODY  MUSEUM  OF  AMERICAN  ARCHAEOLOGY 
AND  ETHNOLOGY,  HARVARD  UNIVERSITY 

Vol.  IV.— No.  1 


REPRESENTATION  OF  DEITIES 

OF  THE 

MAYA  MANUSCRIPTS 

BY 

DR.  PAUL  SCHELLHAS 

SECOND  EDITION,  REVISED 

WITH  1  PLATE  OF  FIGURES  AND  65  TEXT  ILLUSTRATIONS 


TRANSLATED  BY 

Miss  Selma  Wesselhoeft  and 
Miss  A.  M.  Parker 

Translation  revised  by  the  Author 


Cambridge,  Mass. 
Published  by  the  Museum 
December,  1904. 


rHE  GETTY  CENTER 

jbrary 


NOTE. 


In  order  to  make  more  widely  known  and  more  easily 
accessible  to  American  students  the  results  of  important  re¬ 
searches  on  the  Maya  hieroglyphs,  printed  in  the  German  lan¬ 
guage,  the  Peabody  Museum  Committee  on  Central  American 
Research  proposes  to  publish  translations  of  certain  papers 
which  are  not  too  lengthy  or  too  extensively  illustrated.  The 
present  paper  by  one  of  the  most  distinguished  scholars  in  this 
field  is  the  first  of  the  series. 

F.  W.  Putnam. 

Harvard  University 

September,  1904. 


(3) 


PREFACE. 


Since  the  first  edition  of  this  pamphlet  appeared  in  the  year 
1897,  investigation  in  this  department  of  science  has  made 
such  marked  progress,  notwithstanding  the  slight  amount  of 
material,  that  a  revision  has  now  become  desirable.  It  can 
be  readily  understood,  that  a  new  science,  an  investigation  on 
virgin  soil,  such  as  the  Maya  study  is,  makes  more  rapid  progress 
and  develops  more  quickly  than  one  pertaining  to  some  old, 
much  explored  territory. 

In  addition  to  numerous  separate  treatises,  special  mention 
should  be  made  of  Ernst  Forstemann’s  commentaries  on  the 
three  Maya  manuscripts  (Kommentar  zur  Mayahandschrift 
der  Koniglichen  offentlichen  Bibliothek  zu  Dresden,  Dresden 
1901,  Kommentar  zur  Madrider  Mayahandschrift,  Danzig  1902, 
and  Kommentar  zur  Pariser  Mayahandschrift,  Danzig  1903) 
which  constitute  a  summary  of  the  entire  results  of  investiga¬ 
tion  in  this  field  up  to  the  present  time. 

The  proposal  made  in  the  first  edition  of  this  pamphlet,  that 
the  Maya  deities  be  designated  by  letters  of  the  alphabet,  has 
been  very  generally  adopted  by  Americanists,  especially  by 
those  in  the  United  States  of  America.  This  circumstance,  in 
particular,  has  seemed  to  make  it  desirable  to  prepare  for  pub¬ 
lication  a  new  edition,  improved  to  accord  with  the  present 
state  of  the  science. 

Warmest  thanks  are  above  all  due  to  Mr.  Bowditch,  of  Boston, 
who  in  the  most  disinterested  manner,  for  the  good  of  science, 
has  made  possible  the  publication  of  this  new  edition. 

January,  1904.  P.  Schellhas. 


(5) 


THE  MATERIAL  OF  THE  MANUSCRIPTS. 


The  three  manuscripts  which  we  possess  of  the  ancient  Maya 
peoples  of  Central  America,  the  Dresden  (Dr.),  the  Madrid 
(Tro.-Cort.)  and  the  Paris  (Per.)  manuscripts,  all  contain  a 
series  of  pictorial  representations  of  human  figures,  which, 
beyond  question,  should  be  regarded  as  figures  of  gods.  To¬ 
gether  with  these  are  a  number  of  animal  figures,  some  with 
human  bodies,  dress  and  armor,  which  likewise  have  a  mytho- 
logic  significance. 

The  contents  of  the  three  manuscripts,  Avhich  undoubtedly 
pertain  to  the  calendar  system  and  to  the  computation  of  time 
in  their  relation  to  the  Maya  pantheon  and  to  certain  religious 
and  domestic  functions,  admit  of  the  conclusion,  that  these 
figures  of  gods  embody  the  essential  part  of  the  religious  con¬ 
ceptions  of  the  Maya  peoples  in  a  tolerably  complete  form. 
For  here  we  have  the  entire  ritual  year,  the  whole  chronology 
with  its  mythological  relations  and  all  accessories.  In  addition 
to  this,  essentially  the  same  figures  recur  in  all  three  manuscripts. 
Their  number  is  not  especially  large.  There  are  about  fifteen 
figures  of  gods  in  human  form  and  about  half  as  many  in  animal 
form.  At  first  we  were  inclined  to  believe  that  further  researches 
would  considerably  increase  the  number  of  deities,  but  this 
assumption  was  incorrect.  After  years  of  study  of  the  subject 
and  repeated  examination  of  the  results  of  research,  it  may  be 
regarded  as  positively  proved,  that  the  number  of  deities  rep¬ 
resented  in  the  Maya  manuscripts  does  not  exceed  substan¬ 
tially  the  limits  mentioned  above.  The  principal  deities  are 
determined  beyond  question. 

The  way  in  which  this  was  accomplished  is  strikingly  simple. 
It  amounts  essentially  to  that  which  in  ordinary  life  we  call 
“memory  of  persons”  and  follows  almost  naturally  from  a  care¬ 
ful  study  of  the  manuscripts.  For,  by  frequently  looking  at¬ 
tentively  at  the  representations,  one  learns  by  degrees  to  recog- 

(7) 


8 


THE  DEITIES 


nize  promptly  similar  and  familiar  figures  of  gods,  by  the  char¬ 
acteristic  impression  they  make  as  a  whole,  or  by  certain  details, 
even  when  the  pictures  are  partly  obliterated  or  exhibit  varia¬ 
tions,  and  the  same  is  true  of  the  accompanying  hieroglyphs. 
A  purely  inductive,  natural  science-method  has  thus  been  fol¬ 
lowed,  and  hence  this  pamphlet  is  devoted  simply  to  descriptions 
and  to  the  amassing  of  material.  These  figures  have  been  taken 
separately  out  of  the  manuscripts  alone,  identified  and  described 
with  the  studious  avoidance  of  all  unreliable, misleading  accounts 
and  of  all  presumptive  analogies  with  supposedly  allied  my¬ 
thologies. 

Whatever  cannot  be  derived  from  the  manuscripts  themselves 
has  been  wholly  ignored.  Hypotheses  and  deductions  have 
been  avoided  as  far  as  possible.  Only  where  the  interpretation, 
or  the  resemblance  and  the  relations  to  kindred  mythologic 
domains  were  obvious,  and  where  the  accounts  agreed  beyond 
question,  has  notice  been  taken  of  the  fact  so  that  the  imposed 
limitations  of  this  work  should  not  result  in  one-sidedness. 

Since,  for  the  most  part,  the  accounts  of  Spanish  authors 
regarding  the  mythology  of  the  Mayas  correspond  only  slightly 
or  not  at  all  with  these  figures  of  gods,  and  all  other  conjectures 
respecting  their  significance  are  very  dubious,  the  alphabetic 
designation  of  the  deities,  which  was  tentatively  introduced 
in  the  first  edition  of  this  work,  lias  been  preserved.  This  des¬ 
ignation  has  proved  to  be  practical.  For  the  plate  at  the  end 
of  this  pamphlet,  examples  as  characteristic  as  possible  of  the 
individual  figures  of  gods  have  been  selected  from  the  manu¬ 
scripts. 

It  is  a  well  known  fact  that  we  possess  no  definite  knowledge 
either  of  the  time  of  the  composition  or  of  the  local  origin  of 
the  Maya  manuscripts.  The  objection  might,  therefore,  be 
raised  that  it  is  a  hazardous  proceeding  to  treat  the  material 
derived  from  these  three  manuscripts  in  common,  as  if  it  were 
homogeneous.  But  these  researches  themselves  have  proved 
beyond  a  doubt,  that  the  mythologic  import  of  the  manuscripts 
belongs  to  one  and  the  same  sphere  of  thought.  Essentially 
the  same  deities  and  the  same  mythologic  ideas  are,  without 
question,  to  be  found  in  all  the  manuscripts. 

The  material  of  the  inscriptions  has  been  set  entirely  at  one 


OF  THE  MAYA  MANUSCRIPTS. 


9 


side,  because  the  style  of  representation  contained  in  them, 
both  of  the  mythologic  forms  and  of  the  hieroglyphs,  renders 
comparison  exceedingly  difficult.  In  this  field  especial  credit 
is  due  to  Forstemann  and  Seler,  for  the  work  they  have  done 
in  furtherance  of  interpretation,  and  mention  should  not  be 
omitted  of  the  generosity  with  which  the  well  known  promoter 
of  Americanist  investigations,  the  Duke  of  Loubat,has  presented 
to  the  Berlin  Museum  of  Ethnology  costly  originals  of  reliefs 
and  inscriptions  for  direct  study.  The  representations  on  the 
reliefs  from  the  Maya  region,  it  is  true,  give  evidence  of  dealing 
with  kindred  mythologic  conceptions.  Figures  and  hieroglyphs 
of  gods,  made  familiar  by  the  manuscripts,  can  also  be  found 
here  and  there.  But  on  the  whole  so  little  appears  in  support 
of  instituting  a  comparison  with  the  manuscripts,  that  it  seems 
expedient  to  leave  the  inscriptions  for  independent  and  special 
study. 


I.  REPRESENTATIONS  OF  GODS. 


A.  The  Death-God. 


1.  2.  3.  4.  5.  6. 


God  A  is  represented  as  a  figure  with  an  exposed,  bony  spine, 
truncated  nose  and  grinning  teeth.1  It  is  plainly  to  be  seen 
that  the  head  of  this  god  represents  a  skull  and  that  the  spine 
is  that  of  a  skeleton.  The  pictures  of  the  death-god  are  so 
characteristic  in  the  Maj^a  manuscripts  that  the  deity  is  always 
easily  recognized.  He  is  almost  always  distinguished  by  the 
skeleton  face  and  the  bony  spine.  Several  times  in  the  Dresden 
manuscript  the  death-god  is  pictured  with  large  black  spots  on 
his  body  and  in  Dr.  19b  a  woman  with  closed  eyes,  whose  body 
also  displays  the  black  spots,  is  sitting  opposite  the  god.  While 
the  Aztecs  had  a  male  and  a  female  death-deity,  in  the  Maya 
manuscripts  we  find  the  death-deity  only  once  represented  as 
feminine,  namely  on  p.  9C  of  the  Dresden  manuscript.  More¬ 
over  the  Dresden  manuscript  contains  several  different  types 
of  the  death-god,  having  invariably  the  fleshless  skull  and  (with 
the  exception  of  Dr.  9C)  the  visible  vertebrae  of  the  spine. 
Several  times  (Dr.  12b  and  13b)  he  is  represented  apparently 
with  distended  abdomen.  A  distinguishing  article  of  his  cos¬ 
tume  is  the  stiff  feather  collar,  which  is  worn  only  by  this  god, 
his  companion,  the  war-god  F,  and  by  his  animal  symbol,  the 
owl,  which  will  both  be  discussed  farther  on.  His  head  orna¬ 
ment  varies  in  the  Dresden  Codex;  in  the  first  portion  of  the 

See  Plate  for  representations  of  the  gods,  A-P 
(10) 


OF  THE  MAYA  MANUSCRIPTS. 


11 


manuscript,  relating  in  part  to  pregnancy  and  child-birth  (see 
the  pictures  of  women  on  p.  16,  et  seq.),  he  wears  on  his  head 
several  times  a  figure  occurring  very  frequently  just  in  this  part 
of  the  Dresden  Codex  and  apparently  representing  a  snail  (com¬ 
pare  Dr.  12b  and  13b),  which  among  the  Aztecs  is  likewise  a 
symbol  of  parturition.  In  view  of  these  variations  in  the  pictures 
of  the  Dresden  Codex,  it  is  very  striking  that  in  the  Codex  Tro.- 
Cortesianus,  there  is  only  one  invariable  type  of  the  death-god. 

A  distinguishing  ornament  of  the  death-god  consists  of  globu¬ 
lar  bells  or  rattles,  which  he  wears  on  his  hands  and  feet,  on 
his  collar  and  as  a  head  ornament.  As  can  be  distinctly  seen 
in  Dr.  lla,  they  are  fastened  with  bands  wound  around  the 
forearm  and  around  the  leg;  in  Dr.  15°  these  bells  are  black. 

Among  the  symbols  of  the  death-god  a  cross  of  two  bones 
should  be  mentioned,  which  is  also  found  in  the  Mexican  manu¬ 
scripts.  This  cross  of  bones  seems  to  occur  once  among  the 
written  characters  as  a  hieroglyph  and  then  in  combination  with 

a  number: Tro.  10.*  The  figure  is  also  a  frequent  sym¬ 
bol  of  the  death-god.  Its  significance  is  still  uncertain,  but  it 
also  occurs  among  the  hieroglyphs  as  a  death-sign  and  as  a 
sign  for  the  day  Cimi  (death). 

The  hieroglyphs  of  the  death-god  have  been  positively  de¬ 
termined  (see  Figs.  1  to  4).  Figs.  1  and  2  are  the  forms  of  the 
Dresden  manuscript  and  Figs.  3  and  4  are  those  of  the  Madrid 
manuscript.  God  A  is  almost  always  distinguished  by  two 
hieroglyphs,  namely  Figs.  1  and  2  or  3  and  4.  Moreover  the 
hieroglyphs  are  always  the  same,  have  scarcely  any  variants. 
Even  in  Dr.  9°,  where  the  deity  is  represented  as  feminine,  there 
are  no  variations  which  might  denote  the  change  of  sex.  The 
hieroglyphs  consist  chiefly  of  the  head  of  a  corpse  with  closed 
eyes,  and  of  a  skull.  The  design  in  front  of  the  skull  in  Figs. 
2  and  4  and  under  it  in  Fig.  3  is  a  sacrificial  knife  of  flint,  which 
was  used  in  slaying  the  sacrifices,  and  is  also  frequently  pictured 
in  the  Aztec  manuscripts.  The  dots  under  Fig.  1  are  probably 
intended  to  represent  blood. 

The  death-god  is  represented  with  extraordinary  frequency 
in  all  the  Maya  manuscripts.  Not  only  does  the  figure  of  the 


12 


THE  DEITIES 


gocl  itself  occur,  but  his  attributes  are  found  in  many  places 
where  his  picture  is  missing.  Death  evidently  had  an  important 
significance  in  the  mythologic  conceptions  of  the  Mayas.  It 
is  connected  with  sacrifice,  especially  with  human  sacrifices  per¬ 
formed  in  connection  with  the  captive  enemy.  Just  as  we  find 
a  personification  of  death  in  the  manuscripts  of  the  Mayas,  we 
also  find  it  in  the  picture-writings  of  the  ancient  Mexicans,  often 
surprisingly  like  the  pictures  of  the  Maya  codices.  The  Aztec 
death-god  and  his  myth  are  known  through  the  accounts  of 
Spanish  writers;  regarding  the  death-god  of  the  Mayas  we  have 
less  accurate  information.  Some  mention  occurs  in  Landa’s 
Relacion  de  las  cosas  de  Yucatan,  §xxiii,  but  unfortunately 
nothing  is  said  of  the  manner  of  representing  the  death-god. 
He  seems  to  be  related  to  the  Aztec  Mictlantecutli,  of  whom 
Sahagun,  Appendix  to  Book  III,  “De  los  que  iban  al  infierno  y 
de  sus  obsequias,  ”  treats  as  the  god  of  the  dead  and  of  the 
underworld,  Mictlan.  When  the  representations  of  the  latter, 
for  example  in  the  Codex  Borgia,  and  in  the  Codex  Vaticanus 
No.  3773,  are  compared  with  those  of  the  Maya  manuscripts, 
there  can  be  hardly  a  doubt  of  the  correspondence  of  the  two 
god  figures.  In  the  Codex  Borgia,  p.  37,  he  is  represented  once 
with  the  same  characteristic  head  ornament  which  the  death- 
god  usually  wears  in  the  Maya  manuscripts,  and  in  the  Codex 
Fejervary,  p.  8,  the  death-god  wears  a  kind  of  breeches  on  which 
cross-bones  are  depicted,  exactly  as  in  Dr.  9  (bottom). 

Bishop  Landa  informs  us  that  the  Mayas  “had  great  and  im¬ 
moderate  dread  of  death.”  This  explains  the  frequency  of  the 
representations  of  the  death-god,  from  whom,  as  Landa  states, 
“all  evil  and  especially  death”  emanated.  Among  the  Aztecs 
we  find  a  male  and  a  female  death-deity,  Mictlantecutli  and 
Mictlancihuatl.  They  were  the  rulers  of  the  realm  of  the  dead, 
Mictlan,  which,  according  to  the  Aztec  conception,  lay  in  the 
north;  hence  the  death-god  was  at  the  same  time  the  god  of 
the  north. 

It  agrees  with  the  calendric  and  astronomic  character  of  the 
Maya  deities  in  the  manuscripts,  that  a  number  of  the  figures  of 
the  gods  are  used  in  connection  with  specified  cardinal  points. 
Since,  according  to  the  Aztec  conception,  the  death-god  was 
the  god  of  the  north,  we  might  expect  that  in  the  Maya  manu- 


OF  THE  MAYA  MANUSCRIPTS. 


13 


scripts  also,  the  death-god  would  be  always  considered  as  the 
deity  of  the  north.  Nevertheless  this  happens  only  once,  namely 
in  the  picture  at  the  end  of  Codex  Cort.,  pp.  41  and  42.  Else¬ 
where,  on  the  other  hand,  this  god  is  connected  with  other 
cardinal  points,  thus  Dr.  14a  with  the  west  or  east  (the  hiero¬ 
glyph  is  illegible,  but  it  can  be  only  west  or  east),  and  in  Dr. 
27c  with  the  west.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  once,  however, 
in  a  series  of  cardinal  points,  the  hieroglyph  of  the  death-god 
connected  with  the  numeral  10  stands  just  in  the  place  of  the 
'sign  of  the  north;  this  is  on  Tro.  24*  (bottom). 

In  regard  to  the  name  of  the  death-god  in  the  Maya  language, 
Landa  tells  us  that  the  wicked  after  death  were  banished  to  an 
underworld,  the  name  of  which  was  “Mitnal”,  a  word  which  is 
defined  as  “Hell”  in  the  Maya  lexicon  of  Pio  Perez  and  which 
has  a  striking  resemblance  to  Mictlan,  the  Aztec  name  for  the 
lower  regions.  The  death-god  Hunhau  reigned  in  this  under¬ 
world.  According  to  other  accounts  (Hernandez),  however, 
the  death-god  is  called  Ahpuch.  These  names  can  in  no  wise 
serve  as  aids  to  the  explanation  of  the  hieroglyphs  of  the  death- 
god,  since  they  have  no  etymologic  connection  with  death  or 
the  heads  of  corpses  and  skulls,  which  form  the  main  parts  of 
the  hieroglyph.  Furthermore,  the  hieroglyphs  of  the  gods 
certainly  have  a  purely  ideographic  significance  as  already 
mentioned  above,  so  that  any  relation  between  the  names  of  the 
deities  and  their  hieroglyphs  cannot  exist  from  the  very  nature 
of  the  case. 

The  day  of  the  death-god  is  the  day  Cimi,  death.  The  day- 
sign  Cimi  corresponds  almost  perfectly  with  the  heads  of  corpses 
contained  in  the  hieroglyphs  of  the  death-god. 

A  hieroglyphic  sign,  which  relates  to  death  and  the  death- 
deity  and  occurs  very  frequently,  is  the  sign  Fig.  5,  which  is 
probably  to  be  regarded  as  the  ideogram  of  the  owl.  It  repre¬ 
sents  the  head  of  an  owl,  while  the  figure  in  front  of  it  signifies 
the  owl’s  ear  and  the  one  below,  its  teeth,  as  distinguishing 
marks  of  a  bird  of  prey  furnished  with  ears  and  a  powerful  beak. 
The  head  of  the  owl  appears  on  a  human  body  several  times  in 
the  Dresden  manuscript  as  a  substitute  for  the  death-deity, 
thus  Dr.  18c,  19°,  20  and  20°  and  in  other  places,  and  the  hiero- 


14 


THE  DEITIES 


glyphic  group  (Fig.  5)  is  almost  a  regular  attendant  hieroglyph 
of  the  death-god. 

A  series  of  other  figures  of  the  Maya  mythology  is  connected 
with  the  death-god.  This  is  evident  from  the  fact  that  his 
hieroglyphs  or  his  symbols  occur  with  certain  other  figures, 
which  are  thus  brought  into  connection  with  death  and  the 
death-deity. 

These  figures  are  as  follows: 

1.  His  companion,  god  F,  the  god  of  war,  of  human  sacrifice 
and  of  violent  death  in  battle,  apparently  a  counterpart  of  the 
Aztec  Xipe,  who  will  be  discussed  farther  on. 

2.  The  moan  bird.  See  beyond  under  Mythological  Animals, 
No.  1. 

3.  The  dog.  See  the  same,  No.  3. 

4.  A  human  figure,  possibly  representing  the  priest  of  the 
death-god  (see  Dr.  28,  centre,  Dr.  5b  and  9a).  The  last  figure 
is  a  little  doubtful.  It  is  blindfolded  and  thus  recalls  the  Aztec 
deity  of  frost  and  sin,  Itztlacoliuhqui.  A  similar  form  with 
eyes  bound  occurs  only  once  again  in  the  Maya  manuscripts, 
namely  Dr.  50  (centre).  That  this  figure  is  related  to  the  death- 
god  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  on  Dr.  9a  it  wears  the  Cimi-sign 
on  the  middle  piece  of  the  chain  around  its  neck.  Furthermore 
it  should  be  emphasized  that  the  Aztec  sin-god,  Itztlacoliuhqui, 
likewise  appears  with  symbols  of  death. 

5.  An  isolated  figure,  Dr.  50a  (the  sitting  figure  at  the  right). 
This  wears  the  skull  as  head  ornament,  which  is  represented  in 
exactly  the  same  way  as  in  the  Aztec  manuscripts  (see  Fig.  6). 

6.  Another  isolated  figure  is  twice  represented  combined  with 
the  death-god  in  Dr.  22c.  This  picture  is  so  effaced  that  it  is 
impossible  to  tell  what  it  means.  The  hieroglyph  represents  a 
variant  of  the  death’s-head,  Cimi.  It  seems  to  signify  an  ape, 
which  also  in  the  pictures  of  the  Mexican  codices  was  sometimes 
used  in  relation  to  the  death-god. 

The  symbols  of  the  death-god  are  also  found  with  the  figure 
without  a  head  on  Dr.  2  (45)a,  clearly  the  picture  of  a  beheaded 
prisoner.  Death  symbols  occur,  too,  with  the  curious  picture 
of  a  hanged  woman  on  Dr.  53b,  a  picture  which  is  interesting 
from  the  fact  that  it  recalls  vividly  a  communication  of  Bishop 


OF  THE  MAYA  MANUSCRIPTS. 


15 


Landa.  Landa  tells  us,  the  Mayas  believed  that  whoever 
hanged  himself  did  not  go  to  the  underworld,  but  to  “paradise,” 
and  as  a  result  of  this  belief,  suicide  by  hanging  was  very  com¬ 
mon  and  was  chosen  on  the  slightest  pretext.  Such  suicides 
were  received  in  paradise  by  the  goddess  of  the  hanged,  Ixtab. 
Ix  is  the  feminine  prefix;  tab,  taab,  tabil  mean,  according  to 
Perez’  Lexicon  of  the  Maya  Language,  “cuerda  destinada  para 
algun  uso  exclusivo”.  The  name  of  this  strange  goddess  is, 
therefore,  the  “Goddess  of  the  Halter”  or,  as  Landa  says,  “The 
Goddess  of  the  Gallows”.  Now  compare  Dr.  53.  On  the  up¬ 
per  half  of  the  page  is  the  death-god  represented  with  hand 
raised  threateningly,  on  the  lower  half  is  seen  the  form  of  a 
woman  suspended  by  a  rope  placed  around  her  neck.  The 
closed  eye,  the  open  mouth  and  the  convulsively  outspread  fin¬ 
gers,  show  that  she  is  dead,  in  fact,  strangled.  It  is,  in  all  prob¬ 
ability,  the  goddess  of  the  gallows  and  halter,  Ixtab,  the  patro¬ 
ness  of  the  hanged,  who  is  pictured  here  in  company  with  the 
death-god;  or  else  it  is  a  victim  of  this  goddess,  and  page  53 
of  the  manuscript  very  probably  refers,  therefore  (even  though 
the  two  halves  do  not  belong  directly  together), to  the  mvtho- 
logic  conceptions  of  death  and  the  lower  regions  to  which  Landa 
alludes. 

7.  Lastly  the  owl  is  to  be  mentioned  as  belonging  to  the 
death-god,  which,  strange  to  say,  is  represented  nowhere  in  the 
pictures  realistically  and  so  that  it  can  be  recognized,  although 
other  mythologic  animals,  as  the  dog  or  the  moan  bird,  occur 
plainly  as  animals  in  the  pictures.  On  the  other  hand,  the  owl’s 
head  appears  on  a  human  body  in  the  Dresden  manuscript  as  a 
substitute  for  the  death-deity  itself,  for  example  on  Dr.  18°, 
19°,  20a  and  20°  and  elsewhere,  and  forms  a  regular  attendant 
hieroglyph  of  the  death-god  in  the  group  of  three  signs  already 
mentioned  (Fig.  5). 

Among  the  antiquities  from  the  Maya  region  of  Central  Amer¬ 
ica,  there  are  many  objects  and  representations,  which  have 
reference  to  the  cultus  of  the  death-god,  and  show  resemblances 
to  the  pictures  of  the  manuscripts.  The  death-god  also  plays 
a  role,  even  today,  in  the  popular  superstitions  of  the  natives 
of  Yucatan,  as  a  kind  of  spectre  that  prowls  around  the  houses 
of  the  sick.  His  name  is  Yum  Cimil,  the  lord  of  death. 


16 


THE  DEITIES 


B.  The  God  With  the  Large  Nose 
and  Lolling  Tongue. 


7.  8.  9  10. 


The  deity,  represented  most  frequently  in  all  the  manuscripts, 
is  a  figure  with  a  long,  proboscis-like,  pendent  nose  and  a  tongue 
(or  teeth,  fangs)  hanging  out  in  front  and  at  the  sides  of  the 
mouth,  also  with  a  characteristic  head  ornament  resembling  a 
knotted  bow  and  with  a  peculiar  rim  to  the  eye.  Fig.  7  is  the 
hieroglyph  of  this  deity.  In  Codex  Tro.-Cortesianus  it  usually 
has  the  form  of  Fig.  S. 

God  B  is  evidently  one  of  the  most  important  of  the  Maya 
pantheon.  He  must  be  a  universal  deity,  to  whom  the  most 
varied  elements,  natural  phenomena  and  activities  are  subject. 
He  is  represented  with  different  attributes  and  symbols  of  poiver, 
with  torches  in  his  hands  as  symbols  of  fire,  sitting  in  the  "water 
and  on  the  water,  standing  in  the  rain,  riding  in  a  canoe,  en¬ 
throned  on  the  clouds  of  heaven  and  on  the  cross-shaped  tree 
of  the  four  points  of  the  compass,  which,  on  account  of  its  like¬ 
ness  to  the  Christian  emblem,  has  many  times  been  the  subject 
of  fantastic  hypotheses.  We  see  the  god  again  on  the  Cab-sign, 
the  symbol  of  the  earth,  with  weapons,  axe  and  spears,  in  his 
hands,  planting  kernels  of  maize,  on  a  journey  (Dr.  65b)  staff 
in  hand  and  a  bundle  on  his  back,  and  fettered  (Dr.  37a)  with 
arms  bound  behind  his  back.  His  entire  myth  seems  to  be  re¬ 
corded  in  the  manuscripts.  The  great  abundance  of  symbolism 
renders  difficult  the  characterization  of  the  deity,  and  it  is  well- 
nigh  impossible  to  discover  that  a  single  mythologic  idea  under¬ 
lies  the  whole.  God  B  is  quite  often  connected  with  the  serpent, 
without  exhibiting  affinity  with  the  Chicchan-god  H  (seep.  28). 
In  Dr.  33b,  34b  and  35b,  the  serpent  is  in  the  act  of  devouring 
him,  or  he  is  rising  up  out  of  the  serpent’s  jaws,  as  is  plainly  in¬ 
dicated  also  by  the  hieroglyphs,  for  they  contain  the  group 
given  in  Fig.  10,  wTiich  is  composed  of  the  rattle  of  the  rattle¬ 
snake  and  the  opened  hand  as  a  symbol  of  seizing  and  absorp¬ 
tion.  God  B  himself  is  pictured  with  the  body  of  a  serpent  in 


OF  THE  MAYA  MANUSCRIPTS. 


17 


Dr.  35band  36a  (compare  No.  2  of  the  Mythological  Animals). 
He  likewise  occurs  sitting  on  the  serpent  and  in  Dr.  66a  he  is 
twice  (1st  and  3d  figures)  pictured  with  a  snake  in  his  hand. 

God  B  sits  on  the  moan  head  in  Dr.  38c,  on  a  head  with  the 
Cauac-sign  in  Dr.  39c,  66c,  and  on  the  dog  in  Dr.  29a.  All  these 
pictures  are  meant  to  typify  his  abode  in  the  air,  above  rain, 
storm  and  death-bringing  clouds,  from  which  the  lightning- 
falls.  The  object  with  the  cross-bones  of  the  death-god,  on 
which  he  sits  in  Dr.  66c,  can  perhaps  be  explained  in  the  same 
manner.  As  the  fish  belongs  to  god  B  in  a  symbolic  sense,  so 
the  god  is  represented  fishing  in  Dr.  44  (1).  His  face  with  the 
large  nose  and  the  tongue  (or  fangs)  hanging  out  on  the  side  in 
Dr.  44  (l)a  (1st  figure)  is  supposed  to  be  a  mask  which  the  priest, 
representing  the  god,  assumes  during  the  religious  ceremony. 

Furthermore  the  following  four  well-known  symbols  of  sacri¬ 
ficial  gifts  appear  in  connection  with  god  B  in  the  Dresden  manu¬ 
script;  a  sprouting  kernel  of  maize  (or,  according  to  Forste- 
mann,  parts  of  a  mammal,  game),  a  fish,  a  lizard  and  a  vulture’s 
head,  as  symbols  of  the  four  elements.  They  seem  to  occur, 
however,  in  relation  also  to  other  deities  and  evidently  are  gen¬ 
eral  symbols  of  sacrificial  gifts.  Thus  they  occur  on  the  two 
companion  initial  pages  of  the  Codex  Tro.-Cortesianus,  on 
which  the  hieroglyphs  of  gods  C  and  K  are  repeated  in  rows  (Tro. 
36-Cort.  22.  Compare  Forstemann,  Kommentar  zur  Madrider 
Handschrift,  pp.  102,  103).  God  B  is  also  connected  with  the 
four  colors  —  yellow,  red,  white  and  black  —  which,  according 
to  the  conception  of  the  Mayas,  correspond  to  the  cardinal 
points  (yellow,  air;  red,  fire:  white,  water;  black,  earth)  and  the 
god  himself  is  occasionally  represented  with  a  black  body,  for 
example  on  Dr.  29c,  31c  and  69.  This  is  expressed  in  the  hiero¬ 
glyphs  by  the  sign,  Fig.  9,  which  signifies  black  and  is  one  of  the 
four  signs  of  the  symbolic  colors  for  the  cardinal  points. 

God  B  is  represented  with  all  the  four  cardinal  points,  a  char¬ 
acteristic,  which  he  shares  only  with  god  C,  god  K,  and,  in 
one  instance,  with  god  F  (see  Tro.  29*c) ;  he  appears  as  ruler  of 
all  the  points  of  the  compass;  north,  south,  east  and  west  as 
well  as  air,  fire,  water  and  earth  are  subject  to  him. 

Opinions  concerning  the  significance  of  this  deity  are  much 
divided.  It  is  most  probable  that  he  is  Kukulcan,  a  figure  oc- 


18 


THE  DEITIES 


curring  repeatedly  in  the  mythology  of  the  Central  American 
peoples  and  whose  name,  like  that  of  the  kindred  deity  Quetzal- 
coatl  among  the  Aztecs  and  Gucumatz  among  the  Quiches, 
means  the  “feathered  serpent”,  “the  bird  serpent”.  Kukulcan 
and  Gucumatz  are  those  figures  of  Central  American  mythology, 
to  which  belong  the  legends  of  the  creation  of  the  world  and  of 
mankind.  Furthermore  Kukulcan  is  considered  as  the  founder 
of  civilization,  as  the  builder  of  cities,  as  hero-god,  and  appears 
in  another  conception  as  the  rain-deity,  and  —  since  the  ser¬ 
pent  has  a  mythologic  relation  to  water  —  as  serpent  deity. 
J.  Walter  Fewkes,  who  has  made  this  god-figure  of  the  Maya 
manuscripts  the  subject  of  a  monograph  (A  Study  of  Certain 
Figures  in  a  Maya  Codex,  in  American  Anthropologist,  Vol. 
VII,  No.  3,  Washington,  1894),  also  inclines  to  the  belief  that  B 
is  the  god  Kukulcan,  whom  he  conceives  of  as  a  serpent-and 
rain-deity.  This  view  has  been  accepted  by  Forstemann  (Die 
Tagegotter  der  Mayas,  Globus,  Vol.  73,  No.  10)  and  also  by 
Cyrus  Thomas  (Aids  to  the  Study  of  the  Maya  Codices,  Wash¬ 
ington,  1888).  The  same  opinion  is  held  also  by  E.  P.  Dieseldorff, 
who,  a  resident  of  Guatemala,  the  region  of  the  ancient  Maya 
civilization,  has  instituted  excavations  which  have  been  suc¬ 
cessful  in  furnishing  most  satisfactory  material  for  these  re¬ 
searches  (see  Dieseldorff :  Kukulcan,  Zeitschrift  fur  Ethnologie, 
1895,  p.  780).  Others  have  considered  god  B  as  the  first  parent 
and  lord  of  the  heavens,  Itzamna  who  has  a  mythologic  im¬ 
portance  analogous  to  that  of  Kukulcan.  Itzamna  is  also 
held  to  be  the  god  of  creation  and  founder  of  civilization  and 
accordingly  seems  to  be  not  very  remotely  allied  to  the  god 
Kukulcan.  Others  again,  for  example  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg 
and  Seler,  have  interpreted  the  figure  of  god  B  to  represent  the 
fourfold  god  of  the  cardinal  points  and  rain-god  Chac,  a  counter¬ 
part  of  the  Aztec  rain-god  Tlaloc.  The  fact  that  this  god-figure 
is  so  frequently  connected  with  the  serpent  and  the  bird  is 
strongly  in  favor  of  the  correctness  of  the  supposition,  that  we 
should  see  in  god  B  a  figure  corresponding  to  the  Kukulcan  of 
tradition.  Thus  we  see  the  god  represented  once  with  the  body 
of  a  serpent  and  with  a  bird  near  by  (Cort.  10b),  while  B’s  hie¬ 
roglyph  appears  both  times  in  the  text.  God  B  is  also  pictured 
elsewhere  repeatedly  with  a  serpent  body,  thus  for  example  on 


OF  THE  MAYA  MANUSCRIPTS. 


19 


Dr.  35b,  36a.  On  pages  4-6  of  the  Codex  Cortesianus  he  is 
pictured  six  times  and  each  time  in  connection  with  a  serpent. 

The  accounts  we  have  received  concerning  the  mythology  of 
the  Maya  peoples  are  very  meagre  and  owing  to  the  uncertainty 
respecting  the  origin  of  the  Maya  manuscripts,  it  cannot  even 
be  determined  which  of  these  accounts  are  applicable  to  the 
Maya  manuscripts,  or,  indeed,  whether  they  are  applicable  at 
all.  For  it  is  by  no  means  positively  proved  that  these  manu¬ 
scripts  did  not  originate  in  regions  of  Maya  culture,  regarding 
which  we  have  received  no  accounts  at  all.  As  our  present  pur¬ 
pose  is  purely  that  of  description  and  determination,  it  re¬ 
mains  quite  unimportant  which  of  these  recorded  figures  of  gods 
shall  be  regarded  as  god  B. 

God  B  is  nearly  allied  to,  but  in  no  wise  identical  with,  the 
deity  with  the  large  ornamented  nose,  designated  by  K,  who 
will  be  discussed  farther  on.  God  Iv  is  an  independent  deity 
designated  by  a  special  hieroglyph,  but  like  C  he  stands  in  an 
unknown  relation  to  God  B  (for  details  see  K). 

Finally  it  should  be  mentioned,  that  god  B  never  appears 
with  death  symbols.  He  is  clearly  a  deity  of  life  and  creation, 
in  contrast  to  the  powers  of  death  and  destruction. 

His  day  seems  to  be  Ik  (aspiration,  breath,  life).  (Compare 
Forstemann,  Die  Tagegotter  der  Mayas,  Globus,  Vol.  73,  No.  10). 


C-  The  God  with  the  Ornamented  Face. 


11.  12.  13.  14.  15.  16. 


This  is  one  of  the  most  remarkable  and  most  difficult  figures 
of  the  Maya  manuscripts,  and  shows,  at  the  same  time,  how  im¬ 
perfect  must  be  the  information  we  have  received  in  regard  to 
the  Maya  mythology,  since  from  the  frequency  of  his  representa¬ 
tions  he  is  obviously  one  of  the  most  important  deities  and  yet 
can  be  identified  with  none  of  the  representations  of  gods  handed 


20 


THE  DEITIES 


down  to  us.  His  hieroglyph  is  definitely  determined  (Figs.  11, 
12).  The  circular  design  in  front  of  the  forehead  of  the  hiero¬ 
glyph  head  seems,  as  a  variant  from  the  Codex  Tro.  (Fig.  12) 
leads  us  to  suppose  to  denote  the  ideographic  representation 
of  pouring  out  or  emptying  a  vessel,  the  contents  of  which  flow 
into  the  mouth  of  the  god.  Another  variant  of  this  prefix  oc¬ 
curs  in  Tro.  13*h;  Fig.  15,  the  symbol  of  the  sacrificial  knife, 
and  instead  of  the  prefix  the  numeral  13  occurs  in  one  instance! 
(Tro.  12*c).  The  head  alone,  without  any  accessory  symbol 
whatever,  is  also  found  a  few  times,  not  in  the  text,  however, 
but  only  in  the  pictures,  for  example  Cort.  10  (bottom)  and  Tro. 
13*  (bottom).  This  deity  does  not  occur  very  often  in  the  Dres¬ 
den  manuscript,  the  places  where  it  is  depicted  are:  Dr.  5a,  6C, 
13b,  35a,  6Sa,  and  as  a  subordinate  figure  on  8C,  42a.  His  hiero¬ 
glyph  occurs  alone  a  few  times,  as  in  Dr.  4;  it  is  more  frequent 
in  the  Madrid  manuscript.  It  appears  on  pp.  15  to  18  of  the 
Paris  manuscript. 

In  regard  to  the  significance  of  this  deity,  he  doubtless  rep¬ 
resents  the  personification  of  a  heavenly  body  of  astronomic  im¬ 
portance,  probably  the  polar  star.  In  Codex  Cort.  10  (bottom), 
his  head  is  represented  surrounded  by  a  nimbus  of  rays,  which 
can  only  mean  a  star  (see  Fig.  13).  On  the  lower  part  of  the 
same  page,  the  third  picture  from  the  left,  we  again  see  the  deity 
hanging  from  the  sky  in  a  kind  of  rope.  Furthermore  it  appears 
in  Codex  Tro.  20,  22  and  23  (centre)  Fig.  14,  in  the  familiar 
rectangular  planet  signs.  Tro.  17*  (at  the  top)  the  head  sur¬ 
mounts  the  cross-shaped  tree  of  god  B,  which  denotes  the  lofty, 
celestial  abode.  Indeed,  these  passages  prove  positively  that  a 
heavenly  body  underlies  the  idea  of  this  deity. 

Furthermore,  the  head  of  this  god  recurs  in  entire  rows  in  the 
calendric  group  of  tabular  form  on  the  so-called  initial  page  of 
the  Codex  Tro.  36,  with  its  continuation  in  the  Cort.  p.  22,  and 
in  exactly  the  same  manner  in  the  allied  passage  of  Tro.  14 
(middle  and  bottom).  In  addition,  his  head  is  contained  in 
the  symbol  for  the  north  (Fig.  16);  the  head  contained  in  this 
sign  is  in  fact  nothing  else  than  the  head  of  god  C. 

Brinton  also  accepts  this  interpretation  of  god  C.  According 
to  Forstemann  (Die  Mayahieroglyphen,  Globus,  Vol.  71,  No.  5), 


OF  THE  MAYA  MANUSCRIPTS. 


21 


the  fact  that  the  figure  of  god  C  in  the  Tonalamatl  in  Dr.  4a-10a 
occurs  on  the  day  Chuen  of  the  Maya  calendar,  which  corre¬ 
sponds  to  the  day  Ozomatli,  the  ape,  in  the  Aztec  calendar, 
seems  to  indicate  that  the  singular  head  of  C  is  that  of  an  ape, 
whose  lateral  nasal  cavity  (peculiar  to  the  American  ape  or 
monkey)  is  occasionally  represented  plainly  in  the  hieroglyph 
picture.  Hence  it  might  further  be  assumed  that  god  C 
symbolizes  not  the  polar  star  alone,  but  rather  the  entire  con¬ 
stellation  of  the  Little  Bear.  And,  in  fact,  the  figure  of  a  long¬ 
tailed  ape  is  quite  appropriate  to  the  constellation,  at  any  rate 
decidedly  more  so  than  the  Bear;  indeed,  it  suggests  the  prehen¬ 
sile  tail  by  means  of  which  the  ape  could  attach  himself  to  the 
pole  and  in  the  form  of  the  constellation  swing  around  the  pole 
as  around  a  fixed  point. 

These  astronomical  surmises  seem  to  be  contradicted  by  the 
fact  that  god  C,  as  already  stated,  is  represented  with  all  the 
four  cardinal  points  (compare  for  example  Cort.  10  and  11,  bot¬ 
tom),  which  would  certainly  seem  to  harmonize  ill  with  his  per¬ 
sonification  of  the  north  star,  unless  we  assume,  that  in  a  differ¬ 
ent  conception  of  the  polar  star  he  is  ruler  of  the  cardinal  points, 
which  are  determined  from  him  as  a  centre. 

It  has  already  been  remarked  of  B,  that  the  deity  C  appears 
to  stand  in  some  sort  of  relation  to  him.  In  fact,  we  find  on 
those  pages  of  the  Dresden  manuscript,  where  B  is  represented 
with  the  four  cardinal  points,  that  the  hieroglyph  of  C  almost 
always  occurs  in  the  text  also  (for  example  Dr.  29,  et  seq.,  es¬ 
pecially  Dr.  32c).  Indeed,  C’s  hieroglyph  is  connected  even 
with  the  signs  of  the  symbolic  colors  of  the  cardinal  points, 
already  mentioned  in  connection  with  B. 

Finally,  it  should  be  borne  in  mind,  that  god  C  also  seems  to 
be  connected  in  some  way  with  the  serpent  (compare  Dr.  36b, 
1st  and  3d  pictures). 

According  to  Forstemann,  the  day  ruled  by  C  seems  to  be 

Chuen. 


22 


THE  DEITIES 


D.  The  Moon-  and  Night-God. 


11.  18.  19.  20. 


This  is  a  deity  who  is  pictured  in  the  form  of  an  old  man  with 
an  aged  face  and  sunken,  toothless  mouth.  He  is  frequently 
characterized  by  a  long,  pendent  head  ornament,  in  which  is  the 
sign  Akbal,  darkness,  night,  which  also  appears  in  his  hieroglyph 
before  the  forehead  of  the  deity,  surrounded  by  dots  as  an  in¬ 
dication  of  the  stariy  sky.  His  name-hieroglyph  is  Fig.  17,  and 
a  second  sign  almost  always  follows  (Fig.  18)  which  evidently 
serves  likewise  as  a  designation  of  the  god,  just  as  god  A  also  is 
always  designated  by  two  hieroglyphs.  The  second  sign  con¬ 
sists  of  two  sacrificial  knives  and  the  sign  of  the  day  Ahau,  which 
is  equivalent  to  “king”. 

The  head  of  this  deity  appears  in  reduced,  cursive  form  as 
the  sign  of  the  moon  (Fig.  20).  This  character  also  has  the 
significance  of  20  as  a  number  sign  in  the  calendar.  The  as¬ 
sociation  of  these  ideas  probably  rests  upon  the  ancient  con¬ 
ceptions,  according  to  which  the  moon  appearing,  waxing, 
waning  and  again  disappearing,  was  compared  to  man,  and 
man  in  primeval  ages  was  the  most  primitive  calculating  ma¬ 
chine,  being  equivalent,  from  the  sum  of  his  fingers  and  toes,  to 
the  number  20.  Twenty  days  is  also  the  duration  of  that  period 
during  which  the  moon  (aside  from  the  new  moon)  is  really  alive. 
Moreover  the  sign  (Fig.  20)  appears  in  many  places  as  a  counter¬ 
part  of  the  sign  for  the  sun. 

God  D  occurs  once  as  feminine  in  the  same  passage  men¬ 
tioned  above,  in  which  the  death-deity  is  also  pictured  as  fem¬ 
inine  ( Dr.  9°) .  In  a  few  other  places  the  god  is,  curiously  enough, 
depicted  with  a  short  beard,  as  Dr.  4C,  7a,  27b.  He  seems  to 
stand  in  an  unknown  relation  to  the  water-goddess  I  (see  this 
deity)  with  the  serpent  as  a  head  ornament,  compare  Dr.  9C, 
where  apparently  this  goddess  is  represented,  though  the  text 
has  D’s  sign;  still  it  is  possible  that  god  D  is  pictured  here  with 
the  attributes  of  goddess  I. 


OF  THE  MAYA  MANUSCRIPTS. 


23 


God  D  is  not  connected  with  the  grim  powers  of  destruction ; 
he  never  appears  with  death  symbols.  In  Dr.  5C  and  9a  he 
wears  the  snail  on  his  head.  He  seems,  therefore,  like  god  A 
to  be  connected  with  birth.  In  Dr.  8C  he  is  connected  with  god 
C,  and  this  is  quite  appropriate,  if  we  look  upon  these  gods  as 
heavenly  bodies.  The  aged  face,  the  sunken,  toothless  mouth 
are  his  distinguishing  marks.  In  the  Madrid  manuscript, 'where 
god  D  occurs  with  special  frequency,  his  chief  characteristic, 
by  which  he  is  always  easily  recognized,  is  the  single  tooth  in 
his  under-jaw  (see  Fig.  19),  compare  too  Dr.  8°,  where  the  sol¬ 
itary  tooth  is  also  to  be  seen.  In  Dr.  9a  (1st  figure)  the  god 
holds  in  his  hand  a  kind  of  sprinkler  with  the  rattles  of  the  rattle¬ 
snake,  as  Landa  (Cap.  26)  describes  the  god  in  connection  with 
the  rite  of  infant  baptism  (see  also  Cort.  26,  Tro.  7*a  and  13*°) 

A  very  remarkable  passage  is  Tro.  15*;  there  a  figure  is  pic¬ 
tured  carving  with  a  hatchet  a  head,  which  it  holds  in  its  hand. 
Above  it  are  four  hieroglyphs.  The  first  shows  a  hatchet  and 
the  moon;  the  second  probably  represents  simply  a  head,  while 
the  third  and  fourth  are  those  of  god  D,  the  moon-god.  This 
passage,  the  meaning  of  which  is  unfortunately  still  obscure 
seems  to  contain  a  definite  explanation  of  god  D. 

J.  Walter  Fewkes  has  made  god  D  the  subject  of  a  special, 
very  detailed  monograph  (The  God  “D”  in  the  Codex  Cortes- 
ianus,  Washington,  1895)  in  which  he  has  treated  also  of  gods 
B  and  G,  whom  he  considers  allied  to  D.  He  believes  D  to  be 
the  god  Itzamna,  as  do  also  Forstemann,  Cyrus  Thomas  and 
Seler,  and  sees  sun-gods  in  all  three  of  these  deities.  Whether 
god  D  is  to  be  separated  from  G  and  B  as  an  independent  deity, 
Fewkes  thinks  is  doubtful.  Brinton  again  holds  that  god  D 
is  Kukulcan.  These  different  opinions  show,  at  all  events,  on 
what  uncertain  grounds  such  attempts  at  interpretation  stand, 
and  that  it  is  best  to  be  satisfied  with  designating  the  deities 
by  letters  and  collecting  material  for  their  purely  descriptive 
designation. 

According  to  Forstemann  the  calendar  day  devoted  to  D  is 
Ahau. 


24 


THE  DEITIES 


E.  The  Maize-God. 


This  god  bears  on  his  head  the  Kan-sign  and  above  it  the  ear 
of  maize  with  leaves  (Fig.  23) ;  compare  Dr.  9b  (left  figure),  llb, 
12a,  etc.  The  hieroglyph  is  definitely  determined  (Fig.  21). 
The  god  is  identical  with  the  figures  recurring  with  especial 
frequency  in  the  Madrid  manuscript,  the  heads  of  which  are 
prolonged  upward  and  curved  backward  in  a  peculiar  manner; 
compare  Cort.  15a,  20,  40  (bottom),  Tro.  32*b(Figs.  25-27)  and 
especially  the  representation  in  Dr.  50:i  (Fig.  24),  which  is  very 
distinct.  This  head  was  evolved  out  of  the  conventional  draw¬ 
ing  of  the  ear  of  maize ;  compare  the  pictures  of  the  maize  plant 
in  the  Codex  Tro.,  p.  29b  (Fig.  22)  with  the  head  ornament  of 
the  god  in  Dr.  9b  (Fig.  23),  9a,  12a;  what  was  originally  a  head 
ornament  finally  passed  into  the  form  of  the  head  itself,  so  that 
the  latter  appears  now  as  an  ear  of  maize  surrounded  by  leaves. 
Compare  the  pictures,  Figs.  25-27.  That  these  gods  with  elon¬ 
gated  heads  are,  in  point  of  fact,  identical  with  E  is  plainly 
seen  from  the  passage  in  Dr.  2  (45)c  (first  figure).  There  the 
figure  represented,  which  is  exactly  like  the  pictures  in  the 
Madrid  manuscript,  is  designated  explicitly  as  god  E  by 
the  third  hieroglyph  in  the  accompanying  writing. 

The  hieroglyph  of  this  deity  is  thus  explained;  it  is  the  head 
of  the  god  merged  into  the  conventionalized  form  of  the  ear 
of  maize  surrounded  by  leaves.  When  we  remember  that  the 
Maya  nations  practised  the  custom  of  artificial^  deforming  the 
skull,  as  is  seen  in  particular  on  the  reliefs  at  Palenque,  we 
may  also  regard  the  heads  of  these  deities  as  representations  of 
such  artificially  flattened  skulls. 

God  E  occurs  frequently  as  the  god  of  husbandry,  especially 
in  the  Madrid  manuscript,  which  devotes  much  attention  to 
agriculture.  He  seems  to  be  a  counterpart  of  the  Mexican 
maize-god  Centeotl.  The  passages  in  the  Madrid  manuscript 


OF  THE  MAYA  MANUSCRIPTS. 


25 


(Tro.  29a  and  Cort.  39a,  40)  are  very  remarkable,  where  the 
deity  E  is  represented  in  the  position  of  a  woman  in  labor  with 
numerals  on  the  abdomen ;  perhaps  the  underlying  idea  is  that 
of  fruitfulness. 

In  the  Codex  Cort.,  p.  40,  this  grain-deity  is  pictured  with  a 
tall  and  slender  vessel  before  him,  which  he  holds  in  his  hands. 
It  is  possible  that  this  is  meant  to  suggest  a  grain  receptacle; 
to  be  sure,  in  the  same  place,  other  figures  of  gods  likewise  have 
such  vessels  in  their  hands.  At  any  rate,  it  is  interesting  to  note 
that  in  the  passage  already  mentioned  (Dr.  50a)  god  E  also 
holds  a  similar  tall  and  slender  vessel  in  his  hands. 

According  to  all  appearances  the  scene  pictured  in  Dr.  50a 
has  reference  to  the  conflict  of  the  grain-god  with  a  death-deity. 
The  latter,  the  figure  sitting  on  the  right,  is  characterized  by  a 
skull  as  a  head  ornament  (see  Fig.  6)  and  seems  to  address  threats 
or  commands  to  god  E,  who  stands  before  him  in  the  attitude 
of  a  terrified  and  cowed  individual. 

Furthermore  god  E  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  powers  of  the 
underworld;  he  is  a  god  of  life,  of  prosperity  and  fruitfulness; 
symbols  of  death  are  never  found  in  connection  with  him.  Brin- 
ton  calls  this  god  Ghanan,  equivalent  to  Kan ;  it  is  possible,  too, 
that  he  is  identical  with  a  deity  Yum  Kaax  who  has  been  handed 
down  to  us  and  whose  name  means  “Lord  of  the  harvest  fields”. 

According  to  Forstemann  the  day  dedicated  to  this  god  is  Kan. 


F.  The  God  of  War  and  of  Human  Sacrifices. 


This  is  a  deity  closely  related  to  the  death-god  A,  resembling 
the  Aztec  Xipe,  and  may,  I  think,  without  hesitation  be  re¬ 
garded  simply  as  the  god  of  human  sacrifice,  perhaps,  even  more 
generally,  as  the  god  of  death  by  violence.  His  hieroglyph 


26 


THE  DEITIES 


is  Figs.  28-30;  it  contains  the  number  11.  A  variant  of  this 
occurs  on  Dr.  7b,  where  instead  of  the  11  there  is  the  following 

sign: 

The  characteristic  mark  of  god  F  is  a  single  black  line  usually 
running  perpendicularly  down  the  face  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
eye.  This  line  should  be  distinguished  from  the  parallel  lines 
of  C’s  face  and  from  the  line,  which,  as  a  continuation  of  god 
E’s  head  resembling  an  ear  of  maize,  frequently  appears  on  his 
face,  especially  as  in  the  variants  of  the  Madrid  manuscript 
(compare  Figs.  25-27).  These  pictures  of  E  can  always  be  un¬ 
failingly  recognized  by  the  peculiar  shape  of  the  head  and 
should  be  distinguished  from  those  representing  F.  The  black 
face-line  is  the  distinguishing  mark  of  god  F,  just  as  it  is  of  the 
Aztec  Xipe.  It  sometimes  runs  in  a  curve  over  the  cheek  as  a 
thick,  black  stripe,  as  Cort.  42.  Sometimes  it  encircles  the 
eye  only  (Dr.  6a)  and  again  it  is  a  dotted  double  line  (Dr.  6b). 
The  hieroglyph  of  god  F  likewise  exhibits  this  line  and  with  the 
very  same  variants  as  the  god  himself.  See  the  hieroglj’phs  of 
the  god  belonging  to  the  pictures  in  Dr.  6a,  1st  and  3d  figures, 
in  which  the  line  likewise  differs  from  the  other  forms  (Figs.  30- 
34). 

In  a  few  places  god  F  is  pictured  with  the  same  black  lines 
on  his  entire  body,  which  elsewhere  he  has  only  on  his  face,  the 
lines  being  like  those  in  Fig.  31,  namely  Tro.  27*°.  Indeed,  in 
Tro.  28*c,  the  death-god  A  likewise  has  these  black  lines  on  his 
body  and  also  F’s  line  on  his  face;  a  clear  proof  of  the  close 
relationship  of  the  two  deities.  These  lines  probably  signify 
gaping  death-wounds  and  the  accompanying  rows  of  dots  are 
intended  to  represent  the  blood. 

Since  god  F  is  a  death-deity  the  familiar  sign  (Fig.  5),  which 
occurs  so  frequently  with  the  hieroglyphs  of  A,  also  belongs  to 
his  symbols.  F  is  pictured  in  company  with  the  death-god  in 
connection  with  human  sacrifice  (Cort.  42);  an  exactly  similar 
picture  of  the  two  gods  of  human  sacrifice  is  given  in  Codex  Tro. 
30d ;  here,  too,  they  sit  opposite  one  another.  The  identity  of 
this  attendant  of  death  with  the  deity,  designated  by  the  hiero¬ 
glyph  with  the  numeral  11,  is  proved  by  the  following  pas- 


OP  THE  MATA  MANUSCRIPTS. 


27 


sages:  Tro.  19,  bottom  (on  the  extreme  right  hand  without 
picture,  only  hieroglyph,  see  Fig.  29),  Dr.  5b,  6a,  b,  and  c  and 
many  others.  In  some  of  the  passages  cited  (Dr.  5a  and  b)  he 
is  distinguished  by  an  unusually  large  ear-peg.  His  hieroglyph 
occurs  with  the  hieroglyph  of  the  death-god  in  Dr.  6C,  where 
he  is  himself  not  pictured. 

As  war-god,  god  F  occurs  combined  with  the  death-god  in  the 
passages  mentioned  above  (Tro.  27*-29*c),  where  he  sets  the 
houses  on  fire  with  his  torch  and  demolishes  them  with  his  spear. 

God  F  occurs  quite  frequently  in  the  manuscripts  and  must 
therefore  be  considered  as  one  of  the  more  important  deities. 

According  to  Forstemann  his  day  is  Manik,  the  seizing,  grasp¬ 
ing  hand,  symbolizing  the  capturing  of  an  enemy  in  war  for  sacri¬ 
ficial  purposes. 

F’s  sign  occurs  once,  as  mentioned  above,  in  fourfold  repeti¬ 
tion  with  all  the  four  cardinal  points,  namely  in  Tro.  29*c.  In 
ancient  Central  America  the  captured  enemy  was  sacrificed  and 
thus  the  conceptions  of  the  war-god  and  of  the  god  of  death  by 
violence  and  by  human  sacrifice  are  united  in  the  figure  of  god 
F.  In  this  character  god  F  occurs  several  times  in  the  Madrid 
manuscript  in  combat  with  M,  the  god  of  travelling  merchants 
(see  page  35).  Spanish  writers  do  not  mention  a  deity  of  the 
kind  described  here  as  belonging  to  the  Maya  pantheon. 


G.  The  Sun-God. 


35.  36. 


God  G’s  hieroglyph  (Fig.  35)  contains  as  its  chief  factor  the 
sun-sign  Kin.  It  is  one  of  the  signs  (of  which  there  are  about  12  in 
the  manuscripts),  which  has  the  Ben-ik  prefix  and  doubtless 
denotes  a  month  dedicated  to  the  sun.  There  is,  I  think,  no 
difference  of  opinion  regarding  the  significance  of  this  deity, 
although  Fewkes,  as  already  stated,  is  inclined  to  identify  G 
with  B,  whom,  it  is  true,  the  former  resembles.  It  is  surprising 


28 


THE  DEITIES 


that  a  deity  who  from  his  nature  must  be  considered  as  very 
important, ‘  is  represented  with  such  comparative  infrequency. 
He  occurs  only  a  few  times  in  the  Dresden  manuscript,  for  ex¬ 
ample  22b,  11°,  and  in  the  Codex  Tro.-Cortesianus  none  can  be 
found  among  the  figures  which  could  be  safely  regarded  as  the 
sun-god;  in  no  manuscript  except  the  Dresden  does  a  deity  occur 
wearing  the  sun-sign  Kin  on  his  bod}'.  But  once  in  the  Codex 
Cort.  the  figure  of  D  appears  with  the  sun-sign  on  his  head,  as 
pointed  out  by  Fewkes  in  his  article  entitled  “The  God  ‘D’  in  the 
Codex  Cortesianus”.  G’s  hieroglyph,  to  be  sure,  is  found  repeat¬ 
edly  in  the  Madrid  manuscript,  for  example  Codex  Tro.  31°. 

God  G  seems  to  be  not  wholly  without  relation  to  the  powers 
of  death;  the  owl-sign  (Fig.  5)  occurs  once  in  connection  with 
him  (Dr.  llc).  Besides  the  sun-sign  Kin,  which  the  god  bears 
on  his  body,  his  representations  are  distinguished  by  a  peculiar 
nose  ornament  (Fig.  36)  which,  as  may  be  seen  by  comparison 
with  other  similar  pictures  in  the  Dresden  manuscript,  is  nothing 
but  a  large  and  especially  elaborate  nose-peg.  Similar  orna¬ 
ments  are  rather  common  just  here  in  the  carefully  drawn  first 
part  of  the  Dresden  manuscript.  Compare  Dr.  22b  (middle 
figure),  21  (centre),  17b,  14a, b;  occasionally  they  also  have  the 
shape  of  a  flower,  for  example  12b  (centre),  llc  (left),  19a. 
Lastly  it  is  worthy  of  note,  that  god  G  is  sometimes  repre¬ 
sented  with  a  snake-like  tongue  protruding  from  his  mouth, 
as  in  Dr.  llb  and  c. 


H.  The  Chiechan-G-od. 

37.  38.  39.  40. 

The  figure  of  a  deity  of  frequent  occurrence  in  the  Dresden 
manuscript  is  a  god,  who  is  characterized  by  a  skin-spot  or  a 
scale  of  a  serpent  on  his  temple  of  the  same  shape  as  the  hiero¬ 
glyph  of  the  day  Chicchan  (serpent).  Moreover  the  representa¬ 
tions  of  the  god  himself  differ  very  much,  so  that  there  are  almost 


OP  THE  MAYA  MANUSCRIPTS. 


29 


no  other  positive,  unvarying  characteristic  marks  to  be  specified. 
His  picture  is  plainly  recognizable  and  has  the  Chicchan-mark 
on  the  temple  in  Dr.  lla,  12b  and  20b. 

The  hieroglyph  belonging  to  this  deity  likewise  displays  the 
Chicchan-sign  as  its  distinguishing  mark.  Furthermore  several 
variants  occur.  The  Chicchan-sign  has  sometimes  the  form  of 
Fig.  37  and  again  that  of  Fig.  38.  The  prefix  likewise  differs 
very  much,  having  sometimes  the  form  of  Fig.  37,  and  again 
that  of  Fig.  38  or  of  Figs.  39  and  40.  Thus  there  are,  in  all, 
four  different  forms  of  the  prefix  It  is  to  be  assumed  that  all 
these  hieroglyphs  have  the  same  meaning,  notwithstanding 
their  variations.  Taking  into  consideration  the  frequency  of 
the  variations  of  other  hieroglyphs  of  gods  and  of  the  hiero¬ 
glyphs  in  the  Maya  manuscripts  in  general,  it  is  quite  improb¬ 
able  from  the  nature  of  the  case,  that  a  hieroglyph,  which  dis¬ 
plays  so  great  an  agreement  in  its  essential  and  characteristic 
elements,  should  denote  several  different  gods.  The  dissimi¬ 
larity  which  Seler  thinks  he  finds  between  the  forms  of  the 
Chicchan-sign  in  Figs.  37  and  38  and  which  leads  him  to  assume 
that  Fig.  37  is  not  a  Chicchan-sign  at  all,  but  that  it  denotes 
another  face  ornament,  cannot  be  satisfactorily  proved,  and 
must  be  regarded  as  an  arbitrary  assumption.  The  Chicchan- 
mark  in  the  sign  of  the  day  Chicchan  also  differs  very  much 
from  that  on  the  bodies  of  the  serpents  pictured  in  the  manu- 
uscripts,  so  that  variations  of  this  kind  by  no  means  make  it 
necessary  to  assume  that  the  hieroglyphs  actually  denote  dif¬ 
ferent  things.  Observe,  for  example,  the  different  Chicchan- 
spots  on  the  serpent’s  body  in  Tro.  27a.  The  crenelated,  black 
border  of  the  Chicchan-spot  in  Fig.  38  passes  in  rapid  cursive 
drawing  almost  of  itself  into  the  scallops  of  Fig.  37,  a  tran¬ 
sition  to  which  there  are  distinct  tendencies  on  the  serpent’s 
body  in  Tro.  27a.  Nor  does  the  fact,  that  under  H’s  hieroglyph 
different  personages  are  very  often  pictured,  whom  we  cannot 
positively  identify,  compel  the  assumption  that  we  have  here 
not  one,  but  two  or  more  mythical  figures,  for  the  same  is  true 
of  other  hieroglyphs  of  gods.  There  are  many  places  in  the 
manuscripts  where  the  text  contains  a  definite  well-known  hiero¬ 
glyph  of  a  god,  while  the  accompanying  picture  represents  some 
other  deity  or  some  other  figure  not  definitely  characterized,  per¬ 
haps  meiely  a  human  form  (priest,  warrior,  woman  and  the  like). 


30 


THE  DEITIES 


Thus  in  Dr.  4a  we  see  Ii ’s  hieroglyph  in  the  text,  but  the  pic¬ 
ture  is  the  figure  of  god  P  while  in  other  places  we  miss  the  char¬ 
acteristic  Chicchan-spot  on  the  figure  represented,  for  example 
Dr.  4C,  6a,  7b,  7C,  14a,  21c.  In  the  Madrid  manuscript,  it  is 
true,  H’s  hieroglyph  also  occurs  often  enough,  but  notin  a  single 
instance  is  a  deity  represented  displaying  the  Chicchan-spot. 
This  fact  is,  I  think,  to  be  explained  by  the  coarser  style  of  the 
drawing,  which  does  not  admit  of  representing  such  fine  details 
as  in  the  Dresden  manuscript.  In  the  Paris  manuscript  H’s 
hieroglyph  occurs  but  once  (p.  8,  bottom). 

Seler  thinks  he  recognizes  in  some  of  the  figures  represented 
under  H’s  hieroglyph  in  the  manuscripts,  a  so-called  “young 
god”.  Such  a  deity  is  unknown  and  the  assumption  is  entirety 
arbitrary.  Apparently  this  “young  god”  is  an  invention  of 
Brinton.  The  purely  inductive  and  descriptive  study  of  the 
manuscripts  does  not  prove  the  existence  of  such  a  personage, 
and  we  must  decline  to  admit  him  as  the  result  of  deductive 
reasoning.  In  this  so-called  “young  god”,  we  miss,  first  of 
all,  a  characteristic  mark,  a  distinct  peculiarity  such  as  belongs 
to  all  the  figures  of  gods  in  the  manuscripts  without  exception 
and  by  which  he  could  be  recognized.  Except  his  so-called 
youthfulness,  however,  no  such  definite  marks  are  to  be  found. 
Furthermore  there  is  no  figure  of  a  god  in  the  manuscripts 
which  would  not  be  designated  by  a  definite  characteristic 
hieroglyph.  No  such  hieroglyph  can  be  proved  as  belonging 
to  the  “young  god”.  The  figures,  which  are  supposed  to  have 
a  “youthful  appearance”  in  the  Madrid  manuscript,  often  con¬ 
vey  this  impression  merely  in  consequence  of  their  smallness  and 
of  the  pitiful,  squatting  attitude  in  which  they  are  represented. 
Furthermore  real  children  do  occur  here  and  there,  thus,  for 
example,  in  the  Dresden  manuscript  in  connection  with  the 
pictures  of  women  in  the  first  part  and  in  Tro.  20*c  in  the  repre¬ 
sentation  of  the  so-called  “infant  baptism.” 

That  god  H  has  some  relation  to  the  serpent  must  be  con¬ 
jectured  from  what  has  been  said.  Thus,  for  example,  on  Dr. 
15b,  we  see  his  hieroglyph  belonging  to  the  figure  of  a  woman 
with  the  knotted  serpent  on  her  head,  in  Dr.  4a  to  the  god  P, 
who  there  bears  a  serpent  in  his  hand,  and  in  Dr.  35b  in  con¬ 
nection  with  a  serpent  with  B’s  head.  What  this  relation  is, 
cannot  now  be  stated. 


OF  THE  MAYA  MANUSCRIPTS. 


31 


The  day  dedicated  to  god  H  is  Chicchan,  and  the  sign  for 
this  day  is  his  distinguishing  hieroglyph. 


I.  The  Water-Goddess. 


41 


In  the  Dresden  manuscript  the  figure  of  an  old  woman,  with 
the  body  stained  brown  and  claws  in  place  of  feet,  occurs  re¬ 
peatedly.  She  wears  on  her  head  a  knotted  serpent  and  with 
her  hands  pours  water  from  a  vessel.  Evidently  we  have  here 
a  personification  of  water  in  its  quality  of  destroyer,  a  goddess 
of  floods  and  cloud-bursts,  which,  as  we  know,  play  an  important 
part  in  Central  America.  Page  27,  of  the  Codex  Troano  con¬ 
tains  a  picture,  in  which  this  character  of  goddess  I  may  be  dis¬ 
tinctly  recognized.  In  accordance  with  this  character  also  on 
Dr.  74,  where  something  resembling  a  flood  is  represented,  she 
wears  the  cross-bones  of  the  death-god. 

The  goddess  is  pictured  in  the  manner  described  in  the  fol¬ 
lowing  places :  Dr.  39b,  43b,  67a  and  74.  The  figure  correspond¬ 
ing  to  her  in  the  Madrid  manuscript,  in  Tro.  27  and  34*c, 
displays  some  variations,  in  particular  the  tiger  claws  on  the 
feet  and  the  red-brown  color  of  the  body  are  lacking.  But  the 
agreement  cannot  be  questioned,  I  think,  when  we  recall  that 
the  Maya  manuscripts  doubtless  originated  in  different  ages  and 
different  areas  of  civilization,  circumstances  which  readily  ex¬ 
plain  such  variations.  The  goddess  distinguished  in  the  Madrid 
manuscript  by  symbols  of  flood  and  water  is  doubtless  the  same 
as  goddess  I  of  the  Dresden  manuscript  described  above;  her 
unmistakable  character  of  water-goddess  in  both  manuscripts 
is  in  favor  of  this.  In  both  manuscripts  she  is  invariably  dis¬ 
tinguished  by  the  serpent  on  her  head,  which,  as  we  know,  is 
a  symbol  of  the  water  flowing  along  and  forming  waves. 

Strange  to  say,  a  fixed  hieroglyph  of  this  goddess  cannot  be 
proved  with  certainty.  There  is  some  probability  in  favor  of 
the  sign  given  in  Fig.  41.  The  well-known  oblong  signs,  which 


32 


THE  DEITIES 


Forstemann  (Drei  Mayahieroglvphen,  published  in  the  Zeit- 
schrift  fur  Ethnologie,  1901,  pp.  215-221)  interprets  as  the  sign 
for  evil  days,  frequently  occur  with  her.  This  would  be  ap¬ 
propriate  for  the  goddess  of  floods. 

In  the  Dresden  manuscript  a  few  similar  figures  of  women  are 
found,  who,  like  goddess  I,  wear  a  knotted  serpent  on  the  head. 
Representations  of  this  kind  occur  in  Dr.  9e,  15b,  18a,  20a,  22b 
and  23b.  Whether  they  are  identical  with  goddess  I  is  doubtful, 
since  there  is  no  symbolic  reference  to  water  in  these  passages. 
Besides,  the  hieroglyphs  of  other  known  deities  occur  each  time 
in  the  above-mentioned  places,  so  that  definite  mythologic  re¬ 
lations  must  be  assumed  to  exist  here  between  the  women  rep- 
sented  and  the  deities  in  question.  Thus  in  Dr.  9C  we  find  D’s 
sign,  in  15b  that  of  H ;  on  lSa,  22b  and  23b  we  see  only  the  gen¬ 
eral  sign  for  a  woman.  In  Dr.  20  the  signs  are  effaced. 

In  the  Codex  Troano  goddess  I  occurs  on  pp.  25b  and  27; 
there  is  also  a  woman  with  the  knotted  serpent  on  her  head  in 
Tro.  34*c.  In  the  Codex  Cortesianus  and  in  the  Paris  manu¬ 
script  these  forms  are  wholly  lacking. 


K.  The  God  with  the  Ornamented  Nose. 


This  god,  as  already  mentioned  in  connection  with  B,  is  not 
identical  with  the  latter,  but  is  probably  closely  related  to  him. 
His  hieroglyph  is  Fig.  42;  Fig.  43  is  the  form  in  the  Madrid 
manuscript.  He  is  closely  related  to  god  B.  He  is  represented 
in  Dr.  25  ( centre)  where  he  is  perhaps  conceived  of  as  a  priest 
wearing  a  mask  with  the  face  of  the  god,  also  in  Dr.  7a,  12a 
(with  his  own  hieroglyph  and  that  of  E!),  26  (bottom)  with  a 
variant  of  the  sign.  His  figure  without  the  hieroglyph  occurs 
in  Dr.  3.  Very  frequently  the  well-known  group,  3  Oc,  is  given 
with  him  and  in  connection  with  his  hieroglyph  (in  Dr.  3,  7», 
10b  (right) ;  without  picture,  12a).  Forstemann  (Drei  Maya- 


OF  THE  MAYA  MANUSCRIPTS. 


33 


hieroglyphen,  Zeitschrift  fur  Ethnologie,  1901,  pp  215-221) 
sees  in  this  the  sign  for  good  days,  a  proof  that  we  have  to  do 
here  with  a  benevolent  deity  well  disposed  to  mankind,  his  kin¬ 
ship  with  B  being  also  in  favor  of  this  interpretation.  His 
hieroglyph  alone  without  his  picture  occurs  in  Dr.  10b,  49  (middle 
and  bottom),  58  (bottom,  left),  and  Tro.  8*b;  with  a  variant  of 
the  attribute  in  Dr.  24  (third  vertical  row).  A  slight  variation 
appears  also  in  Dr.  69  (top,  right). 

In  Dr.  65a  (middle)  B  is  pictured.  But  in  the  text  we  see 
K’s  hieroglyph  presented  by  a  hand.  The  next  figure  on  the 
same  page  at  the  right  represents  god  B  with  the  head  of  K  on 
his  own  and  the  same  head  once  more  in  his  hand.  Agreeing 
with  this,  we  find  in  the  accompanying  text  the  signs  of  B  and 
K,  the  latter  in  a  hand.  K  seems  to  be  pictured  again  in  Dr. 
46  (bottom);  the  passage,  however,  is  somewhat  obliterated. 
The  hieroglyph  is  lacking  in  this  place;  it  is  found,  however, 
on  the  preceding  page  45  (middle). 

In  addition  to  the  passage  already  mentioned,  which  repre¬ 
sents  god  K  together  with  B,  such  double  deities  again  occur  in 
the  Paris  manuscript,  p.  13,  where  B  holds  K’s  head  in  his  hand ; 
in  Dr.  34b,  where  he  carries  this  head  on  his  own  and  in  Dr.  67a 
where  he  appears  to  carry  it  in  a  rope.  Once,  how  ever,  a  varia¬ 
tion  of  these  plainly  synonymous  representations  o  ccurs,  namely 
in  Dr.  49  (at  the  top),  where  we  see  a  feminine  form  above 
whose  head  rises  the  head  of  god  K.  In  the  Paris  manuscript, 
so  far  as  its  defaced  condition  permits  us  to  recognize  the  repre¬ 
sentation,  K  occurs  very  frequently,  as  for  example,  in  Per.  3, 
4,  5,  6,  7  and  9  (in  part  only  his  head  is  given,  presented  by  god 
B,  as  in  the  Dresden  manuscript). 

Brinton  considers  this  figure  simply  as  a  special  manifesta¬ 
tion  of  B  and  identical  with  that  god.  Forstemann  thinks 
that  god  K  is  a  storm-deity,  whose  ornamental  nose,  according 
to  the  conventional  mode  of  drawing  of  the  Central  American 
peoples,  is  intended  to  represent  the  blast  of  the  storm. 

Apparently,  however,  the  deity  has  an  astronomic  signifi¬ 
cance  and  seems  to  symbolize  a  star.  In  favor  of  this  is  the 
fact,  that  on  the  so-called  initial  pages  of  the  Madrid  manu¬ 
script  (Cort.  22-Tro.  36)  a  row,  composed  of  repetitions  of  his 
sign,  occurs  below  the  signs  of  the  cardinal  points  and  parallel 


34 


THE  DEITIES 


to  a  row  composed  of  signs  of  god  C.  the  god  of  the  polar  star 
and  the  north.  The  hieroglyphs  of  C  and  Iv  are  the  only  hiero¬ 
glyphs  of  gods,  which  are  repeated  13  times  on  these  pages  with 
the  13  days  enumerated  there.  The  two  gods  must,  therefore, 
have  either  a  parallel  or  an  opposite  astronomic  and  calendric 
meaning.  The  fact  that  in  Dr.  25  and  26  K  appears  as  regent 
of  the  year,  is  an  argument  in  favor  of  his  astronomic  significance. 

According  to  Forstemann,  Muluc  is  the  day  dedicated  to 
god  Iv. 

In  the  head  of  god  K  we  recognize  the  ornament  so  common  in 
the  temple  ruins  of  Central  America  —  the  so-called  “elephant’s 
trunk.”  The  peculiar,  conventionalized  face,  with  the  project¬ 
ing  proboscis-shaped  nose,  which  is  applied  chiefly  to  the  cor¬ 
ners  of  temple  walls,  displays  unquestionably  the  featuresof  god 
Iv.  The  significance  of  god  Iv  in  this  architectural  relation  is 
unknown.  Some  connection  with  his  character  as  the  deity  of 
a  star  and  with  his  astronomic  qualities  may,  however,  be  as¬ 
sumed,  since,  as  we  know,  the  temple  structures  of  Central 
America  are  always  placed  with  reference  to  the  cardinal  'points. 


L.  The  Old,  Black  God. 


44. 


God  L’s  features  are  those  of  an  old  man  with  sunken,  tooth¬ 
less  mouth.  His  hieroglyph  is  Fig.  44,  which  is  characterized 
by  the  black  face. 

God  L,  who  is  also  black,  must  not  be  confounded  with  M 
whose  description  follows.  L  is  represented  and  designated 
by  his  hieroglyph  in  the  accompanjfing  text,  in  Dr.  14b  and  14c 
and  Dr.  46b;  the  figure  has  the  characteristic  black  face.  He 
appears  entirely  black  in  Dr.  7a.  The  hieroglyph  alone  occurs  in 
Dr.  21 b  and  24  (third  vertical  line  in  the  first  passage)  with  a 
variation,  namely  without  the  Ymix-sign  before  the  head.  This 
deity  does  not  occur  in  the  Madrid  and  Paris  manuscripts. 


OF  THE  MAYA  MANUSCRIPTS. 


35 


The  significance  of  god  L  does  not  appear  from  the  few  pic¬ 
tures,  which  are  given  of  him.  In  Dr.  46b  the  god  is  pictured 
armed  and  in  warlike  attitude.  Both  in  Dr.  14b  and  14c  he 
wears  a  bird  on  his  head  and  has  a  Kan  in  his  hand. 

According  to  Forstemann,  his  day  is  Akbal,  darkness,  night. 

Cyrus  Thomas  (Aids  to  the  Study  of  the  Maya  Codices,  in 
the  6th  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  Washington, 
1888,  p.  358)  thinks  he  is  the  god  Ekchuah,  who  has  come  down 
to  us  as  a  black  deity.  God  M  seems,  however,  to  correspond 
to  Ekchuah  (see  the  description  of  M ). 


M.  The  Black  God  with  the  Red  Lips. 


45.  46.  47.  48. 


God  M’s  hieroglyph  is  Figs.  45,  46;  it  seems  to  represent  an 
eye  rimmed  with  black,  though  the  figure  of  the  god  himself 
displays  an  entirely  different  drawing  of  the  eye  (see  Fig.  47). 

The  god  is  found  in  the  Dresden  manuscript  only  three  times, 
namely  in  Dr.  16b  (with  a  bone  in  his  hand)  in  picture  and  sign, 
in  Dr.  13°  grouped  with  an  animal,  without  the  hieroglyph, 
and  in  Dr.  43a  (with  his  sign)  while  finally  his  hieroglyph  alone 
appears  in  Dr.  56  (top,  left)  in  a  group  and  of  a  somewhat  differ¬ 
ent  form. 

On  the  other  hand,  god  M  appears  with  special  frequency  in 
the  Madrid  manuscript,  which  treats  of  this  deity  with  great 
fullness  of  detail.  While  he  is  represented  in  the  Dresden  manu¬ 
script  (16b)  with  his  body  striped  black  and  white,  and  on  p.  43a 
entirely  white,  he  is  always  entirely  black  in  the  Codex  Troano. 
His  other  distinguishing  marks  are  the  following: 

1.  The  mouth  encircled  by  a  red-brown  border. 

2.  The  large,  drooping  under  lip.  By  this  he  can  be  recog¬ 
nized  with  certainty  also  in  Dr.  43a. 

3.  The  two  curved  lines  at  the  right,  of  the  eye. 


36 


THE  DEITIES 


His  significance  can  be  conjectured.  He  seems  to  be  of  a  war¬ 
like  nature,  for  he  is  almost  always  represented  armed  with  the 
lance  and  also  as  engaged  in  combat  and,  in  some  instances, 
pierced  by  the  lance  of  his  opponent,  god  F,  for  example  in  Tro. 
3C,  7a,  29*a.  The  peculiar  object  with  parallel  stripes,  which 
he  wears  on  his  head  is  a  rope  from  which  a  package  frequently 
hangs.  By  means  of  a  rope  placed  around  his  head  the  god  fre¬ 
quently  carries  a  bale  of  merchandise,  as  is  the  custom  today 
among  the  aborigines  in  different  parts  of  America.  On  4b  and 
5a  in  the  Cod.  Tro.  this  can  plainly  be  seen.  All  these  pictures 
lead  us  to  conclude,  that  we  have  here  to  do  with  a  god  of  trav¬ 
elling  merchants.  A  deity  of  this  character  called  Ekcliuah  has 
been  handed  down  to  us,  who  is  designated  explicitly  as  a  black 
god.  In  favor  of  this  is  also  the  fact,  that  he  is  represented 
fighting  with  F  and  pierced  by  the  latter.  For  the  travelling 
merchant  must,  of  course,  be  armed  to  ward  off  hostile  attacks 
and  these  are  admirably  symbolized  by  god  F,  for  he  is  the  god 
of  death  in  wrar  and  of  the  killing  of  the  captured  enemy.  The 
god  is  found  in  the  Codex  Troano  in  the  following  places  and  on 
many  pages  two  or  three  times:  pp.  2,  3,  4,  5,  alwrays  with  the 
hieroglyph,  then  without  it  on  pp.  6,  7,  19,  4*c,  14*b,  17*a,  18*b 
and  again  with  the  hieroglyph  on  pp.  22*a,  23*a,  25*a;  finally 
it  is  found  again  without  the  hieroglyph  on  pp.  29*a,  30*a,  31*, 
32*,  33*,  34*.  In  the  Codex  Cortesianus  god  M  occurs  in  the 
following  places:  p.  15,  wiiere  he  strikes  the  sky  with  the  axe 
and  thus  causes  rain,  p.  19  (bottom),  28  (bottom,  second  figure), 
34  (bottom)  and  36  (top).  M  is  ahvays  to  be  recognized  by  the 
encircled  mouth  and  the  drooping  under-lip ;  figures  without 
these  marks  are  not  identical  with  M,  thus  for  example  in  Tro. 
23,  24,  25,  21*.  Tro.  34*a  show's  wh at  is  apparently  a  variant 
of  M  with  the  face  of  an  old  man,  the  scorpion’s  tail  and  the 
vertebrae  of  the  death-god,  a  figure  winch  in  its  turn  bears  on 
its  breast  the  plainly  recognizable  head  of  M.  God  M  is  also 
represented  elsewhere  many  times  with  the  scorpion’s  tail,  thus 
for  example  on  Tro.  30*a,  31*a. 

Besides  his  hieroglyph  mentioned  above,  Figs.  45  and  46, 
another  sign  seems  to  refer  to  god  M,  namely  Fig.  48  (compare 
for  example  Tro.  5a  and  Cort.  28,  bottom).  The  head  in  this 
sign  has  the  same  curved  lines  at  the  corner  of  the  eye  as  appear 


OF  THE  MAYA  MANUSCRIPTS. 


37 


on  the  deity  himself.  Forstemann  mentions  this  sign  in  his  Com¬ 
mentary  on  the  Paris  Manuscript,  p  15,  and  in  his  Commentary 
on  the  Dresden  Manuscript,  p.  56.  He  thinks  the  hieroglyph 
has  relation  to  the  revolution  of  Venus,  which  is  performed  in 
584  days.  A  relation  of  this  kind  is,  I  think,  very  possible,  if 
we  bear  in  mind  that  all  the  god-figures  of  the  manuscripts  have 
more  or  less  of  a  calendric  and  chronologic  significance  in  their 
chief  or  in  their  secondary  function. 

It  should  be  mentioned  that  God  M  is  represented  as  a  rule 
as  an  old  man  with  toothless  jaw  or  the  characteristic  solitary 
tooth.  That  he  is  also  related  to  bee-culture  is  shown  by  his 
presence  on  p.  4*c  of  the  Codex  Troano,  in  the  section  on  bees. 

Besides  gods  L  and  M,  a  few  quite  isolated  black  figures  oc¬ 
cur  in  the  Codex  Troano,  who,  apparently,  are  identical  with 
neither  of  these  two  deities,  but  are  evidently  of  slight  impor¬ 
tance  and  perhaps  are  only  variants  of  other  deities.  Similar 
figures  of  black  deities  are  found  in  the  Codex  Tro.  23,  24  and 
25  (perhaps  this  is  a  black  variant  of  B  as  god  of  the  storm?) 
and  on  21*c  we  twice  see  a  black  form  with  the  aged  face  and 
the  solitary  tooth  in  the  under  jaw  (perhaps  only  a  variant  of 
M).  In  the  Codex  Cortesianus  and  in  the  Dresden  manuscript 
no  other  black  deities  occur,  but  in  the  Paris  manuscript  a 
black  deity  seems  to  be  pictured  once  (p.  21,  bottom). 

According  to  Brinton  (Nagualism,  Philadelphia  1894,  pp.  21, 
39),  there  is  among  the  Tzendals  in  addition  to  Ekchuah,  a 
second  black  deity  called  Xicalahua.  “black  lord”. 


N.  The  God  of  the  End  of  the  Year. 


We  have  here  a  deity  with  the  features  of  an  old  man  and 
wearing  a  peculiar  head  ornament  reproduced  in  Fig.  50,  which 
contains  the  sign  for  the  year  of  360  days.  The  god’s  hiero¬ 
glyph  is  Fig.  49,  which  consists  of  the  numeral  5  with  the  sign 
of  the  month  Zac.  Forstemann  has  recognized  in  god  N  the 
god  of  the  five  Uayeyab  days,  which  were  added  as  intercalary 


38 


THE  DEITIES 


days  at  the  end  of  the  original  year  of  360  days,  and  were  con¬ 
sidered  unlucky  days.  N  is,  therefore,  the  god  of  the  end  of 
the  year.  Forstemann  has  discussed  him  in  detail  under  this 
title  in  a  monograph  published  in  Globus,  Yol.  80,  No.  12. 
It  is  still  open  to  question  whether  god  N  actually  occurs  in  all 
the  places  of  the  Dresden  manuscript,  which  are  mentioned  by 
Forstemann.  He  can  be  recognized  positively  on  Dr.  17a,  21c 
(grouped  with  a  woman)  and  37a;  also  on  12°,  but  in  this  latter 
place  with  pronounced  deviations  from  the  usual  representations. 
The  figures  in  Dr.  23°  (first  group)  and  43a  (third  picture)  are 
doubtful,  especially  since  the  hieroglyph  of  the  god  is  lacking 
in  both  instances.  The  third  group  in  Dr.  21c  is  equally  dubious. 
Here  a  woman  is  pictured  sitting  opposite  a  god.  The  latter 
seems  to  be  god  N,  yet  in  the  text  we  find  instead  of  his  sign 
the  hieroglyph  given  in  Fig.  51.  It  is  not  impossible  that  this 
sign  likewise  denotes  god  N. 

God  N  is  found  a  few  times  in  the  Paris  manuscript,  for  ex¬ 
ample  on  p.  4,  where  he  holds  Iv’s  head  in  his  hands,  and  on  p.  22. 


O.  A  Goddess  with  the  Features  of  an  Old  Woman. 


52. 


This  goddess  occurs  only  in  the  Madrid  manuscript  and  is 
distinguished  by  the  solitary  tooth  in  the  under  jaw,  as  a  sign 
of  age,  the  invariable  characteristic  of  aged  persons  in  the 
manuscripts.  She  is  pictured  in  the  following  places:  Tro.  5*c, 
6*b,  and  ll*b,  c  and  d,  Cort.  10b,  lla,  38a.  In  Tro.  11*  she  is 
represented  working  at  a  loom.  She  does  not  appear  at  all  in 
the  Dresden  and  Paris  manuscripts.  The  figures  of  women  men¬ 
tioned  under  I  with  the  serpent  on  their  heads,  are  especially  not 
to  be  regarded  as  identical  with  goddess  O,  for  she  never  wears 
the  serpent,  but  a  tuft  of  hair  bound  high  up  on  her  head  and 
running  out  in  two  locks. 

Her  hieroglyph  is  Fig.  52;  it  is  distinguished  by  the  wrin¬ 
kles  of  age  about  the  eye.  Owing  to  the  limited  number  of  her 
pictures,  there  is  little  to  be  said  concerning  the  significance  of 
this  goddess. 


OF  THE  MAYA  MANUSCRIPTS. 


39 


P.  The  Prog-God. 


53. 


We  call  him  the  frog-god  because  in  the  Codex  Tro.  31,  he  is 
pictured  in  the  first  and  second  lines  with  the  club-shaped  fin¬ 
gers  of  a  frog,  which  occur  only  on  this  figure.  The  blue  back¬ 
ground,  which  is  his  attribute  twice  in  the  same  passage,  like¬ 
wise  points  to  a  connection  with  water,  and  that  the  god  also 
has  something  to  do  with  agricu  lture  may  be  deduced  from  the 
fact  that  he  is  pictured  sowing  seed  and  making  furrows  with  the 
planting-stick.  The  two  black  parallel  stripes  at  the  corner  of 
the  eye  seem  to  be  folds  of  skin  or  marks  on  the  skin,  wdiich  may 
represent  a  peculiarity  of  this  particular  species  of  frog.  His 
head  ornament  is  very  characteristic  and  contains  the  sign  for 
the  year  of  360  days.  He  therefore  bears  some  unknown  re¬ 
lation  also  to  the  computation  of  time.  It  should  be  recalled 
in  this  connection  that  one  of  the  Maya  months  is  called  Uo, 
frog.  The  god  is  pictured  again  in  Tro.  30a  and  b,  Tro.  22 
(top,  scattering  seed)  and  Cort.  5  (at  the  very  bottom,  the  figure 
lying  down).  Finally  his  neck  ornament  must  be  mentioned, 
which,  as  a  rule,  consists  of  a  neck-chain  with  pointed,  oblong 
or  pronged  objects,  probably  shells. 

In  the  Dresden  manuscript  he  occurs  but  once,  Dr.  4a  (first 
figure),  with  some  variations  it  is  true.  The  text  at  this  place 
contains  H ’s  hieroglyph.  God  P  does  not  occur  in  the  Peres- 
ianus. 

His  hieroglyph  is  Fig.  53.  It  occurs  in  Tro.  31  (top)  and  can 
be  unerringly  recognized  by  the  two  black  parallel  stripes  at 
the  corner  of  the  eye,  which  correspond  exactly  to  the  same 
marks  on  the  face  of  the  picture  of  the  god  himself. 

This  is  all  that  can  be  said  respecting  this  deity  from  the  pic¬ 
tures  in  the  manuscripts.  Its  meaning  is  obscure.  Seler’s 
assumption  that  god  Pis  Kukulcan  (Zeitschrift  fur  Ethnologie, 
1898,  p.  403)  has  certainly  very  slight  foundation,  and  in  view 


40 


THE  DEITIES. 


of  the  material  from  the  manuscripts  described  in  the  preceding 
pages,  it  is  in  the  highest  degree  improbable. 

*  * 

* 

The  foregoing  is  an  almost  complete  enumeration  of  the  god- 
figures  proper  in  the  Maya  manuscripts.  Whatever  other  fig¬ 
ures  of  gods  occur  in  the  manuscripts  are  details  of  slight  im¬ 
portance.  This  is  especially  true  of  the  Dresden  manuscript, 
which  is  well  nigh  exhausted  by  the  types  enumerated  here; 
there  may  be,  I  think,  a  few  figures  still  undescribed  in  the 
Madrid  manuscript,  the  careless  drawing  of  which  renders  the 
identification  very  difficult.  An  isolated  figure  of  the  Dresden 
manuscript  still  remains  to  be  mentioned,  concerning  which 
it  is  doubtful  whether  it  is  intended  to  represent  a  deity  or  only 
a  human  personage. 

This  is  the  figure  characterized  by  a  peculiar  head  ornament 
in  Dr.  20b.  It  is  designated  in  the  text  by  two  hieroglyphs, 
which  belong  together,  Figs.  54  and  55,  the  latter  occurring 
once  with  Iv  (Dr.  7a).  It  seems  to  represent  blowing  from  the 
mouth,  screaming  or  speaking. 


II.  MYTHOLOGICAL  ANIMALS. 


1.  The  Moan  Bird. 


56  57.  58.  59. 


This  bird1  belongs  to  the  death-god  as  his  symbol  and  at¬ 
tendant.  Its  hieroglyph  (Fig.  56)  contains  the  numeral  13; 
other  forms  are  Figs.  57-59.  It  is  pictured  in  Dr.  7°,  10a,  lla, 
16°,  18b,  and  its  hieroglyph  without  the  picture  is  seen  in  Dr. 
8b.  A  realistic  representation  of  the  whole  figure  of  the  moan 
as  a  bird,  occurs  on  the  head  of  the  woman  in  16°  (1st  figure) 
and  18b.  God  B  sits  on  the  head  of  the  moan  in  Dr.  38° ;  the 
third  hieroglyph  of  the  accompanying  text  refers  to  this  repre¬ 
sentation.  Just  as  in  Dr.  16  and  18,  the  moan  bird  appears  in 
Tro.  18*c  on  the  head  of  a  woman.  Its  character  as  an  attri¬ 
bute  of  the  death-god  is  expressed  by  the  Cimi-sign,  which  it 
wears  upon  its  head  (e.  g.,  Dr.  10a),  and  also  by  the  regular 
occurrence  of  symbols  of  the  death-god  in  the  written  characters, 
which  refer  to  the  moan  bird.  In  the  same  manner  the  sign  of 
the  owl,  Fig.  5,  also  occurs  frequently  with  it. 

The  moan  confers  name  and  symbol  alike  on  one  of  the  eight¬ 
een  months  of  the  Maya  year,  and  thus,  as  Forstemann  con¬ 
jectures  (Die  Plejaden  bei  den  Mayas,  in  Globus,  1894),  has 
an  astronomic  bearing  on  the  constellation  of  the  Pleiades. 

According  to  Brinton  the  moan  is  a  member  of  the  falcon 
family  and  its  zoological  name  is  Spizaetus  tyrannus. 

1  See  plate  for  representations  of  the  Mythological  Animals,  1-6. 


(41) 


42 


MYTHOLOGICAL  ANIMALS 


2.  The  Serpent. 

This  is  one  of  the  most  common  and  most  important  mytho¬ 
logical  animals,  and  is  closely  related  to  different  deities,  as 
has  already  been  more  fully  discussed  in  connection  with  the 
individual  cases.  Apparently  it  has  no  independent  significance 
as  a  deity.  Its  most  important  personification  is  that  in  god 
B,  Kukulcan,  the  feathered  serpent.  Hence  a  fixed  hieroglyph 
designating  the  serpent  as  a  deity,  as  a  mythologic  form,  does 
not  occur,  though  there  are  numerous  hieroglyphs  which  refer  to 
serpents  or  represent  individual  parts  of  the  serpent,  as  its 
coils,  its  jaws,  the  rattles  of  the  rattlesnake,  etc.  The  serpent 
appears  in  the  mythologic  conceptions  of  the  Mayas  chiefly  as 
the  symbol  of  water  and  of  time.  In  the  great  series  of  num¬ 
bers  of  the  Dresden  manuscript,  certain  numbers  occur  which 
are  introduced  in  the  coils  of  a  large  serpent  (compare  in  regard 
to  this,  Forstemann,  Zur  Entzifferung  dcr  Mayahandschriften, 
II,  Dresden,  1891).  The  serpent  is  very  frequently  represented 
in  all  the  manuscripts,  sometimes  realistically  and  sometimes 
with  the  head  of  a  god,  etc.  In  the  Dresden  manuscript  it 
occurs  in  the  following  places:  la,  26,  2  7,  28c,  35b,  36a,  36b,  37b 
40,  42a,  61,  62,  65c  66a  and  69.  It  is  prominent  also  in  the 
Madrid  manuscript,  occurring  for  example  in  Cort.  4-6,  12-18, 
Tro.  25,  26,  27  and  elsewhere. 


3.  The  Dog. 


60 


Fig.  60  is  its  hieroglyph.  It  is  the  symbol  of  the  death-god 
and  the  bearer  of  the  lightning.  The  latter  follows  quite  clear¬ 
ly  from  the  picture  in  Dr.  40b  where  the  god  is  distinguished 
by  its  hieroglyph.  This  animal  is  again  represented  in  Dr.  7a, 
13°  on  the  right,  21 b  with  its  hieroglyph,  29a,  30a  (forming  a 
part  of  31a,  where  god  B  holds  the  bound  dog  by  the  tail),  and 
39a  without  the  hieroglyph,  47  (bottom)  with  a  variant  of  the 
hieroglyph. 

In  Dr.  36a  the  dog  bears  the  Akbal-sign  on  its  forehead.  The 
writing  above  it  contains  a  variant  of  the  hieroglyph  for  the 


OF  THE  MAYA  MANUSCRIPTS. 


43 


dog;  this  is  the  third  of  the  rubric.  It  shows  (somewhat  diffi¬ 
cult  of  recognition)  the  Akbal-sign  on  the  forehead  of  the  dog’s 
head  occurring  in  it,  and  on  the  back  of  the  head  the  Kin-sign, 
as  symbols  of  the  alternation  of  day  and  night.  The  same  sign 
occurs  again  with  adjuncts  in  Dr.  74  (last  line,  2nd  sign)  and 
once  with  the  death-god  in  Dr.  8a.  The  dog  as  lightning-beast 
occurs  with  the  Akbal-sign  in  the  eye  instead  of  on  the  forehead 
in  Codex  Tro.  23*a;  here  again  its  hieroglyph  is  an  entirely  dif¬ 
ferent  one  (the  third  of  the  rubric). 

That  the  dog  belongs  to  the  death-god  is  proved  beyond  a 
doubt  by  the  regular  recurrence  in  the  writing  belonging  to  the 
dog,  of  the  hieroglyphs,  which  relate  to  this  deity,  especially 
of  Fig.  5.  According  to  Forstemann  his  day  is  Oc. 

4.  The  Vulture. 


61- 


This  bird  is  distinctly  pictured  as  a  mythological  figure  in 
Dr.  8a.  It  appears  again,  in  feminine  form,  together  with  the 
dog,  in  Dr.  13°  and  also  in  19a.  In  the  first  passage,  its  hiero¬ 
glyph  is  almost  effaced;  the  hieroglyph  is  very  striking  and 
occurs  nowhere  else  in  the  whole  collection  of  manuscripts.  The 
body  of  this  animal-deity  is  striped  black  and  white;  in  Dr.  38b 
it  is  almost  entirely  black.  The  same  passage  displays  a  sec¬ 
ond  hieroglyph  for  this  figure  (Fig.  61);  this  hieroglyph  also 
occurs  with  the  numeral  4  in  Dr.  56b.  In  Dr.  36b  this  bird  of 
prey  is  pictured  fighting  with  the  serpent ;  its  hieroglyph  occurs 
in  the  second  form ;  the  serpent  is  designated  by  the  Chuen,  the 
gaping  jaws  of  the  serpent  (first  character  of  the  rubric). 

Finally  it  should  be  mentioned  that  the  head  of  this  bird  oc¬ 
curs  frequently  as  a  head  ornament,  thus  in  Dr.  lla,  llb,  12b 
and  14b.  Mention  should  also  be  made  of  the  realistic  repre¬ 
sentations  of  the  vulture,  eating  the  eye  of  a  human  sacrifice 
(Dr.  3,  Tro.  26*a  and  27*a). 

According  to  Forstemann  his  day  is  Cib. 


44 


MYTHOLOGICAL  ANIMALS 


5.  The  Jaguar. 


The  jaguar  is  likewise  an  animal  with  mythological  signifi¬ 
cance.  It  is  represented  in  Dr.  Sa,  where  its  hieroglyph  is  the 
third  sign  in  the  writing;  it  also  occurs  in  Dr.  26  (at  the  top). 
It  occurs  in  Tro.  17  (at  the  end)  with  a  hieroglyph  which  repre¬ 
sents  the  jaguar’s  head  and  contains  the  numeral  4  (Fig.  62); 
again  it  appears  without  a  hieroglyph  on  p.  20  (bottom)  and  on 
21  and  22  (bottom). 

Its  day  is  lx,  and  hence  it  also  relates  occasionally  as  year 
regent  to  the  lx  years,  for  example  in  Dr.  26a. 


6.  The  Tortoise. 


63.  64.  65. 


This  animal,  like  the  dog,  appears  as  a  lightning-beast  (see 
Dr.  40h,  middle).  Its  hieroglyph  is  Figs.  63,  64.  This  sign 
also  is  connected  with  the  numeral  4,  which  occurs  so  often 
with  animals  (but  not  alone  with  quadrupeds)  as  to  be  worthy 
of  attention.  The  sign  of  the  tortoise  without  the  numeral  is 
seen  in  Cort.  17a,  where  the  tortoise  itself  is  also  represented. 
It  must  have  reference  to  the  17th  month  of  the  Maya  year,  for 
the  month  Kayab  (and  apparently  also  Pop)  contains  the  head 
of  the  tortoise  (compare  Fig.  65).  It  occurs  several  times  in 
the  Cortesianus,  thus  on  pp.  13,  19,  37,  38;  on  p.  19  with  the 
hieroglyph  (on  the  top  of  the  lower  half  of  the  page,  1st  line 
and  at  the  right  of  the  margin).  In  Dr.  69  (at  the  top)  we 
see  the  sign  of  the  tortoise  with  the  Kin-sign  as  its  eye  and  the 
numeral  12;  under  this  group  B,  with  a  black  body,  is  seated  on 
the  serpent;  on  the  same  page  the  sign  occurs  again;  each  time, 
moreover,  apparently  as  a  month-hieroglyph. 


OF  THE  MAYA  MANUSCRIPTS. 


45 


According  to  Forstemann  the  tortoise  is  the  symbol  of  the 
summer  solstice,  as  the  snail,  which  occurs  only  as  a  head  orna¬ 
ment  in  the  manuscripts  and  not  independently,  is  the  symbol 
of  the  winter  solstice;  both,  as  the  animals  of  slowest  motion, 
represent  the  apparent  standstill  of  the  sun  at  the  periods  speci¬ 
fied.  This  explains  why  the  month  Kayab,  in  which  the  sum¬ 
mer  solstice  falls,  should  be  represented  by  the  head  of  a  tortoise, 
which  has  for  its  eye  the  sun-sign  Kin  (Forstemann,  Zur  Entzif- 
ferung  der  Mayahandschriften  III,  Schildkrote  und  Schnecke 
in  der  Mayaliteratur,  Dresden  1892). 

According  to  Forstemann  its  day  is  Cauac. 


Finally  the  owl  and  the  ape  (or  monkey)  must  be  mentioned 
as  animals  of  mythologic  significance,  of  which  we  have  already 
spoken  in  connection  with  gods  A  and  C.  The  scorpion  also 
seems  to  have  an  important  mythologic  significance,  and  ap¬ 
pears  in  the  manuscripts  in  connection  with  figures  of  gods,  as, 
for  example,  in  Cort.  7a  and  Tro.  31*a,  33*a,  34*a  (god  M  with 
a  scorpion’s  tail).  In  addition  to  those  discussed  in  this  paper, 
there  are  a  few  animals  in  the  manuscripts,  which  probably 
also  have  a  partial  mythologic  significance,  but  which  have  been 
omitted  because  they  are  represented  in  a  naturalistic  manner, 
thus,  for  example,  the  deer  on  Tro.  8,  et  seq.,  while  idealization 
(with  human  bodies,  with  torches,  hieroglyphic  character  on 
the  head,  etc.)  should  be  considered  as  an  unmistakable  sign 
of  mythologic  meaning. 

A  mythologic  significance  also  seems  to  belong  to  the  bee 
which  plays  so  prominent  a  part  of  the  Codex  Troano.  Prob¬ 
ably  the  section  in  question  of  the  Madrid  manuscript  (1*  et  seq.) 
treats  of  bee-keeping,  but  incidentally  it  certainly  has  to  do  also 
with  the  mythologic  conceptions  connected  with  the  culture 
of  bees. 

The  bat  which  is  found  as  a  mythological  figure  on  pottery 
vessels  and  inscriptions  from  the  Maya  region  (compare  Seler, 
Zeitschrift  fur  Ethnologie,  1894,  p.  577)  does  not  occur  in  the 
manuscripts.  It  is  true,  however,  that  hieroglyphic  signs,  which 
seem  to  relate  to  the  head  of  the  bat,  occur  in  isolated  cases  in 
the  manuscripts. 


SUMMARY. 


An  enumeration  of  the  most  important  deities  in  the  manu¬ 
scripts  gives  the  following  results,  in  connection  with  which  it 
is  to  be  noted  that,  of  course,  the  numbers  cannot  be  absolutely 
correct,  because  one  or  another  of  the  pictures  occasionally  re¬ 
mains  doubtful.  As  far  as  possible,  however,  only  the  positively 
determined  representations  have  been  considered. 

The  deity  occurring  most  frequently  in  the  Dresden  manu¬ 
script  is  god  B,  who  is  pictured  there  141  times.  Following 
him  in  point  of  number  in  the  same  manuscript  are  the  death- 
god  A  pictured  33  times,  god  D  19  times,  and  gods  C  and  E  17 
and  14  times  respectively. 

In  the  Madrid  manuscript,  god  D,  with  84  pictures,  is  of 
most  frequent  occurrence,  hie  is  followed  by  the  maize-god 
E  with  76  pictures,  god  B  with  71,  god  A  with  53,  C  with  38  and 
M  with  37  pictures. 

In  the  Paris  manuscript,  god  E's  picture  can  be  verified 
8  times,  those  of  C  and  B  6  times  each  and  that  of  god  A  twice; 
N  and  K  are  also  frequently  represented. 

An  enumeration  of  all  the  pictures  in  all  the  manuscripts 
shows  that  the  following  deities  occur  most  frequentty  and  are 
therefore  to  be  considered  the  most  important: 


1. 

God 

B 

pictured  218 

times. 

2. 

77 

D 

77 

103 

77 

3. 

77 

E 

77 

98 

77 

4. 

77 

A 

77 

88 

77 

5. 

77 

C 

77 

61 

77 

6. 

77 

M 

77 

40 

77 

7. 

77 

F 

77 

33 

77 

Furthermore,  interesting  conclusions  can  be  arrived  at,  by 
means  of  a  list  of  those  deities,  who  occur  in  the  representations 
of  the  manuscripts,  so  united  or  grouped  together  as  to  make  it 
evident  that  they  must  stand  in  some  relation  to  one  another. 
Mythologic  combinations  of  this  kind  occur  among  the  following 
deities  and  mythological  animals: 

46 


SUMMAKY. 


47 


1.  In  the  Dresden  manuscript:  D  and  C,  B  and  C,  dog 
and  vulture,  bird  and  serpent,  B  and  K. 

2.  In  the  Madrid  manuscript:  F  and  M,  B  and  M,  C  and 
M,  E  and  M,  A  and  E,  A  and  D,  A  and  F,  B  and  C,  D  and  C, 
D  and  E. 

3.  In  the  Paris  manuscript:  N  and  K,  B  and  K. 

The  most  common  of  these  combinations  are  those  of  the 
deities  A  and  F,  M  and  F,  A  and  E,  D  and  C.  These  groups 
are  entirely  intelligible,  consisting  of  death-god  and  war-god, 
god  of  the  travelling  merchants  and  war-god,  death-god  and 
maize-god  (as  adversaries:  meaning  famine),  night-god  and 
deity  of  the  polar  star. 


Peabody  Museum  Papers. 


I.  Gods. 


II 


Mythological  Animals 


PAPERS 


OF  THE 

PEABODY  MUSEUM  OF  AMERICAN  ARCHAEOLOGY  AND 
ETHNOLOGY,  HARVARD  UNIVERSITY 

Vol.  IV.  —  No.  2 


COMMENTARY 

ON  THE 

MAYA  MANUSCRIPT 

IN  THE 

ROYAL  PUBLIC  LIBRARY  OF  DRESDEN 


BY 

DR.  ERNST  FORSTEMANN 


TRANSLATED  BY 

MISS  SELMA  WESSELHOEET 

AND 

MISS  A.  M.  PARKER 
Translation  revised  by  the  Author 


Cambridge,  Mass. 
Published  by  the  Museum 
October,  1906 


Salem  ITcess: 

The  Salem  Press  Co.,  Salem,  Mass. 

1906 


NOTE 


In  pursuance  of  the  plan  of  publishing  translations  of  val¬ 
uable  contributions  to  the  study  of  the  Maya  hieroglyphs,  the 
Museum  Committee  on  Central  American  Research  has  the 
pleasure  of  offering  the  following  translation  of  Dr.  Ernst 
Forstemann’s  important  Commentary  on  the  Maya  Manuscript 
in  the  Royal  Library  of  Dresden,  generally  known  as  the 
Dresden  Codex. 

The  translation  by  Miss  Selma  Wesselhoeft  and  Miss  A.  M. 
Parker  was  made  under  the  direction  of  Mr.  Charles  P.  Bowditch 
of  the  Museum  Committee. 

In  the  original  German  edition,  published  in  1901,  Dr. 
Forstemann  used  the  Arabic  numerals  to  designate  the  days, 
but  in  this  translation,  with  the  consent  of  the  author  who 
has  kindly  revised  the  translation,  Mr.  Bowditch  has  substi¬ 
tuted  the  corresponding  Maya  names  of  the  days,  in  uniform¬ 
ity  with  the  general  use  of  students  in  this  country.  It  is 
needless  to  call  attention  to  the  importance  of  this  paper  by 
Dr.  Forstemann  whose  long-continued  study  of  the  intricate 
system  of  hieroglyphic  writing  by  the  ancient  Mayas  makes 
all  he  writes  of  great  value  to  students  engaged  in  this  most 
interesting  research. 

F.  W.  Putnam. 


Harvard  University, 

October,  1906. 


PREFACE. 


Some  of  those  who  examine  this  book  will  say,  that  it  is  too 
early  for  a  commentary  on  the  “  Dresdensis,”  since  Maya  re¬ 
search  is  yet  in  its  infancy,  and  this  opinion  is  certainly  justified 
inasmuch  as  a  final  explanation  of  that  remarkable  monument 
is,  of  course,  impossible  at  the  present  time.  On  the  other  hand 
the  accounts  of  the  numerous  investigations  and  discoveries 
which  have  been  made  thus  far  are  so  isolated  and  so  scattered 
in  the  shape  of  a  hundred  short  magazine  articles,  that  it  is  cer¬ 
tainly  desirable  to  have  what  we  know  and  what  we  have  still  to 
learn  gathered  together  under  one  head.  This  book  is  intended, 
therefore,  to  give  an  idea  of  the  state  of  our  knowledge  in  this 
department  of  research  at  this  time,  when  the  nineteenth  cen¬ 
tury  is  passing  into  the  twentieth,  with  the  definite  expectation 
that  this  work  will  soon  be  far  outstripped  and  will  possess  an 
historical  value  only. 

The  contents  of  the  following  pages  are  of  very  little  value, 
unless  the  student  can  compare  them  with  an  edition  of  the  manu¬ 
script.  My  first  edition  was  published  in  1880  at  Leipsic  and 
the  second  at  Dresden  in  1892.  The  edition  in  Lord  Kings- 
borough's  “Mexican  Antiquities”  (in  Volume  III  of  that  work, 
London,  1831)  is  still  of  practical  use. 

And  since  in  this  work  I  must  premise  a  knowledge  of  the 
elements  of  the  subject,  I  would  recommend,  as  additional  aids 
to  the  comprehension  of  the  following  pages,  my  “  Erlauterungen 
zur  Mayahandschrift  der  Koniglichen  offentlichen  Bibliothek  zu 
Dresden”  (Dresden,  1886), and  alsoBrinton,“A  Primerof  Mayan 
Hieroglyphics”  (in  the  publications  of  the  University  of  Penn¬ 
sylvania.  Series  in  Philology,  Literature  and  Archaeology, 
Vol.  III).  I  would  also  mention  the  very  valuable  work  by 

(53) 


54 


PREFACE. 


Paul  Schellhas,  “Die  Gottergestalten  der  Mayahandschriften” 
(Dresden,  1897), which  I  follow  in  the  designation  of  the  various 
gods  by  letters  of  the  alphabet. 

It  need  hardly  be  pointed  out, that  the  numerous  pioneer  arti¬ 
cles  by  Edward  Seler  offer  abundant  instruction  to  the  student 
in  this  field  as  well  as  in  that  of  Aztec  remains. 

I  wish  to  express  heartfelt  thanks  to  Mrs.  Zelia  Nuttall  and 
Mr.  Charles  F.  Bowditeh,  who  have  aided  my  work  in  various 
ways  and  have  thus  rendered  possible  the  publication  of  this 
book. 

E.  Forstemann. 

Charlottenburg. 


FIRST  PART. 

Pages  1  —  45. 


Page  1. 

As  the  first  page  is  almost  entirety  effaced  by  abrasion, we 
know  very  little  of  its  contents.  Like  the  second,  however, 
it  was  doubtless  divided  into  four  parts.  The  two  pages  have 
this  also  in  common,  that,  for  lack  of  space,  their  contents  are 
not  expressed  in  full,  but  abbreviated  as  much  as  possible. 

The  top  section  (a)  of  page  1  may  have  been  filled  with  a 
sort  of  frontispiece,  perhaps  a  face  with  a  few  signs  around  it. 

The  three  lower  sections  (b,  e,  d,)  with  the  three  lower  of 
the  second  page  doubtless  formed  a  whole.  Each  of  these 
sections  contained  a  normal  Tonalamatl  of  the  commonest 
kind,  which  was  introduced  on  the  left  by  five  day-signs  having 
a  difference  of  12  and  was  thus  divided  into  five  sections  of 
52  days  each.  In  sections  b  and  d,  at  least,  these  periods  seem 
to  be  divided  into  equal  halves  of  26  days  each.  In  d  alone  we 
recognize  the  initial  week  day,  VII,  of  the  Tonalamatl.  In 
each  of  the  three  divisions  there  were  two  figures  of  gods,  but 
we  can  recognize  only  the  first  of  these  in  section  d  as  the  god  D. 

Page  2. 

This  page  contains  four  much  abbreviated  Tonalamatls.  In 
the  following  I  will  represent  each  Tonalamatl  by  setting  down 
in  a  vertical  line  those  of  the  twenty  days  with  which  the  prin¬ 
cipal  divisions  of  equal  length  of  the  Tonalamatl  begin, in  a  hori¬ 
zontal  line  with  Roman  numerals  the  days  of  the  week  of  thir¬ 
teen  days  on  which  the  separate  subdivisions  begin,  and  with  the 
Arabic  numerals  the  distance  between  these  days.  I  will  also 
remark  that  the  position  of  the  Tonalamatls  in  the“Dresdensis” 
is  not  connected  at  all,  as  in  the  Aztec,  with  certain  places  in  the 

(55) 


56 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


year,  and  that  no  rule  for  this  proceeding  can  be  found.  It  is 
curious,  however,  that  no  Tonalamatl  in  this  codex  begins  with 
the  day  IX  or  Eb,  which  is  the  more  important  in  the  last  pages 
of  the  Dresden  Codex. 

2  a. 

This  first  Tonalamatl  has  the  following  form: — 

XIII  5  V  12  IV  11  II  12  I  12  XIII 
Cauac  The  hieroglyphs  and  the  figures  show  that 

Chuen  preparations  for  a  human  sacrifice  are  treated  of 

Akbal  here  and  that  the  subject  is,  therefore,  closely 

Men  connected  with  page  3a,  where  the  sacrifice  itself 

Manik.  is  represented. 

There  are  but  twro  pictures  of  persons,  which  refer,  there¬ 
fore,  only  to  the  first  or  to  the  first  two  subdivisions  and  which, 
for  lack  of  space,  are  wanting  for  the  others.  On  the  left  walks 
the  person  doomed  to  sacrifice,  his  arms  are  bound  on  his  back, 
his  head  is  barely  visible  and  his  eyes  are  apparently  torn  out. 
There  is  an  object  in  front  of  his  breast  resembling  a  wreath. 
Behind  this  figure  crouches  a  second,  who  holds  an  object  in  his 
hand  which  probably  represents  a  rattle.  The  parallel  passage 
in  Cod.Tro.2b  shows  the  bound  prisonerwith  an  axe  behind  him- 
Then  follows  in  Tro.  3b  the  prisoner  without  a  head  and  behind 
him  the  black  god  with  gory  lance. 

The  hieroglyphs — four  for  each  of  the  five  subdivisions — 
are  arranged  in  the  following  order: — 


1 

2 

5  6 

9 

13 

17 

3 

4 

7  8 

10 

14 

18 

11 

15 

19 

12 

16 

20. 

Of  these  9,  13  and  17-20  are  wholly  effaced  and  14  for  the 
most  part.  The  very  first  group  refers  to  human  sacrifice,  for 
1  is  a  head  with  an  axe  affixed  to  it,  2  contains  the  hand  (i)  which 
so  often  appears  as  the  sign  of  grasping,  especially  in  representa¬ 
tions  of  the  chase;  here  it  has  the  same  superfix  as  on  page  22a, 
which  nn  pages  4a-10a  and  11a, b,  appears  as  prefix.  3  is  the 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


57 


head  of  god  H,  perhaps  given  here  as  a  symbol  of  wounding  (ser¬ 
pent  god?).  I  am  unable  to  explain  the  meaning  of  the  dot  be¬ 
tween  two  crosses  in  front  of  this  head; perhaps  the  sign  denotes 
the  day  Kan,  which  is  here  arrived  at  by  calculation.  We  find 
the  same  hieroglyph  on  page  3.  Sign  4  signifies  the  death-god 
A=Cimi,  who  appears  again  in  12. 

In  like  manner  2  is  repeated  in  6  and  14.  7,  11  and  15  (prob¬ 

ably  also  19)  are,  however,  the  familiar  cross  b;  8  is  the  head  of 
E  with  a  prefixed  knife;  the  intention  here  may  have  been  to 
show  that  human  sacrifice  would  be  likely  to  have  an  auspicious 
influence  upon  the  harvest.  10  and  16  are  another  unknown 
head.  In  5  we  see  the  familiar  Kan-Imix  sign,  which,  for  the 
present,  I  am  inclined  to  regard  as  denoting  a  feast  or  a  sacri¬ 
ficial  meal. 

2b-c. 

These  two  sections  have  something  in  common.  First,  2b 
(as  also  2d)  is  divided  into  but  two  parts  and  2e  into  only  three 
parts.  Second,  in  2b  and  2c  the  scribe  intended  to  draw  the 
hieroglyphs  for  10  days  each,  instead  of  5  each,  but  only  drew 
the  outlines  of  the  second  five,  since  they  could  not  be  used  for 
these  Tonalamatls.  Third,  the  persons  represented  here  are 
all  engaged  in  the  same  occupation,  each  holding  in  his  hands 
an  object  which  looks  like  a  frame  for  a  net  or  web,  and  also  a 
large  needle  with  an  eye  through  which  a  thread  has  been 
passed. 

A  very  similar  representation  is  found  in  the  Codex  Troano 
34a,  33a  and  23*c,  and  also  in  the  Sahagun  Manuscript  of  the 
Bibliotheca  Laurentiana  at  Florence.  This  can  hardly  mean 
anything  else  than  the  knotting  of  cords,  which  was  the  only 
method  of  casting  lots  current  among  the  Mayas;  compare 
Seler,  “  Altmexikanische  Studien  II  ”  (1899),  p.  31,  and  “  Zau- 
berei  im  alten  Mexiko”  (1900),  p.  90,  by  the  same  author. 
This  clearly  indicates  the  use  of  these  Tonalamatls  in  sooth¬ 
saying. 

Fourth  and  last,  each  of  the  five  hieroglyph  groups  of  2b 
and  2c  begin  with  the  same  sign,  which  must,  therefore,  denote 
,  the  casting  of  lots. 


58 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


The  Tonalamatl  2b  runs  thus: — 


XI 
Oc 
Ik 
lx 

Cimi 

Ezanab. 


34 


VI  18  XI 

The  pictures  are  of  three  persons.  At  the  left 
two  sit  facing  one  another  and  at  the  right  is  the 
god  A.  Of  the  first  two,  the  one  at  the  left  is 
probably  feminine,  but  with  an  old  face.  I  am 
inclined  here,  in  spite  of  the  sex,  to  recall  the  bald- 
headed  old  god  (N,  according  to  Schellhas),  whom  I  am  inclined 
to  consider,  for  the  present,  the  representative  of  the  5  Uayeyab 
days  at  the  end  of  the  year.  This  would  account  for  the  sign 
resembling  an  8  lying  on  its  side,  which  appears  on  the  god’s 
head  and  which  usually  represents  the  change  of  the  year  (com¬ 
pare  pages  38a,  41b,  52b,  68a  and  72c).  I  cannot  explain  the 
person  sitting  facing  this  god  further,  than  that  from  his  hiero¬ 
glyph  he  is  either  H  or  allied  to  H. 

Of  the  8  hieroglyphs 

12  5  6 

3  4  7  8 

the  first,  as  stated,  seems  to  refer  to  the  casting  of  lots,  2  is  the 
sign  for  H,  3  denotes  the  female  figure  pictured  beneath  it,  and 
4  is  the  sign  q  with  the  Ben-Ik  on  top  of  it.  In  the  second 
group  5  is  the  same  as  1,  6  is  the  cross  b,  and  7  and  8  are  the 
hieroglyphs  for  A. 

2c  contains  the  following  Tonalamatl: — 


20 


X  17  I  15  III 

There  are  illustrations  for  only  the  first  two  of 
the  three  subdivisions;  the  two  figures  composing 
them  are  engaged  in  the  occupation  mentioned 
under  2b.  At  the  left  sits  a  deity,  who  is  probably 
E,  whose  head  develops  into  a  second,  which  is 
that  of  an  animal;  on  the  right  sits  the  god  D. 

The  three  groups  of  four  hieroglyphs  each  are  arranged  as 
follows : — 


III 

Oc 

Ik 

lx 

Cimi 

Ezanab 


9 

10 

11 

12. 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


59 


Of  these  hieroglyphs  1,  5  and  9  are  the  head  already  num¬ 
bered  1  and  5  on  2b;  2,  6  and  10  are  the  cross  b;  3,7  and  11  are 
three  different  heads,  all,  as  it  seems,  having  the  Akbal  sign, 
and  1 1  having  also  the  numeral  6.  4  is  again  (see  5  on  2a  above) 

the  Kan-Imix  sign,  8  a  Kin  with  suffix  (the  east?)  and  the 
numeral  16  as  prefix;  finally  12  is  Cimi  (A).  Do  the  numbers 
16  and  6  refer  to  the  16th  and  6th  of  the  17  and  15  days  standing 
below  them?  The  beginning  of  this  Tonalamatl  III  Oc  seems 
to  me  to  fall  on  an  especially  auspicious  day  (hieroglyph  a). 

2d  has  the  following  Tonalamatl : — 

XIII  28  II  24  XIII 

Lamat  This  refers  probably  to  the  section  devoted  to 

Ahau  women,  pages  13-23.  For  the  picture  on  the  left 

Eb  is  a  woman  sitting  and  holding  an  unknown  object 

Kan  in  one  hand;  on  her  right  stands  the  death-god  A 

Cib.  holding  in  his  hands  what  may  be  an  apron  or 

breech-clout;  there  is  a  similar  representation  in  Cod.  Tro.  29*b. 

The  hieroglyphs  are 

12  5  6 
3  4  7  8. 

Of  these  1,  6  and  8  are  one  of  the  signs  of  A,  7  another,  and 
4  may  be  a  third,  recalling  the  Moan,  which,  as  on  page  14c, 
rests  on  a  hand  held  beneath  it.  2  and  5  seem  to  signify  a 
carpet  or  other  fabric  (or  a  lying-in  bed?),  on  the  one  hand 
suggesting  the  occupation  of  the  figures  in  2b  and  2c,  and  on 
the  other  the  checkered  hieroglyph,  which  is  so  common  in  the 
Palenque  inscriptions.  Finally  3  is  the  woman  pictured  be¬ 
neath. 

Page  3. 

We  come  now  to  the  sacrificial  scene  proper,  which  practi¬ 
cally  fills  the  upper  half  of  the  page.  The  victim,  a  woman, 
lies  bound  hand  and  foot,  on  the  sacrificial  stone,  just  as  in  the 
Cortes.  41-42;  the  incision  above  the  stomach  is  already  made 
and  the  eyes  are  closed.  Behind  her  rises  the  tree  of  life  with  a 
bird  (vulture?)  sitting  in  its  branches,  which  holds  in  its  bill  one 
end  of  an  object,  resembling  a  ribbon  (entrails)  issuing  from  the 
eyes  of  the  victim,  just  as  in  Tro.  26*a  and  27*a. 


60 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


This  picture  is  surrounded  by  four  gods,  who,  however,  dif¬ 
fer  very  much  from  the  other  four  in  the  second  sacrificial  scene, 
page  34a.  At  the  right  above  is  K,  who,  I  think,  is  the  storm- 
god;  the  figure  at  the  left  above  is  almost  entirely  destroyed,  and 
its  hieroglyph  wholly;  I  prefer  to  consider  it  a  rain  deity,  so  that 
these  two  gods  shall  signify  the  productive  season.  The  two 
gods  below  may  refer  to  the  blessing  upon  the  harvest  and  chase 
resulting  from  the  season  and  the  sacrifice.  For,  at  the  left 
below,  we  see  the  maize  deity  E,  holding  a  dish  of  fruit,  while  her 
head-ornament  contains  a  second  head.  At  the  right  below  sits 
the  serpent  deity  II  and  in  front  of  him  is  an  animal  with  the 
noose  still  around  its  neck,  with  which  it  was  caught. 

The  hieroglyphs  are  in  the  following  order: — 


12  5  6 

3  4  7  8 

17  18 

19  20 


9  10  13  14 

11  12  15  16 

21  22 
23  24. 


Of  these,  1-5  are  wholly  effaced  and  also  the  most  essential  part 
of  6. 

Of  these  hieroglyphs  four  (1-4,  13-16,  17-20  and  21-24) 
clearly  belong  to  each  of  the  four  deities,  for  15,  18,  and  22  (the 
last  again  with  the  dot  between  two  crosses  as  on  page  2a)  cer¬ 
tainly  belong  to  the  picture.  From  this  it  seems  to  follow  that 
Hieroglyphs  5  to  12  refer  to  the  sacrifice  itself.  As  a  matter  of 
fact  9  and  11,  which  are  directly  above  the  sacrifice,  also  refer 
particularly  to  that  part  of  the  representation. 

I  wish  also  to  call  special  attention  to  the  two  signs  8  and  16 
which  seem  to  correspond  to  one  another.  They  are  the  two 
which  I  have  designated  with  q  and  a,  which  are  met  with  here 
for  the  first  time  (aside  from  the  q  with  the  Ben-Ik,  which  is  not 
in  question  here)  and  which,  I  think,  denote  the  good  and  evil 
days,  q  referring  to  the  sacrifice  and  a  to  its  results. 

In  regard  to  the  rest  of  these  hieroglyphs,  7  and  9  are  Cimi ; 
10, 14,  17  and  24  the  cross  b  and  11  and  23  the  hieroglyph  c.  12 
is  the  head  with  the  Alcbal  eye,  having  for  its  prefix  the  uplifted 
arm,  which  is  joined  thus  to  the  most  diverse  signs,  and  which 
also  occurs  in  the  Tro-Cort.  13  is  a  similiar  head,  19  again  Kan- 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


61 


Imix,  20  the  sign  o  and  21  a  hieroglyph,  which  is  without  doubt  a 
simplified  head. 

Here,  too,  we  have  a  Tonalamatl,and  one  beginning  on  an  es¬ 
pecially  ceremonial  day  I  Ahau,  which  seems  to  play  the  same 
role  in  celestial  affairs  as  IV  Ahau  does  in  terrestrial  matters. 
On  the  sacrificial  stone  we  read  the  days  Ahau,  Eb,  Kan,  Cib  and 
Lamat,  and  I  think  it  likely  that  the  same  days  occur  in  the  pas¬ 
sage  of  the  Cortes,  referred  to  above;  the  passage  evidently  con¬ 
tains  some  errors.  The  subdivisions  of  this  Tonalamatl  are  not 
known  to  us,  for  here  the  manuscript  is  somewhat  confused.  I 
propose  to  read  it  as  follows: — 

I  10  XI  4  II  15  IV  9  XIII  14  I, 
but  Cyrus  Thomas,  “Aids,”  p.  294,  has 

I  4  V  8  XIII  11  XI  15  XIII  14  I. 

Either  reading  is  dubious.  The  scribe  divided  the  lower 
half  of  page  3  into  two  parts,  and  drew  in  each  the  outline  of 
five  days;  but  then  he  saw  that,  to  continue  his  work,  he 
needed  a  long  surface  extending  from  left  to  right,  and  he 
therefore  omitted  filling  in  these  two  sections. 

Pages  4  a  — 10  a. 

We  have  here  a  normal  Tonalamatl,  which,  however,  w'as  evi¬ 
dently  meant  by  the  author  to  serve  a  very  special  purpose,  since 
he  divided  the  first  section  of  52  days  into  no  less  than  20  parts 
of  2,  3  or  4  days.  I  give  the  following  arrangement  here,  remark¬ 
ing,  at  the  same  time,  that  in  one  doubtful  case  (between  the 
third  and  fourth  groups)  I  deviate  from  my  former  plan: — 

X  2,  XII 4,  III  3,  VI  2,  VIII  4,  XII 2,  12,  III  4,  VII  2, 
IX  2,  XI  2,  XIII  4,  IV  2,  VI  3,  IX  2,  XI  3,  I  2,  III  3, 
VI  2,  VIII  2,  X. 

Since  the  five  sections  on  page  4a  begin  with  the  days  Imix 
Ben,  Chicchan,  Caban,  and  Muluc,  we  have  resulting  from  this 
and  from  the  intervals  specified,  the  following  days : — 

X  Imix,  XII  Akbal,  III  Manik,  VI  Oc,  VIII  Eb,  XII  Cib, 
I  Ezanab,  III  Ahau,  VII  Kan,  IX  Cimi,  XI  Lamat,  XIII  Oc, 
IV IX,  VI  Cib,  IX  Cauac,  XI  Imix,  I  Kan,  III  Cimi, 
VI  Muluc,  VIII  Chuen,  X  Ben. 


62 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


Now,  however,  in  the  ‘  ‘  Globus,  ’  ’  Vol.  LXXIII,  in  my  two 
articles  entitled  “Die  Tagegotter  der  Mayas,”  I  have  ex¬ 
pressed  the  opinion  that  there  is  good  reason  to  believe  that 
the  scribe  has  made  a  grave  mistake  here. 

I  assume  that  the  scribe  simply  transferred  the  so-called 
month  days  from  the  year  just  past  to  the  year  in  which  he  was 
writing, in  doing  which  they  were, of  course,  moved  five  days  on 
(since  365  =  20  X  18  -f-  5) ,  but  he  did  not  bear  in  mind,  that  the 
pictures  and  the  hieroglyphs  could  then  no  longer  correspond. 
Hence  the  days  must  be  not 

Imix,  Akbal,  Manik,  Oc,  Eb,  Cib,  Ezanab,  Ahau,  Kan, 
Cimi,  Lamat,  Oc,  lx,  Cib,  Cauac,  Imix,  Kan,  Cimi,  Muluc, 
Chuen,  Ben, 
but 

Cib,  Ezanab,  Ik,  Chicchan,  Manik,  Chuen,  Ben,  Men, 
Cauac,  Imix,  Akbal,  Chicchan,  Muluc,  Chuen,  lx,  Cib,  Cauac. 
Imix,  Kan,  Cimi,  Lamat. 

Let  us  now  consider  the  20  groups,  disregarding  the  first 
(really  zero)  which  has  no  figure  and  no  hieroglyphs.  We  will 
leave  out  of  the  question  also  the  first  two  hieroglyphs  of  each 
group,  which  are  the  same  twenty  times  and  form,  as  it  were, 
merely  a  superscription,  in  which  the  first  sign  is  a  head,  also 
occurring  elsewhere  (4b-5b) ,  with  suffix  and  affix,  and  the  second 
is  the  hieroglyph  i,  which  might  readily  denote  a  sacrifice. 
Thus  only  the  usual  four  signs  remain  for  each  picture. 

1.  Day  15  =  Ezanab;  Aztec  Tecpatl,  flint,  lance  point. 
The  figure  of  the  god  does  not  correspond  with  this  at  all;  it 
is  a  god  in  a  gala  cloak,  holding  before  him  a  serpent  and  bearing 
a  quetzal  bird  on  his  back.  This  figure,  which  resembles  none 
other  in  our  manuscript,  strongly  recalls  Kukulcan,  who,  in 
fact,  is  often  placed  by  the  scribes  at  the  head  of  the  20  Maya 
gods  (cf.  Dres.  36)  in  which  manner  he  appears  in  this 
place  quite  without  reference  to  the  day  and  the  hieroglyphs. 
In  this  interpretation  I  follow"  Seler,  in  the  main,  wffio  in  his 
treatise  “  Quetzalcouatl-Kukulcan  in  Yucatan”  (1898)  ex¬ 
presses  this  opinion  on  page  403  of  the  separate  edition.  But 
possibly  the  ear-ornament  may  refer  to  Ezanab.  Of  the  hiero- 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


63 


glyphs,  1  and  2  are  the  familiar  sign  of  the  serpent  deities  H  or  I f 
though  here  they  are  not  drawn  exactly  alike.  They  also 
appear  together  on  page  6a.  3  (  =  r)  I  think  is  the  sign  for  the 
week  of  13  days,  which  recurs  in  groups  5,  11,  14  and  16,  and 
hence  is  distributed  4  times,  though  not  regularly,  among  the 
4  X  13  days.  Sign  4  is  the  death  bird. 

2.  Day  19  =  Ik;  Aztec  Ehecatl,  wind,  air,  breath.  The 
deity  pictured  is  B,  the  god  who  is  found  the  most  frequently, 
and  with  the  most  varied  attributes,  of  all  the  gods  in  our 
manuscript.  He  is  the  god  proper  of  breathing  and  living  and 
was,  perhaps,  the  local  god  in  the  region  where  this  manu¬ 
script  originated.  The  second  hieroglyph  is  his  sign;  the  first, 
with  a  prefixed  9,  is  p  the  third  q  and  the  fourth  a  with  the 
usual  3  before  it;  their  relations  to  B  are  still  unknown. 

3.  Day  3  =  Cimi;  Aztec  Miquiztli,  death.  The  deity  with 
a  black  line  about  the  mouth  is  certainly  the  bald-headed  old 
god  N,  whom  we  shall  find  on  pages  12c,  14b,  17a,  21c,  and  37a. 
His  hands  are  much  deformed;  perhaps  indicating  the  bite  of  a 
serpent?  Of  the  hieroglyphs,  1,  2  and  4  are  effaced;  3  is  surely 
the  sign  of  the  god,  differing,  it  is  true,  from  his  usual  hieroglyph, 
but  recurring  with  a  4  also  on  pages  21c  and  24.  This  4  might 
refer  to  the  four  kinds  of  years,  but  here,  perhaps,  to  the  fourth 
of  the  five  Uayeyab  days,  and  would  thus  agree  with  the  24th 
day  of  Cumku,  which  should  lie  here  (in  the  year  9  Kan),  if  I 
have  begun  the  Tonalamatl  correctly. 

4.  Day  4  =  Manik;  Aztec  Mazatl.  The  significance  is  stag 
or  roe,  game  or  the  chase.  The  first  picture  on  page  5  is  one 
of  the  forms  of  F,  which  seems  to  stand  here  not  merely  for 
human  sacrifice,  but  also  for  war  and  the  chase,  and  especially 
for  the  act  of  killing  in  general.  Of  the  hieroglyphs,  unfor¬ 
tunately  only  the  fourth  can  be  read  in  full  (the  sign  c) ,  the 
upper  part  of  the  second  is  the  cross  b  and  the  lower  part  the 
sign  Ahau;  the  number  11,  which  is  peculiar  to  the  god  F, 
probably  stood  before  the  second  sign.  Did  this  god  rule  the 
eleventh  of  the  13  months  of  28  days,  as  Moan  ruled  the  thir¬ 
teenth? 


64 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


5.  Day  8  =  Chuen;  Aztec  Ozomat.li,  ape,  then  probabty  the 
constellation  of  Ursa  Minor,  and  hence  belonging  to  the  god  C. 
The  figure  is  unquestionably  his,  and  the  first  hieroglyph  is 
surely  his  sign.  The  other  three  are  the  familiar  a,  o  and  r. 

6.  Day  10  =  Ben;  Aztec  Acatl,  the  fundamental  signifi¬ 
cance  of  which  is  reed,  rush,  etc.  The  connection  between  this 
day  and  the  god  B  pictured  here  must  be  left  undecided.  Of  the 
hieroglyphs,  the  first  points  rather  to  the  sun-god  G,  the  second, 
with  the  numeral  7  as  a  prefix,  is  entirely  destroyed,  the  third 
is  the  sign  u,  and  the  fourth,  which  is  half  obliterated,  was  q. 

7.  Day  12  —  Men;  Aztec  Quauhtli,  eagle.  The  figure  to 
which  the  first  hieroglyph  with  the  numeral  11  belongs,  is  a 
form  of  the  god  F,  but  has  the  nose-ornament  of  the  sun-god  G. 
Hieroglyph  2,  which  we  shall  find  again  on  22c,  may  refer  espec¬ 
ially  to  the  eagle;  the  third  is  the  sign  of  the  day  Caban  with  a 
prefixed  3,  and  the  fourth  is  the  sign  o. 

8.  Day  16  =  Cauac;  Aztec  Quiahuitl.  The  meaning  in 
the  different  languages  points  to  rain,  storm  and  summer,  of 
which  the  tortoise  and  serpent  are  special  symbols.  I  shall  not 
venture  to  decide  positively  upon  the  deity  pictured  here;  per¬ 
haps  the  object  in  his  hand  may  be  a  tortoise;  Seler,  “Quetzal- 
couatl-Kukulcan”  (189S),  p.  403,  cabs  him  the  young  god.  In 
the  hieroglyphs  we  find  the  serpent  sign  Chicchan  twice,  just  as 
in  the  first  group  on  page  4;  then  follow  a  and  Kan-Imix. 

9.  Day  IS  =  Imix;  Aztec  Cipactli.  In  my  treatise  on  the 
< lay-gods,  I  have  referred  to  the  variations  in  the  significance 
of  this  day.  The  Mayas  connected  with  it  the  idea  of  the  female 
breast,  of  drink,  and,  in  particular,  of  the  intoxicating  beverage 
pulque.  The  deity  pictured  here,  which  is  certainly  a  female 
deity,  has  a  kind  of  vessel  in  her  hand,  from  which  the  serpent 
resting  on  her  head  appears  to  be  drinking.  Hieroglyphs  2  and 
4  are  wholly  obliterated,  and  1  partly;  there  is  a  lock  of  hair, 
the  sign  of  femininity,  before  1  and  3.  It  is  to  be  noted  further 
that  3  is  the  sign  of  the  death-god  and  that  the  deity  pictured 
here  has  the  death-sign  on  its  cheek.  Can  tins  possibly  suggest 
deathlike  intoxication? 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


65 


10.  Day  20  =  Akbal ;  Aztec  Calli.  The  meaning  is  that  of 
darkness,  night,  dark  hole,  then  that  of  house  as  an  artificial 
cave  or  as  a  place  of  shelter  at  night.  The  first  picture  on 
page  7,  the  black  deity  L  with  the  beard  fits  admirably  here. 
The  black  paint  still  visible  proves  that  the  first  hieroglyph, 
which  is  almost  effaced,  was  his  sign,  and  the  second  may  be  a 
head  more  definitely  identifying  him.  The  third  was  the  sign 
q,  the  fourth  is  an  Ahau,  perhaps  intimating  that  Akbal  be¬ 
longed  to'the  days  beginning  the  Uinal  sections  of  20  days,  and 
to  the  lords  of  the  same.  In  addition  to  appearing  with  these  5th, 
10th,  15th,  and  20th  days,  an  Ahau  is  found  with  the  1st,  6th, 
11th  and  16th  as  regent  of  the  year,  and  lastly,  but  especially, 
with  the  17th,  which  bears  the  name  Ahau,  and  with  the  god  D 
belonging  to  it. 

11.  Day  2  =  Chicchan;  Aztec  Cohuatl,  serpent.  With 
this  would  agree  also  the  third  and  fourth  hieroglyphs  (the 
latter  r ),  which  are  the  two  we  found  in  the  first  representation 
on  page  4  belonging  to  the  deity  holding  the  serpent.  But 
what  is  the  meaning  hereof  the  dog-head  of  the  figure,  and  of 
the  first  two  hieroglyphs  corresponding  to  it?  And  what  does  this 
creature  hold  in  its  hand?  The  lightning?  The  hieroglyphs 
seem  to  correspond  to  the  seventh  day,  as  if  the  scribe  had 
recognized  his  mistake  and  referred  here  to  the  present  and  not 
to  the  past  year. 

12.  Day  6  =  Muluc;  Aztec  Atl,  water,  cloud.  With  this 
corresponds  the  image  of  the  storm  deity  K  and  his  two  hiero¬ 
glyphs  1  and  2,  the  first  of  which  occurs  frequently,  and  the 
second  is  found  on  pages  20  b  and  47,  while  3  (Ahau)  designates 
the  day  as  regent  of  the  year  and  4  is  the  hieroglyph  a.  The 
curious  sign  2  is  also  given  on  Cort.  32  b. 

13.  Day  8  =  Chuen;  Aztec  Ozomatli,  ape.  There  is  no 
agreement  at  all  here,  but  everything  points  to  the  day  3  lying 
5  days  back,  the  picture  of  the  Cimi  as  well  as  the  hieroglyphs, 
even  the  third  with  the  Akbal  sign  and  the  uplifted  arm  (as  on 
page  36a) ,  also  the  fourth  ( c  )  which  is  generally  thought  to  be 
the  death-bird.  It  even  seems  here  as  if  the  scribe  had  had  the 


iv  5 


66 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


preceding  year  in  mind;  possibly  he  did  not  want  to  repeat  the 
fifth  group. 

14.  Day  11  =  lx;  Aztec  Ocelotl,  jaguar.  Here  there  is  an 
admirable  correspondence  between  the  figure  and  the  first 
hieroglyph,  which  on  page  26,  top,  also  refers  to  the  jaguar 
represented  there;  the  other  three  hieroglyphs  are  r,  Kan-Imix 
and  q. 

15.  Day  13  =  Cib;  Aztec  Cozcaquauhtli,  vulture.  The 
bird  is  actually  pictured  here  and  its  sign  is  the  first  hieroglyph; 
the  third  is  q,  the  second  and  fourth  are  obliterated. 

16.  Day  16  =  Cauac;  Aztec  Quiahuitl,  meaning,  as  in  the 
eighth  group,  rain,  storm,  summer.  The  figure,  the  first  on 
page  9,  seems,  however,  to  indicate  the  day  Ahau,  as  does  also 
the  second  hieroglyph,  which  is  Ahau;  the  first  and  third  are 
effaced  and  the  fourth  is  r.  Perhaps  the  scribe  did  not  wish 
to  repeat  the  eighth  group. 

17.  Day  18  =  Infix;  Aztec  Cipactli,  as  in  the  ninth  group. 
Here  the  allusion  to  pulque  is  still  plainer  than  it  is  there.  The 
picture  is  that  of  a  woman  with  bound  eyes  and  uncertain 
position  of  the  hands,  and  here  too  wdth  the  death-sign,  and  on 
her  head  a  bee  from  whose  honey  the  beverage  was  prepared. 
I  shall  not  venture  to  explain  the  first  two  hieroglyphs;  the 
second  with  uplifted  arm  appears  again  on  page  8c.  The  third 
is  Cimi  and  the  fourth  q. 

18.  Day  1  =  Kan;  Aztec  Cuetzpalin,  denoting  maize  with 
the  Mayas.  The  representation  consists  of  the  maize  deity 
with  the  Kan  sign  on  her  head,  the  first  hieroglyph  is  hers,  then 
follows  Kan-Imix,  which  I  am  inclined  to  interpret  as  meaning 
a  meal,  next  the  sign  a  and  finally  a  head,  which  is  uncommon 
and  undetermined,  with  the  leaf-shaped  prefix  as  on  pages  4c, 
6c,  9c,  34b,  61a,  67b  and  69  a. 

19.  Day  3  =  Cimi;  Aztec  Miquiztli,  death.  The  first 
figure  on  page  10  is  a  deity  with  the  head  of  the  death-bird 
Moan  and  above  the  head  is  the  death-sign.  As  has  long  been 
known,  the  first  and  third  hieroglyphs  unquestionably  belong 
to  this  god,  also  the  fourth  with  the  Akbal  sign  agrees  with  it, 
and  the  second  likewise  recalls  the  Moan. 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


67 


20.  Day  5  =  Lamat;  Aztec  Tochtli,  meaning  rabbit  in  the 
latter  language.  Neither  the  figure,  which  represents  Cimi, 
death,  nor  the  corresponding  hieroglyphs,  excepting  the  second 
one,  agree  with  this  day.  This  second  hieroglyph  has  both  in 
front  and  above  it  the  number  6.  Two  numbers  added  thus 
to  the  common  Uinal  sign  usually  designate  the  Uinal  period 
plus  days,  as  is  so  very  common  on  the  inscriptions,  so  that  the 
sign  appearing  here  would  denote  6  X  20  +  6  =  126  days.  The 
hieroglyph  here,  however,  is  not  the  usual  sign  for  20  days.  On 
the  contrary,  it  has  in  the  centre  a  straight  line  and  on  either 
side  of  it  a  parallel  line  ending  in  a  little  knob  (or  loop?).  I  pro¬ 
pose  to  regard  these  lines  as  representing  the  ecliptic  and  the 
moon,  which  takes  its  course  now  to  the  north  and  now  to  the 
south  of  the  ecliptic,  and  the  sign  as  a  whole  as  signifying  the 
lunar  month  of  28  days.  This  is  confirmed  on  pages  51,  55,  56 
and  57.  In  that  case  this  hieroglyph  would  denote  6  X  28+6  = 
174  days. 

Now  bear  in  mind  that  in  this  passage  the  day  X  Lamat, 
which  equals  the  Aztec  Tochtli,  is  referred  to. 

In  the  year  named  after  this  day,  and  indeed  on  the  174th 
day  of  the  same  (1  Cipactli),  in  February  1502,  the  emperor 
Ahuitzotzin  died;  compare  especially  Brinton,  "Essays  of  an 
Americanist"  (1890),  pp.  274-283. 

Should  this  association  in  our  manuscript  of  Cimi  =  death, 
X  Tochtli  and  the  numeral  174,  be  considered  accidental?  Or 
did  the  scribe,  writing  in  the  year  after  the  event,  actually 
record  it  in  the  year  1503  and,  departing  from  his  real  subject, 
immortalize  it  in  this  place  at  the  end  of  the  greatest  Tonala- 
matl?  I  will  not  refrain  from  expressing  the  conjecture  I  have 
long  entertained,  though  I  am  quite  prepared  for  differences 
of  opinion. 

Seler  attempts  to  explain  this  series  of  20  gods  in  another 
way;  see  his  "Monumente  von  Gopan  und  Quirigua"  (1899), 
p.  729.  (Cf.  his  collected  papers  p.  781.) 

Pages  4  b  — 5  b. 

It  is  my  opinion  that  the  Tonalamatl  just  now  discussed 
connects  with  another,  which  is  recorded  directly  below  the 


68 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


beginning  of  the  first,  and  which  also  differs  from  all  the  other 
ordinary  Tonalamatls.  It  likewise  divides  the  first  52  days 
into  a  large  number  of  small  parts  (14)  and  has  the  following 
form,  if  we  adopt  Seler’s  correction  in  the  last  member: — 

XII  4  III  4  VII  4  XI  3  14  V  3  VIII  4  XII  3 
II  6  VIII  3  XI  4  II  4  VI  4  X  2  XII 
lx  The  two  days  Ik  and  Oc  should  be  read  Oc  and 

Cimi  Ik.  There  is  only  one  picture  here : — a  scaly  green 

Ezanab  monster  with  the  head  of  the  principal  god  D. 
Ik  There  are  six  hieroglyphs  on  its  body,  the  first  is 

Oc.  that  of  Eb  and  the  second  that  of  Cimi,  the  fourth 

is  the  sign  c.  The  others  I  shall  not  venture  to  determine. 

According  to  a  conjecture  expressed  verbally  by  Dieseldorff, 
this  figure  may  represent  the  god  who  continually  recreates 
himself.  We  are  reminded  here  of  the  two-headed  serpent  (Seler, 
“Tonalamatl  der  Aubinschen  Sammlung,  ”  1900,  pp.  65-66). 
There  are  two  rows  of  hierglyphs  above  the  monster,  the  upper 
contains  8  and  the  second  6,  but  the  second  hieroglyph  in  the 
upper  row  belongs  in  the  lower.  Thus  there  are  14  hieroglyphs 
corresponding  to  the  subdivisions  noted  above. 

The  upper  seven  signs  are  all  alike  and  are  also  identical  with 
the  one,  which,  in  the  great  Tonalamatl,  recorded  above,  begins 
the  heading  of  all  the  20  groups;  this  likewise  points  to  a  close 
connection  between  the  two  Tonalamatls. 

The  remaining  7  hieroglyphs  should  be  considered  as  only  6, 
for  it  is  improbable  that  C  occurs  twice  in  this  series.  They 
are  the  gods  D,  C,  H.  X,  A  and  B,  to  which  perhaps  an  E  or  F 
or  G  is  to  be  mentally  added  in  place  of  the  second  C.  They  are 
all  principal  gods  with  the  exception  of  N  (as  always,  according 
to  Schellhas’s  nomenclature).  This  X,  an  old  man,  denotes, 
as  it  seems,  the  five  Uayevab  days  at  the  end  of  the  year,  as  he 
does  also  on  page  21c.  This  sign  with  the  number  4  has  already 
been  seen  on  page  4a.  If  in  4b  this  sign  signifies  the  last  day 
of  the  year,  then  this  Tonalamatl  falls  in  the  year  XIII  Kan. 
The  sign  5  Zac  also  appears  in  the  Tro-Cort.,  e.g.,  Cort.  29  c, 
Tro.  9*b  and  28*b. 

Now  I  shall  proceed  to  examine  all  that  has  not  yet  been 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


69 


discussed  to  the  end  of  page  12,  taking  up  first  the  remain¬ 
der  of  sections  a  and  b  and  then  all  those  of  4c-12c. 

Pages  10  a  — 12  a. 

XI  12  X  8  V  12  IV  8  XII  12  XI 
Lamat  The  period  of  52  days  is  thus  divided  into  five 

Ahau  sections  of  12  and  8  days  each,  alternating  regu- 

Eb  larly.  A  deity  and  four  hieroglyphs  belong  to  each 

Kan  of  these  sections,  viz: — 

Cib. 

1.  D  sitting,  with  his  right  hand  pointing  upward  and  his 
left  downward;  on  his  head  is  the  Akbal  sign  as  on  page  15c. 
The  hieroglyphs  are  destroyed  with  the  exception  of  the  third, 
which  is  the  sign  of  D  (Ahau) .  The  fact  that  the  12  days  happen 
to  end  with  the  day  belonging  to  D  (Ahau)  is  accidental. 

2.  R,  a  human  figure  with  the  head  of  the  Moan  (as  on 
page  7c  and  10a)  and  with  the  copal  pouch  around  his  neck. 
Of  the  hieroglyphs  only  the  fourth,  one  of  the  common  signs  of 
Moan  (c),  is  legible. 

3.  H,  or,  according  to  Seler,  “the  young  god,”  as  on  12b 
and  14b,  with  nose-peg  and  copal  pouch.  On  his  (her?)  head 
sits  a  bird  with  an  object,  which  I  do  not  recognize,  in  its  bill; 
compare  page  12b.  Of  the  hieroglyphs,  the  first  is  destroyed, 
the  second  is  the  unmistakable  sign  of  H,  the  fourth  is  the 
common  a,  and  the  third  I  cannot  as  yet  decipher. 

4.  A,  with  the  usual  design  issuing  from  his  mouth  (the 
expiring  breath  of  life?) .  Of  the  hieroglyphs,  the  first  is  a  double 
Manik  with  prefixes,  which  probably  denotes  violent  death; 
the  other  three  are  very  common  symbols  of  A. 

5.  E,  holding  a  vessel  containing  plants  (agave?)  and  with 
the  cross  b  on  his  head-ornament.  The  first  hieroglyph  is  an 
unexplained  compound  design  apparently  referring  to  the 
Moan,  an  Imix  and  two  prefixes,  the  second  is  the  monogram  of 
E,  whom  the  third  hieroglyph,  Imix-Kan,  designates  as  dispens¬ 
ing  nourishment,  and  the  fourth,  Ahau,  as  a  leading  deity. 

Page  12  a. 

The  scribe  evidently  wishing  to  carry  out  his  material  in 
some  conclusive  form  in  the  top,  middle  and  bottom  sections  of 


70 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


page  12,  found  insufficient  space  in  the  top  section.  He,  there¬ 
fore,  condensed  two  independent  unconnected  Tonalamatls,  by- 
arranging  them  in  such  a  manner,  that  the  period  of  52  days 
was  divided,  for  the  sake  of  brevity,  into  only  two  parts,  viz: — 

VIII  27  (IX)  25  (VIII) 

Ahau  Oc 

Eb  Ik  I  have  supplied  the  two  numbers 

Kan  lx  enclosed  in  parentheses;  they  are 

Cib  Cimi  wanting  in  the  Manuscript. 

Lamat  Ezanab. 

The  hieroglyphs  12  5 

3  4  6 

7 

8 

are  sufficient  for  the  two  figures  one  expects  to  see  here;  but 
they  are,  in  fact,  intended  for  four  figures — two  for  each  of 
the  two  Tonalamatls.  For  the  first  of  the  two  Tonalamatls 
we  have  only  one  figure,  God  K,  who,  however,  from  the  dish 
held  in  his  hand,  probably  containing  honey  (compare  10b), 
seems  to  stand  here  also  in  place  of  E.  In  agreement  with 
this,  Hieroglyph  2  and  probably  also  1  (  s,  which  occurs  again 
on  page  13a,  and  also  on  page  10b)  refers  to  K,  while  3  clearly 
refers  to  E  and  4  is  the  sign  a.  Hieroglyphs  5-8  belong  to  the 
second  of  the  two  Tonalamatls.  The  first  two  of  these  hiero¬ 
glyphs,  which  are  entirely  erased,  refer  to  an  unknown  deity, 
and  the  last  two  unquestionably  relate  to  A. 

Pages  5  b  — 6  b. 

I  16  IV  9  XIII  25  XII  2  I 

Manilc 

Cauac 

Chuen 

Akbal 

Men. 

Four  hieroglyphs  belong  to  each  of  the  four  subdivisions: — 
1  2  5  6  9  10  13  14 

3  4  7  8  11  12  15  16. 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


71 


These  four  parts,  however,  form  a  whole,  inasmuch  as  they 
all  relate  to  making  fire,  as  it  is  also  represented  in  the  Troano 
6,  19  and  14*c.  Hence  the  upper  row  of  hieroglyphs  contains 
signs  which  are  repeated.  1,  5  and  9  are  the  same  head,  the 
last  two  cases  have  the  sign  for  darkness  (Akbal);  this  Akbal 
appears  again  in  the  parallel  passages  of  the  Tro.  and  in  13  it  is 
somewhat  enlarged  simply  owing  to  the  absence  of  a  head. 
The  act  of  making  fire  seems  to  be  denoted  here  rather  by  the 
second  sign  (2,  6,  10,  14),  which  I  designate  by  k  and  which, 
originally,  doubtless  consisted  of  two  hands  (double  Manik  sign) ; 
the  prefix  is  the  same  in  6  and  14,  and  different  in  2  and  10. 

The  eight  lower  hieroglyphs  are  merely  the  monograms  of 
the  four  gods  making  the  fire.  The  first  deity  is  F,  the  second 
either  A  or  one  of  the  black  deities  L  or  M,  the  third  D  and  the 
fourth  apparently  F  again,  but  conceived  as  feminine.  In  the 
third  picture  there  is  a  second  object,  apparently  a  head  (ofD?), 
below  the  piece  of  wood  in  which  the  fire-stick  is  being  whirled. 
Hieroglyph  11  belonging  to  this  deity  has  an  Akbal  as  a  prefix. 


Pages  6  b  — 7  b. 

X  13  X  13  X  13  X  13  X 

Kan  This  Tonalamatl  is  divided,  by  way  of  excep- 

Cib  tion,  into  four  equal  parts,  which  all  begin  with 

Lamat  the  same  week  day  X. 

Ahau  Here  too,  as  in  the  preceding  Tonalamatl,  there 

Eb.  are  four  subdivisions,  and  also  16  hieroglyphs 

arranged  in  the  same  way.  And  here  too  the  upper  line  is  a 
condensation  of  the  whole,  the  same  two  signs  being  repeated 
four  times.  The  first  of  these  is  q,  which  is  still  a  problem  and 
which  occurs  inverted  also  on  Cort.  20d-21d  (where  there  are 
figures  with  bird-heads) ;  there  too  it  is  the  characteristic  hiero¬ 
glyph.  The  second,  however,  is  again  the  double  Manik  sign 
referring  to  activity  of  some  kind,  as  in  the  preceding  Tona¬ 
lamatl.  But  the  occupation  of  the  four  deities  represented 
here  is  of  very  different  kinds  and  altogether  problematical. 
E,  conceived  as  feminine,  occupies  the  first  place,  with  a  Kan 
sign  on  her  head  and  holding  in  her  hand  a  vessel  exactly  like 


72 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


the  one  held  by  the  figure  just  above  on  the  same  page.  The 
third  hieroglyph  is  hers  and  the  fourth  is  the  sign  a. 

The  second  figure  is  A  with  a  hook-shaped  object  hanging 
around  his  neck.  His  hands  also  seem  to  be  deformed,  as  are 
those  of  the  third  and  fifth  figures  of  the  great  Tonalamatl 
(on  pages  4  and  5).  His  two  hieroglyphs  are  among  those 
usually  belonging  to  him. 

The  third  god  is  D  sitting,  by  way  of  exception,  on  some 
object  (stone?).  Something  resembling  the  pestle  of  an  ordi¬ 
nary  mortar  is  hanging  down  in  front  of  his  headdress,  and  he  is 
holding  a  very  similar  object  to  his  mouth.  His  two  hieroglyphs 
are  also  those  which  usually  refer  to  him. 

The  most  striking  figure  is  that  of  the  fourth  god,  whom  I 
do  not  recognize.  He  seems  to  be  attracting  to  himself  a  bird 
flying  down  from  above,  whose  bill  almost  touches  his  mouth. 
His  hieroglyph  has  the  sign  Yax  (strength)  for  a  prefix  and  the 
fourth  hieroglyph  is  c. 

Page  8  b. 

VIII  26  VIII  26  VIII 
Manik 

Cauac  Again  we  have  a  Tonalamatl  divided  into  equal 

Chuen  parts,  this  time,  however,  into  but  twro,  and  it  seems 
Akbal  thus  to  be  closely  connected  with  the  preceding. 

Men. 

While  hitherto  four  hieroglyphs  have  usually  belonged  to 
each  figure,  we  find  here  ten  in  all  and  in  the  following  order:  — 

12  5  6 

3  4  7  8 

9 

10. 

There  are  two  figures  here,  which  stand  in  some  relation  to 
one  another,  —  two  persons  sitting  facing  each  other.  The 
one  at  the  left  is  certainly  U,  the  one  at  the  right  can  hardly 
be  the  old  woman,  whom  Schellhas  designates  with  O,  but 
rather  N,  the  old  god  of  the  Uayeyab  days.  The  former  seems 
to  be  about  to  take  something  from  the  hand  of  the  latter.  I 
surmise  that  it  is  one  of  the  prophetic  weaving  implements. 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


73 


which  we  found  on  page  2.  The  two  hieroglyphs  e  and  h  must 
refer  to  this;  they  are  repeated,  as  usual,  in  the  two  groups, 
e  in  places  2  and  8,  and  h  in  1  and  6. 

Signs  3  and  4  refer  unquestionably  to  D  and  hence  5  and  7 
(the  first  q  with  Ben-Ik,  and  the  latter  unknown)  must  be  the 
designation  of  the  person  sitting  on  the  right.  We  shall  meet 
the  latter  sign  again  on  pages  15b  and  18a,  with  the  same  person, 
and  on  pages  27a  and  39b  with  entirely  different  persons.  Sign 
7  is  an  object,  which  also  appears  on  15b  and  18a,  held  in  the 
hands  of  women  and  may  denote  some  special  sacrificial  offer¬ 
ing;  on  9b  Kan-Imix  appears  in  place  of  this  sign,  and  on  39b 
beside  it.  It  should  be  noted  that  sign  7  stands  here  in  exactly 
the  same  proximity  to  1  and  6  as  on  page  27a. 

The  hieroglyphs  9  and  10  stand  outside  the  two  groups,  and 
since,  as  we  know,  they  belong  to  the  god  A,  this  prophecy  must 
concern  death,  as  is  more  clearly  indicated  by  the  corresponding 
hieroglyphs  on  page  9b. 

Page  9  b. 

Here,  for  the  first  time  in  this  manuscript,  we  have  a  Tona- 
lamatl  in  which  the  260  days  are  not  divided  into  five  fifths  of 
52  days  each,  but  into  four  quarters  of  65  days.  This  may  be 
represented  as  follows,  if  we  supply  the  III,  which  is  wanting 
at  the  beginning: — 

III  33  X  32  III 
Muluc 

lx  In  the  first  place,  the  close  connection  of  this 

Cauac  Tonalamatl  with  that  recorded  on  page  8b,  just 
Kan.  now  discussed,  is  striking,  for 

1.  Here  too  we  find  a  division  into  two  equal  parts  is  in¬ 
tended,  but  which,  of  course,  as  the  number  is  65,  cannot  be 
mathematically  exact. 

2.  Here  too  we  not  only  find  10  hieroglyphs,  but  we  find 
them  in  the  same  order  as  on  page  8b,  and  here  too  the  sign  e 
stands  in  places  2  and  8,  and  h  in  1  and  6;  again  3,  4  and  9  are 
exactly  the  same  hieroglyphs  here  as  there,  so  that  only  5,  7  and 
10  are  different. 


74 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


3.  The  picture  is  again  that  of  two  persons  sitting  facing 
each  other.  Here  D  sits  on  the  right  and  facing  him  is  the 
grain  deity  E.  D  is  speaking  to  E  as  is  indicated  by  the  sign 
before  his  face  and  by  the  position  of  his  right  hand.  The 
signs  belonging  to  E  are  Hieroglyphs  5  and  7,  while  those  of  D 
are  ,  3^  and  4.  It  seems,  therefore,  that  D  is  announcing  to  E 
the  prophecy  contained  in  the  preceding  Tonalamatl. 

4.  Two  hieroglyphs,  9  and  10,  are  again  added,  both  relat¬ 
ing  to  death — 9  to  god  A  and  10  to  F. 

Now  what  especially  distinguishes  this  passage  from  the 
preceding  one,  is  the  fact  that  the  four  days  are  the  so-called 
regents  of  the  year,  Muluc,  lx,  Cauac  and  Kan,  above  which, 
perhaps  to  emphasize  this  circumstance,  there  is  a  particularly 
elaborate  Ahau.  Seler  (“Einiges  mehr  liber  die  Monumente 
von  Copan  und  Quirigud, ’ ’  p.  210),  however,  thinks  that  this 
sign  is  the  hieroglyph  for  the  numeral  three,  which  should  stand 
here. 

The  fact  that  the  tenth  sign,  which  is  the  last,  is  13  Moan  in 
the  preceding  Tonalamatl,  while  here  it  is  11  F,  will  be  of  special 
significance  in  deciding  the  interpretation. 

Page  10b. 

The  manuscript  gives  the  following: — 

XIII  22  III  22 

Oc  This  cannot  be  correct,  for  22  -(-  22  is  not  52, 

Ik  and  from  XIII  to  III  is  not  22  days,  while  the  last 

lx  Roman  numeral  is  wanting.  I,  therefore,  propose 

Cimi  to  make  a  6  of  the  numeral  2,  which  occurs  twice, 

Ezanab.  by  changing  the  lower  dot  into  a  line,  and  to  change 
the  III  into  a  XIII  by  the  addition  of  two  lines.  This  gives  the 
series  the  form  XIII  26  XIII  26  XIII.  Then  by  its  division 
into  three  equal  parts,  this  Tonalamatl  accords  with  the  three 
preceding  ones,  which  it  also  resembles  in  other  respects.  For 
here  too  we  find  two  persons  pictured;  this  time,  however,  they 
do  not  face  each  other,  but  are  placed  one  behind  the  other. 
The  first  is  B,  the  god  of  life  strictly  speaking,  the  second  is  F, 
who  is  represented  by  his  hieroglyph  in  the  preceding  Tonala- 


/ 


DRESDEN  CODEX.  '  75 

matl,  and  who  is  the  god  of  the  chase  and  probably  of  death 
by  violence.  Both  hold  offerings  in  their  hands,  which  have 
been  presented  to  them,  and  this  also  seems  to  be  suggested  by 
the  two  pendent  copal  pouches.  The  dish  in  B ’s  hand  probably 
contains  honey,  while  F  holds  a  plant  (agave?) — the  very  same 
articles,  which  we  find  on  page  12a  in  the  hands  of  other  gods. 
It  looks  as  if  the  gods  had  been  propitiated  and  as  if  this  were 
the  conclusion  of  a  drama  running  through  four  Tonalamatls. 
Again  the  two  death-hieroglyphs,  which  were  added  on  pages 
8  and  9,  are  wanting  here,  and  we  find  only  the  usual  eight  signs: — 
12  5  6 

3  4  7  8. 

Of  these,  1,  2  and  5,  6  are  the  usual  comprehensive  heading; 
1  and  5  are  the  Manik  sign,  which  must  denote  the  offering, 
while  2  and  6  are  the  character  s,  which  perhaps,  not  incorrectly, 
has  been  thought  to  denote  a  repetition,  a  kind  of  plural  ;  we 
have  already  seen  it  on  pages  12a-13a.  3  is  the  monogram  of  B, 

yet  it  looks  more  like  a  fist  with  the  thumb  prominent — a  figure 
I  have  frequently  found  in  the  inscriptions  of  Palenque.  It 
must  also  refer  to  the  sacrifice  offered  to  B,  which  is  confirmed 
by  the  a  added  to  it  in  4  and  probably  denoting  a  good  day. 
7  is  the  hieroglyph  of  F  to  which  the  sign  in  8  corresponds,  while 
the  prefixed  arm  in  8  seems  to  refer  to  the  presentation  of  the 
sacrifice. 

Pages  10  b  — lib. 

VIII  8  III  9  XII  9  VIII  10  V  16  VIII 
Chuen 

Akbal  I  have  corrected  the  15  in  the  manuscript  by 

Men  making  it  16. 

Manik 

Cauac. 

20  hieroglyphs  correspond  regularly  to  the  five  sections  in 


the  following  order: — 

1  5  6 

9  10 

13 

17 

2  7  8 

11  12 

14 

18 

3 

15 

19 

4 

16 

20. 

76 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


This  section  seems  to  refer  chiefly  to  the  harvest.  First  the 
Muluc  sign  with  suffix  and  affix,  which  is  repeated  in  1,5,  9,  13 
and  17  at  regular  intervals,  suggests  rain  as  a  preliminary  con¬ 
dition  of  the  harvest.  Next  in  2  the  hieroglyph  of  K,  the  wind- 
god,  is  added  to  this  Muluc  sign,  and  K  is  the  patron  of  the 
day  Muluc.  Then  the  signs  a  and  o  follow  in  3  and  4.  There 
is  no  picture  belonging  to  this  group;  it  ought  to  be  the  god  K. 
The  second  group  adds  to  the  Muluc  in  6  the  glyph  of  the  sun, 
which  is  the  second  preliminary  condition  of  the  harvest.  This 
is  followed  in  7  by  the  sign  u  apparently  denoting  wind  and 
cloud  and  having  the  prefix  of  the  storm-god,  and  in  8  is  the 
sign,  which,  strange  to  say,  stands  also  in  the  last  Tonalamatl 
in  the  eighth  place.  I  am  not  very  clear  in  regard  to  this  sign. 
The  sun-god  G  with  copal  pouch  and  a  vessel  containing  grains 
of  maize  is  appropriately  represented  with  this  group.  With 
equal  fitness  the  third  group  contains  E,  the  harvest-god  proper, 
with  copal  pouch  and  grains  of  maize,  and.  as  usual,  a  Kan  sign 
on  his  head,  but  also  with  a  parrot,  probably  as  an  enemy  of 
the  harvest.  Sign  10  is  E’s  hieroglyph,  to  which,  as  is  so  often 
the  case,  sign  11  (Imix-Ivan)  is  added  and  in  12  the  double 
Manik  (i).  The  last  two  groups  are  without  figures  of  deities; 
the  double  Manik  (14  and  IS),  possibly  a  repeated  summons  to 
sacrifice,  is  common  to  both  groups.  There  seems  here  to  be  a 
further  reference  to  the  enemies  of  the  harvest,  for  15  is  the 
hieroglyph  of  the  vulture,  16  that  of  the  death-bird  and  19  that 
of  the  night-god,  after  which  this  section  closes  with  the  quite 
universal  sign  a.  If  space  had  permitted,  the  vulture  and  the 
night-god  would  have  been  represented  here. 

Page  12  b. 

I  13  I  26  I  13  I 

lx 

Cimi  This  is  again  a  regular  arrangement,  half  of  the 

Ezanab  52  days  being  in  the  middle  and  a  quarter  each  at 
Oc  the  beginning  and  end. 

Ik. 

The  first  four  days  refer  to  the  purport  of  the  prediction, 
lx,  the  tiger,  Cimi,  death,  Ezanab,  the  wounding  lance  point,  and 
Oc,  the  lightning  dog.  The  12  hieroglyphs  indicate  the  con- 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


77 


nection  with  the  foregoing  Tonalamatl,  for  1,  5  and  9  contain 
the  same  Muluc  sign  which  we  found  there  in  the  same  places. 

The  three  figures,  it  seems  to  me,  signify  the  approach  of 
death,  the  wound  occasioning  death,  and  the  arrival  of  death. 

The  first  picture  represents  the  god  probably  as  feminine, 
with  which  the  illustration  on  page  9c  should  be  compared.  The 
lock  of  hair  before  sign  3,  the  death  hieroglyph,  agrees  with 
this  as  do  also  the  familiar  signs  2  and  4.  The  god  is  making 
sounds,  which  is  indicated  by  the  figure  issuing  from  his  mouth. 
Is  the  snail  in  his  head-ornament  to  be  understood  as  the  sign 
for  retarded  motion? 

The  second  figure  is  the  wounding  serpent  deity  H,  likewise 
represented  here  as  feminine,  with  a  lock  of  hair;  the  copal  pouch 
hangs  from  her  neck,  her  nose-peg  resembles  a  flower  as  on  page 
19a.  A  bird  is  sitting  on  her  head  and  is  devouring  a  piece  of 
an  animal’s  body;  we  have  already  met  this  representation  in 
the  preceding  Tonalamatl.  Hieroglyph  6  designates  the  deity 
H,  7  (Imix-Kan)  probably  denotes  the  devouring  of  the  flesh 
and  sign  8,  which  is  an.  Ahau  with  a  prefixed  knife,  may  also 
refer  to  this. 

Finally,  the  third  picture  is  again  the  death-god,  who  is 
clad  in  a  gala  cloak  and,  in  contrast  to  the  first  picture,  where 
the  deity  is  sitting  on  some  object,  is  squatting  on  the  ground. 
The  three  hieroglyphs  10,  11  and  12  fit  here  admirably. 

We  will  now  turn  back  to  page  4  and  consider  the  lowest 
section  (c)  of  pages  4  to  12,  which  like  pages  5b-12b  (I  omit 
4b  here  because  its  contents  are  of  an  entirely  different  nature) 
contain  7  Tonalamatls,  that  is,  five  ritual  years  of  364  days. 
If,  however,  we  add  4b  to  these  and  bear  in  mind  that  lOc-llc 
contain  a  double  Tonalamatl,  we  will  have  9  Tonalamatls. 
We  find  a  group  of  7  Tonalamatls  also  on  pages  51a-52a. 

Pages  4  c  —  5  c. 

XII  10  IX  22  V  11  III  9  XII 

Cauac 

Chuen 

Akbal 

Men 

Manik. 


78 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


The  incorrect  10  of  the  manuscript  has  been  changed  to  9. 
The  hieroglyphs  are  as  follows: — 

1  2  5  6  9  10  13  14 

34  78  11  12  15  16 

and  there  are  four  figures  of  gods. 

The  sign  of  the  rising  Moan  with  its  usual  prefix  and  super¬ 
fix  ( d )  forms  the  principal  part  of  this  section,  the  meaning  of 
which,  however,  is  not  yet  very  intelligible.  This  sign  appears 
not  merely  as  the  1st,  5th,  9th  and  13th  hieroglyphs,  but  all  the 
four  gods  hold  it  in  their  hands.  Placed  after  each  of  these 
signs  are  hieroglyphs  2,  6,  10  and  14,  which  are  the  double 
Manik  or  hand  sign  denoting  a  sacrifice  (i). 

The  first  god  portrayed  here  is  G,  the  sun-god,  and  the  third 
hieroglyph  is  his  sign,  which  is  rendered  yet  more  unmistakable 
here  by  the  laterally  elongated  head  q,  the  meaning  of  which 
is  not  yet  wholly  determined. 

The  second  god  is  D  with  his  two  signs  in  7  and  8.  7  desig¬ 

nates  him  rather  as  night  and  moon-god  and  8  more  as  the  old 
god  and  lord  of  the  gods. 

The  third  god  is  the  serpent  deity  H  or  Seler ’s  ‘  ‘  young  god.  ’  ’ 
His  sign  is  hieroglyph  11,  with  which,  to  be  sure,  the  unusual 
sign  12  ( v )  appears  as  a  not  very  intelligible  determinative. 

The  fourth  god  is  A  and  his  usual  signs  are  given  in  15  and  16. 

Pages  5e— 6c. 

This  is  the  second  example  in  our  manuscript  of  a  Tonal- 
amatl  divided  into  four  parts: — 

XII  29  II  11  XIII  18  V  7  XII 
Ezanab 

Akbal  The  repetition  of  the  15th  day  at  the  end  is 

Lamat  superfluous. 

Ben 

Ezanab. 

Here,  then,  we  have  the  four  days  with  which  the  18  Uinals 
can  begin;  in  the  Tonalamatl  on  page  9b,  the  four  regents  of  the 
year  were  given  instead.  Now,  whether  the  beginning  of  these 
periods  of  20  days  was  celebrated  by  a  banquet  or  not,  at  all 
events,  a  feast  is  suggested  by  the  sign  Imix-Kan,  which  is 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


79 


repeated  in  hieroglyphs  1,  5,  9  and  13.  The  four  vessels  in  the 
hands  of  the  four  deities,  two  of  whom  are  sitting  and  two  stand¬ 
ing,  would  agree  with  the  idea  of  a  feast.  The  first  vessel  is  a 
cup  filled  apparently  with  foaming  pulque,  and  the  other  three 
are  larger  vessels  meant  to  be  hung  up.  The  first  deity  is  D 
with  a  snail  on  his  head.  Compare  page  12b.  His  hieroglyphs 
are  2  and  3,  and  sign  a  is  added  as  fourth.  The  next  deity  is  A 
with  his  usual  signs  in  6,  7  and  8.  C  follows  with  his  hiero¬ 
glyph  in  10  and  lastly  F  with  the  sign  14  which  belongs  to  him. 

There  still  remain  as  the  11th  and  15th  signs,  the  elongated 
head  q  with  the  Ben-Ik  superfix  belonging  to  C  and  with  another 
superfix  belonging  to  F  (with  which  he  likewise  appeared  as 
sign  4  in  the  preceding  Tonalamatl).  The  12th  sign  (v),  which 
occurs  in  exactly  the  same  place  in  the  preceding  Tonalamatl, 
is  no  more  intelligible  to  me  here  than  there. 


Pages  6  c  —  7  c. 

I  17  V  19  XI  6 


IV  10  I 


Chuen  Four  sitting  gods  with  the  regular  16  hiero- 

Akbal  glyphs.  There  is  no  collective  sign,  however, 

Men  among  these.  It  seems  exactly  as  if  the  intention 

Manik  had  been  to  represent  the  different  offerings  usually 
Cauac.  presented  to  the  various  deities.  At  all  events 
the  sacrifices  are  designated  by  hieroglyphs  1,  5,  9  and  13, 
and  the  same  objects  are  also  held  in  the  hands  of  the  four 
gods  respectively,  although  they  are  clearly  recognizable  only 
in  the  case  of  the  second  and  third  gods. 

Now  what  are  these  four  different  sacrificial  gifts? 

The  principal  part  of  the  first  looks  like  the  sign  of  the  month 
Mol.  In  excellent  agreement  with  its  appearance  is  the  fact, 
that  this  word  signifies  egg  in  the  Quecchi  language.  The  god 
receiving  the  sacrifice  here  is  A.  Hieroglyph  2  is  his  mono¬ 
gram  and  3  is  that  of  his  companion  F  and  4  fits  both  deities. 

The  second  figure  is  D  and  his  signs  are  hieroglyphs  6  and 
7  to  which  8  is  added  quite  superfluously.  The  sacrifice  proper 
is  denoted  by  5,  which,  I  think,  is  a  sign  of  multiplicity  and 
which  was  originally  the  fin  of  a  fish.  In  the  manuscripts  and 


80 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


inscriptions,  when  this  sign  is  added  to  the  sign  for  360  days, 
it  enhances  the  value  to  20  X  360  =  7200  days. 

The  third  picture  represents  the  god  with  the  bird-head  of 
the  Moan  and  his  signs  are  hieroglyphs  10,  11  and  12.  One  of 
these,  signifying  rising  birds,  is  also  the  offering  in  9. 

Lastly,  the  fourth  picture  is,  according  to  Schellhas,  the 
serpent  deity  H,  and,  according  to  Seler,  the  “)'oung  god,” 
with  the  snail  on  his  head.  His  sign  is  hieroglyph  14.  Added 
to  this  is  the  sign  a  in  15,  and  in  16  it  is  q  again  with  the  same 
superfix  as  in  sign  15  of  the  preceding  Tonalamatl.  The  sacri¬ 
fice  in  13  is  represented  by  a  Kan  sign,  which  is  equivalent  to 
maize,  maize  bread  or  tortilla. 

Repeatedly,  as  on  page  23b  or  29b-31b  of  our  manuscript, 
we  see  a  portion  of  game  (deer),  a  bird,  a  lizard  and  a  fish  repre¬ 
sented  as  sacrifices.  With  this  the  fish  and  bird  in  our  second 
and  third  pictures  agree  very  well.  I  shall  not  venture  to 
explain  the  other  two  in  the  first  and  fourth  pictures.  Perhaps 
future  explanations  of  the  curious  head-ornament  of  the  four 
gods  will  shed  further  light  on  the  subject. 

Page  8  c. 

Ill  9  XII  9  VIII  9  IV  9  XIII  9  IX  7  III 
Cib 

Lamat  The  horizontal  line  should  be  read  in  this  order; 

Ahau  in  the  manuscript  the  numbers  are  in  a  somewhat 

Eb  unusual  order. 

Kan. 

An  attempt  has  been  made  to  divide  the  52  days  into  sections 
of  9  days  each,  and  in  doing  this  the  sixth  subdivision  has  fallen 
short  of  two  days.  Since  this  passage  has  but  two  pictures,  six 
of  the  12  hieroglyphs  must  belong  to  each  of  the  figures.  I  read 
the  hieroglyphs  in  the  following  order: — 

1  2  5  7  8  11 

3  4  6  9  10  12. 

Each  of  the  two  pictures  contains  a  building  and  a  deity 
in  front  of  it,  each  of  whom  seems  to  have  placed  another  deity 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


81 


in  the  building.  In  the  first  picture  D  is  putting  C  inside  and 
in  the  second  F  is  doing  the  same  to  A  or  the  Moan.  I  will  add 
also,  that  the  day  belonging  to  C  (Chuen)  is  actually  9  days  dis¬ 
tant  from  that  of  D  (Ahau).  I  am  uncertain  in  regard  to  the 
other  two.  In  the  back  of  each  building  we  see  a  cross. 

A  similar  association  of  two  gods  appears  again  elsewhere, 
as  on  page  35a,  where  D  lies  on  a  building  in  which  C  is  sitting, 
thus  showing  an  association  of  the  same  two  gods  as  in  our  first 
group. 

In  both  groups  the  first  two  hieroglyphs  form  the  common 
heading,  since  1  corresponds  in  general  to  7  and  2  to  8.  In  the 
first  group  3  and  4  are  the  hieroglyphs  of  D  and  5  and  6  are  the 
signs  q  and  v;  does  one  of  these  last  signs  refer  to  the  god  C?  In 
the  second  group  9  is  the  sign  of  F,  who  stands  in  front  of  the 
house  and  10  that  of  the  god  in  the  house,  as  perhaps  is  also  11, 
when  we  consider  the  closed  eye;  this  is  one  of  the  many  hiero¬ 
glyphs  having  an  uplifted  arm  as  a  prefix.  On  page  9a  we  find 
exactly  the  same  sign.  The  last  sign  is  the  hieroglyph  q,  which 
sometimes  seems  to  be  used  merely  to  fill  space;  it  corresponds, 
but  with  a  different  superfix,  to  the  fifth  hieroglyph  of  the  first 
group. 

The  last  three  parts  of  this  section  of  the  manuscript  all 
differ  appreciably  from  the  usual  form  (5  X  52  =  260  days). 

Page  9  c. 

Here  for  the  first  time  the  manuscript  contains  a  Tonal- 
amatl,  which  is  divided  into  10  X  26  days.  It  is  true  the  position 
of  both  the  days  and  numbers  is  quite  irregular.  The  manu¬ 
script  presents  the  following  order: — 


III 

III 

VI 

VIII 

3 

2 

Cauac 

Ben 

XI 

II 

Chuen 

Chic  chan 

3 

4 

Akbal 

Caban 

VI 

VII 

Men 

Muluc 

4 

1 

Manik 

Imix. 

I 

III 

■’7 

2 

rv  6 


82 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


I  read  it  thus: — 

III  3  VI  2  VIII  3  XI  4  II  4  VI  1  VII  7  12  III 

Cauac  Two  figures  and  eight  hieroglyphs  are  given 

Chicchan  here.  I  do  not  venture  to  decide  whether  each  of 

Chuen  the  two  figures  with  its  hieroglyphs  relates  only 

Caban  to  a  period  of  26  days  or  to  the  half  of  the  whole, 

Akbal  130  days.  I  think  the  latter  is  more  likely  to  be 

Muluc  the  case.  The  sign  Imix-Kan,  which  I  am  inclined 

Men  to  refer  to  a  sacrificial  meal,  is  common  to  both 

Imix  groups  and  connects  them.  The  two  gods  seem 

Manik  also  to  have  a  sign  pertaining  to  a  meal  in  their 

Ben.  hands;  this  may  be  a  cup. 


The  first  deity  is  D  or  I,  but  with  a  female  breast  and  with 
a  serpent  on  his  head.  His  signs  are  2  and  3.  The  second 
god  is  A  with  a  snail  on  his  head  and  his  signs  are  6  and  7. 

In  addition  to  these,  sign  4  of  the  first  group  is  v  and  sign  8 
of  the  second  group  is  c. 


Pages  10  c  — 11c. 

I  XIII  1  15  VI  10  III  13  HI  15  V  8  (in  error  9)  XIII 


Imix 

Ben 


Cimi 

Ezanab 


Chicchan  Oc 


Caban 

Muluc 


Ik 

lx. 


merely  been  omitted. 


Here  we  have  two  independent 
Tonalamatls  as  on  page  12a.  There 
are  subdivisions  only  for  the  second; 
the  first  should  be  regarded  either  as 
entirely  invalid  or  else  its  division  has 


6  gods  with  4  hieroglpyhs  each  are  represented  on  these 


pages : — 

1  2  5  6  9  10  13  14  17  18  21  22 

3  4  7  8  11  12  15  16  19  20  23  24. 


Here  too  Hieroglyphs  1,  5,  9,  13,  17  and  21  are  the  common 
factor;  they  have  the  form  of  the  month  Mol,  but  here,  as  on 
page  6c,  they  probably  designate  the  particular  object  constitut¬ 
ing  the  sacrifice.  The  following  details  are  to  be  noted  regard¬ 
ing  the  six  divisions: — 

1.  The  god  A  with  his  two  signs  in  2  and  3. 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


83 


2.  D  with  the  signs  6  and  7. 

3.  F  with  the  signs  10  and  11  (the  latter  c). 

4.  E  with  the  signs  14  and  15,  having  on  his  head  a  struct¬ 
ure,  which  is  compounded  apparently  of  a  Kan  sign,  a  snail  and 
the  suggestion  of  the  maize  plant. 

5.  G,  clad  in  the  gala  cloak  and  the  copal  bag.  His  sign  is 
18,  while  19  suggests  rather  the  Moan  or  K. 

6.  B,  his  headdress  displays  the  little  circles,  which  often 
occur  in  connection  with  him,  e.g.,  pages  30c,  40a  and  41a,  and 
which  may  suggest  the  starry  sky.  His  sign  is  22;  the  hiero¬ 
glyph  vi  is  added  to  it  in  23  as  a  determinative. 

As  usual,  the  fourth  sign  of  each  group  is  the  most  puzzling. 
4  and  12  are  Imix  with  the  uplifted  arm  as  a  prefix,  as  on  page 
13a,  8  is  the  hieroglyph  o,  16  is  a,  20  is  c  and  the  principal  part 
of  24  is  r.  This  sign  r  seems  to  me  to  suggest  the  week  of  13 
days  (see  above  the  explanation  of  page  4a);  four  weeks  of 
this  kind  end  here. 

It  is  to  be  noted  further  that  all  the  six  gods  are  holding  one 
hand  outstretched : — A  downward,  B  upward  and  the  four  in  the 
centre  forward. 

Page  12  c. 

XIII  26  XIII  26  XIII  13  XIII 

Chuen  This  is  another  Tonalamatl  divided  into  4  X  65, 

Cib  the  subdivisions  being  transferred  to  the  end  of  the 

Iniix  second,  fourth  and  fifth  weeks.  The  Chuen  at  the 

Cimi  bottom  is  superfluous. 

Chuen. 

The  twelve  hieroglyphs  standing  here  according  to  rule  are 
grouped  together  in  fours  by  the  three  pairs  of  the  first  row. 
Of  these  1,  5  and  9  are  the  fist,  familiar  from  the  inscriptions, 
and  which  we  also  see  on  page  10b  of  this  manuscript,  where, 
to  be  sure,  it  occurs  with  the  sign  of  B,  as  often  happens,  but 
here  it  has  the  closed  eye  of  the  death-god  A.  On  the  other 
hand,  2,  6  and  10  are  the  sign  Kin  =  sun,  with  merely  a  dotted 
outline,  and  the  three  gods  pictured  below  all  hold  the  same 
Kin  sign  in  their  hands.  This  passage  may  refer  to  the  dying 
sun,  the  winter  solstice. 


84 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


The  first  god  is  D,  who,  however,  has  B’s  head  on  top  of 
his  own.  An  object  like  a  spyglass  projects  from  the  eye  of  B, 
which  one  could  hardly  venture  to  pronounce  a  nose-peg.  The 
sign  4  (Ahau)  refers  to  I);  but  what  is  the  meaning  of  3,  the 
hieroglyph  of  the  serpent  deity  Id?  Is  the  sun  wounded? 

The  second  god  is  the  baldheaded  old  deity,  whom  Schellhas 
designates  as  N.  The  hieroglyph  7,  apparently  referring  to 
the  five  Uayeyab  days,  is  his  sign;  we  found  it  on  page  4b  and 
shall  again  find  it  on  page  21c,  and  this  time  likewise  with  the 
old  man.  What  is  the  meaning  of  the  grain-goddess  E  dehoted 
by  sign  8?  As  N  is  connected  with  the  close  of  the  year,  so  E 
seems  to  be  in  various  ways  connected  with  the  beginnng  of  the 
new  year. 

The  third  picture  is  unmistakably  the  sun-god  G  with  the 
copal  pouch  hanging  from  his  neck.  His  sign  is  11,  while  sign 
12,  which  suggests  the  wind-god  K  and  balled-up  clouds,  is  as 
difficult  to  explain  here  as  it  was  on  page  11c.  The  signs  8  and 
12  seem,  therefore,  to  refer  to  one  another,  and,  if  I  do  not  see 
too  much,  look  like  a  promise  of  rain  and  harvest. 

On  page  12  the  Tonalamatls  of  the  three  sections  of  the  page 
come  to  an  end  and  a  new  part  of  the  manuscript  begins. 

Page  13  a. 

I  shall  here  group  together  pages  13  and  14,  the  top  third  of 
14  encroaches  a  little  upm  page  15.  13a  has  the  follow¬ 

ing  Tonalamatl: — 

I  mix 

Ben  I  have  supplied  the  first  day,  which  is  effaced. 

Chicchan  The  week  days  are  wanting.  The  52  days  are 
Caban  divided  into  halves  of  26  days  each. 

Muluc. 

Of  the  8  hieroglyphs  the  fifth  seems  to  be  the  same  as  the 
destroyed  first;  aside  from  the  prefix,  it  is  the  sign  s. 

The  two  halves  of  the  period  have  two  gods,  the  first  is  B 
with  a  very  singular  head-ornament,  and  the  second  A,  perhaps 
with  the  symbol  of  a  snail  on  his  head.  Both  hold  a  plant 
(agave)  in  their  hands,  as  on  pages  10b  and  12a.  Hieroglyph 
2,  which  is  mostly  destroyed,  must  have  been  B’s  monogram,  4 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


85 


has  the  Ahau  as  its  determinative,  and  3  is  the  elongated  head 
q  with  Ben-Ik. 

In  the  second  group  6  and  8  are  the  signs  of  A,  and  7  is  an 
Imix  with  the  uplifted  arm  prefixed,  as  on  page  10c. 


Pages  14  a  —  15  a. 

VIII  13  VIII  13  VIII  13  VIII  13 
Ahau  The  month  days  13  and  5  have  changed  places 

Eb  in  the  manuscript.  The  initial  day  VIII  Ahau 

Kan  will  prove  to  be  of  especial  importance  in  the 

Cib  second  part  of  the  manuscript  (compare  page  70). 

Lamat.  Here,  as  in  the  preceding  Tonalamatl,  the  period 
is  divided  into  equal  parts. 

Little  can  be  said  of  the  hieroglyphs,  16  in  number,  since  6, 
9,  10,  12,  13,  14,  15  and  16  are  wholly  or  mostly  destroyed.  3, 
7  and  11  seem  here  to  be  a  comprehensive  element,  as  is  also 
probably  15,  but  I  am  unable  to  refer  this  head  to  a  particular 
god;  2,6,  10  and  14  may  also  be  alike,  but  this  is  very  uncertain. 
1,  5,  9  and  13  may  have  denoted  the  four  cardinal  points,  at 
least  1  suggests  the  south  and  5  the  north. 

Thus  we  have  left  for  the  four  deities  E,  H,  A  and  G,  only 
the  signs  4,  8,  12  and  16;  4  surely  belongs  to  E,  and  8  to  H,  but 
the  other  two  are  erased. 


Pages  13b  —  14b. 

VI  13  VI 9  II 7  IX  7  III  7  X  9  VI 

Ahau 

Eb 

Kan  There  are  24  hieroglyphs  for  the  6  divisions: — 

Cib 

Lamat. 

1  2  5  6  9  10  13  14  17  18  21  22 

3  4  7  8  11  12  15  16  19  20  23  24. 

Of  these  the  upper  row  again  contains  the  comprehensive 
signs,  and  the  lower  the  discriminating  characters.  The  closed 
eye  in  1,5,9,13,17  and  21  suggests  A,  who  also  appears  below  as 
the  first  of  the  six  gods,  and  the  superfix  of  these  signs  suggests 
the  south.  2,  6, 10,  14,  18  and  22  are  the  Kan  sign,  and  we  also 


86 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


find  this  sign  in  the  hand  of  each  of  the  six  gods.  Thus  the  sub¬ 
ject  of  this  passage  seems  strictly  speaking  to  be  harvest  or  food. 

The  six  gods  are  A,  E,  C,  L,  F  and  D;  the  second,  third 
fourth  and  fifth  have  a  bird  on  their  heads.  The  first  and  fourth 
birds  are  eating,  as  on  pages  11a  and  12b,  and  thus  probably 
represent  enemies  of  the  harvest.  The  first  is  of  a  different 
species  from  the  other  two.  The  four  gods  in  the  centre  have  the 
copal  pouch  about  their  necks.  Signs  3  and  4  are  the  common 
hieroglyphs  for  A;  7  that  for  E,  to  which  o  is  added  as  a  de¬ 
terminative;  11  is  C’s  hieroglyph  with  an  a  added  to  it,  and  L 
is  undoubtedly  denoted  by  sign  15;  16  is  r  (equal  to  13  days;  it 
is  meant  here  for  the  day  III  Cib).  F  appears  quite  according 
to  rule  in  19,  which  is  appropriately  followed  by  the  sign  c  in  20. 
Finally  the  hieroglyphs  for  D  in  23  and  24  are  the  usual  ones. 

We  come  now  to  the  large  section  extending  to  page  23, 
which,  owing  to  the  numerous  pictures  of  women,  forms  a  sec¬ 
tion  quite  by  itself.  It  is  not  likely  that  this  contains  anything 
else  than  oracles  relating  to  pregnancy;  in  fact,  the  period  of  260 
days  represented  here  with  great  frequency  is  in  excellent  accord 
with  this  subject.  In  the  Codex  Tro-Cort.  there  is  also  a 
section  devoted  to  women,  which  corresponds  to  this  chapter 
and  particularly  page  19*  of  the  Troano  affords  remarkable 
parallels  to  the  Dresdensis,  even  in  details. 

Pages  13c  —  14c. 

II  II  7  IX  3  XII  3  II  13  II 

Men  Chicchan 

Imix  Chuen 

Manik  Caban 

Ben  Akbal 

Cauac  Muluc. 

The  second  of  the  two  vertical  rows  on  the  left  should  be  con¬ 
sidered  as  immediately  joined  to  the  first.  Thus  we  have  here 
the  second  example  in  this  manuscript  of  a  Tonalamatl  of  ten 
parts ;  the  first  was  on  page  9c. 

The  entire  representation  on  13c  and  14c  looks  like  an  intro¬ 
duction  to  the  following  section,  as  though  treating  in  general 
of  the  relation  to  one  another  of  pairs  of  animals,  of  human 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


87 


beings  and  of  deities.  Corresponding  with  the  Tonalamatl, 
there  are  four  pairs  of  this  kind  represented. 

The  hieroglyphs  belonging  to  these  pictures  are  distributed 
among  the  four  sections  as  follows: — 

1  2  5  6  9  10  11  15  16  17 

3  4  7  8  12  13  14  18  19  20. 

Apparently,  the  first  two  pictures  have  only  4  signs  each,  and 
the  other  two  6,  but  this  is  equalized  by  the  fact,  that  hiero¬ 
glyphs  1,  3,  5,  and  7  are  clearly  each  composed  of  two  signs. 
The  comprehensive  sign  appearing  in  2,  6,  9  and  16,  is,  properly 
speaking,  the  sign  t,  which  may  denote  coition,  and,  not  un¬ 
suitably,  contains  in  its  centre  two  black  figures  side  by  side. 

Passing  now  to  the  separate  four  groups,  I  think  the  male 
figure  is  always  on  the  right  and  the  female  on  the  left.  In  the 
first  and  second  groups  the  two  face  each  other,  and  in  the  other 
two  groups  the  male  is  behind  the  female. 

1.  The  female  figure  is  an  animal,  perhaps  a  deer,  the  male 
is  a  black  and  white  spotted  deity  having  a  human  form  and  his 
head  appropriately  embellished  with  horns.  The  hieroglyphs 
belonging  to  these  are: — 1,  a  combination  of  Manik  and  Chuen 
with  a  prefixed  4,  just  as  on  page  21b;  3,  likewise  a  compound 
sign,  with  a  prefixed  7,  which  occurs  also  on  page  46c  on  the 
left,  and  which  I  do  not  venture  to  explain,  but  which  seems  to 
denote  horns,  and  lastly  the  hieroglyph  c. 

2.  The  female  figure  is  an  animal  (on  page  19a  the  female 
is  represented  more  in  resemblance  to  the  human  form)  with  a 
bird-head,  to  which  belongs  the  compound  sign  s,  still  unex¬ 
plained;  the  male  figure  is  a  barking  (or  howling?)  dog,  as  on 
page  21b.  Hieroglyph  7  is  composite  and  contains  first  the 
sign  generally  belonging  to  the  dog  and  suggesting  a  skeleton, 
which  also  represents  the  14th  month,  and  secondly,  a  Cimi 
closely  related  to  it,  precisely  the  same  as  in  the  parallel  passage 
21b.  The  well-known  q  follows  in  the  8th  place. 

3.  The  god  D  holds  in  front  of  himself  an  animal,  which  may 
be  a  rabbit.  His  signs  are  hieroglyphs  11  and  12,  while  13,  the 
principal  part  of  which  is  a  grasping  hand,  clutching  a  Moan  sign, 
seems  to  refer  to  the  animal  in  the  picture.  10  is  b  and  14  is  a. 


88 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


4.  Lastly,  two  beings  in  human  guise,  showing  thus  a  closer 
connection  with  what  follows.  They  are  the  black  god  L  with 
his  hieroglyph  in  18  enlarged  by  an  Imix,  and  a  woman  holding 
a  Kan  sign  in  her  hand,  hieroglyph  20  likewise  showing  the 
ordinary  combination  of  Imix-Kan.  Sign  15,  however,  refers 
to  the  woman,  and  lastly  17  and  19  are  the  signs  m  and  r;  I  note 
that  r  ends  a  period  of  13  days. 

The  contents  of  the  following  seem  to  suggest  that  we  should 
first  read  page  15  (including  the  middle  section  of*  16)  from  top 
to  bottom,  then  pages  16-23.  partly  from  left  to  right  and  partly 
from  top  to  bottom,  according  to  the  subject. 

Page  15  a. 

V  34  XIII  18  V 
Ahau 

Eb  There  are  two  pictures  with  4  hieroglyphs  each. 

Kan 

Cib  The  two  pictures  represent  D  and  A,  the  latter 

Lamat.  probably  as  feminine.  Both  are  falling  headfirst, 

and  both  have  leaves  about  them  as  if  the)''  were  falling  from  a 
tree  and  a  cry  is  issuing  from  A’s  mouth.  The  common  element 
is  given  in  hieroglyphs  2,  3  and  7,  which  are  all  signs  of  D. 
Further,  4  is  the  Chuen  sign,  the  ape  (as  the  animal  living  on 
trees?),  its  prefix  is  hieroglyph  r,  which  I  regard  as  denoting  the 
week  of  13  days  and  which  falls  here  exactly  on  the  day  XIII. 
And  the  same  Chuen  sign  is  repeated  in  the  second  group  as  the 
first  part  of  sign  6,  the  second  part  of  which  is  illegible.  8  is  the 
sign  of  A  and  1  is  effaced. 

Pages  15  b  — 16  b. 

I  13  I  31  VI  8  I  13  I 
Ik 

Manik  That  is  4  X  65  =  260  days.  Hence  the  sign  of 

Eb  Ik  repeated  at  the  bottom,  as  is  usual  in  such 

Caban  cases,  is  superfluous. 

Ik. 

The  Tonalamatl  contains  4  figures,  of  which  1  and  2  form  one 
pair  and  3  and  4  another. 

As  on  page  15a,  the  pair  at  the  left  are  falling  down  and  also 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


89 


have  leaves  about  them.  They  are  god  B,  who  holds  a  Kan 
sign  in  his  hand,  and  a  woman,  whose  eyes  are  closed  and  who 
holds  the  sign  of  death  before  her  breast.  B  is  falling  down  in 
a  similar  fashion  in  Cort.17.  Hieroglyphs  1-8  belong  to  this 
pair.  Of  these,  1,  5  and  8  and  also  7  refer  to  death,  3  with  the 
determinative  sign,  4,  added  (which  is  the  sign  q  with  a  Ben-Ik), 
refers  to  B,  while  signs  2  and  6  belonging  to  god  D,  who  occurred 
in  the  preceding  Tonalamatl,  should  be  noted. 

The  pair  at  the  right  on  the  other  hand  is  seated,  the  woman 
apparently  on  the  curved  handle  of  a  vessel.  The  head-orna¬ 
ment  and  hieroglyph  of  the  female  figure  prove  that  she  is  the 
serpent  deity  H,  while  the  male  figure  is  the  rare  black  deity 
M,  whom  we  find  again  with  his  sign  on  page  43a  for  example ; 
he  holds  a  bone  in  his  hand.  Hieroglyphs  9  and  13  agree.  The 
lower  part  of  these  hieroglyphs  is  the  fist  with  the  thumb  un¬ 
folded,  the  sign  at  the  top  seeming  to  be  merely  an  empty  out¬ 
line  (Muluc?)  and  thus,  like  1  and  5  of  the  preceding  group,  they 
seem  to  refer  to  a  sacrifice  offered  to  the  death-god.  10  and  14 
are  again,  strange  to  say,  like  2  and  6  of  the  preceding  group, 
the  sign  of  D.  11  is  the  hieroglyph  of  H,  who  is  represented  be- 
lowasfeminine,and  that  12 is  a  complementof  11  is  proved bvthe 
upper  part  of  this  uncommon  hieroglyph,  which  corresponds  to 
the  object  in  II ’s  hand,  and  which  is  repeated  on  page  18a  with 
the  same  figure;  compare  also  page  8b.  15  is  surely  the  hiero¬ 

glyph  of  M,  who  is  pictured  below,  as  in  the  Tro.  2a  and  22*a 
where  the  same  M  appears  with  the  same  hieroglyph,  and  to  him 
belongs  in  16  the  sign  r,  which  I  am  inclined  to  consider  the 
week  of  13  days,  and  which  here,  as  on  14c,  ends  a  section  of  13 
days. 


Page 

15  c. 

III 

Ill  12 

II  14 

III 

Lamat 

lx 

Ahau 

Cimi 

This  is  a 

.  Tonalamatl  of  ten  parts,  the  days 

Eb 

Ezanab 

are  to 

be  read  in  the  following  order: — 

Kan 

Oc 

Lamat 

,  lx,  Ahau,  Cimi,  etc. 

Cib 

Ik. 

90 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


There  are  two  figures,  A  probably  conceived  as  feminine 
and  D  with  the  same  head-ornament  as  on  page  10;  both  hold 
in  their  hands  a  Kin=sun.  Hieroglyphs  2  and  6  are  also  the 
Kin  sign,  while  1  and  5  have  the  closed  eye  of  A,  but  differ  in 
their  secondary  parts,  the  sign  suggesting  the  south  being  a 
suffix  in  1  and  a  superfix  in  5;  1,  however,  has  an  affix,  while  5 
has  as  a  prefix  a  sign  differing  from  the  affix  in  1.  3  and  4  are  the 
signs  of  A,  7  that  of  D,  next  to  which  in  8  one-wmuld  expect  to 
see  an  Ahau,  but  instead  of  this  there  is  again  the  sign  of  H 
(borrowed  from  page  15b?). 

This  seems  to  end  the  subject  of  coition;  now7,  in  natural 
course,  follows  the  subject  of  pregnancy,  to  which  I  believe  the 
following  Tonalamatl  is  exclusively  devoted. 

Page  16  a. 

Kan  21  31 

Cib  There  are  no  red  numerals,  hence  the  Tonalamatl 

Lamat  seems  to  apply  to  any  one  of  the  initial  week  days. 

Ahau 

Eb.  Two  women  are  portrayed,  both  of  whom  are 

stretching  a  hand  forward  and  upward.  There  are  8  hiero¬ 
glyphs  of  which,  however,  the  top  row7  is  almost  entirely  ob¬ 
literated  ;  3  and  7  in  the  low7er  row  are  just  alike,  being  the  usual 
sign  for  woman. 

There  is  a  decided  contrast  between  the  two  figures,  wKich 
might  suggest  barrenness  and  fruitfulness.  Observation  of 
their  physical  differences  would  give  us  that  idea.  Further¬ 
more,  the  first  carries  on  her  back  an  unfamiliar  head,  perhaps 
A’s,  wrhile  the  second  has  the  Ahau,  Imix  and  Kan  signs,  from 
which  plants  seem  to  be  sprouting.  The  first  is  represented  in 
the  fourth  hieroglyph  by  the  sign  c,  which  is  closely  allied  to  the 
death  deities,  wdfile  the  second  woman  is  denoted  bv  hieroglyph 
8  which  is  the  sign  of  the  deity  E,  the  grain-god. 

Pages  16  a  — 17  a. 

In  the  following  I  will  group  together  all  the  pages  from 
page  16  -  23  as  follows: — First,  I  shall  discuss  the  top  thirds,  then 
the  middle  and  lastly  the  lower  thirds.  The  sense,  however, 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


91 


often  seems  to  require  that  the  first  third  should  connect  with 
the  second,  and  the  second  with  the  third;  but  I  find  it  im¬ 
possible  to  determine  exactly  the  intended  order. 

On  pages  16a-17a,  we  find  for  the  first  time  in  this  man¬ 
uscript  not  a  Tonalamatl,  but  in  its  stead  all  the  twenty  days 
arranged  in  four  columns,  each  of  which  ends  with  one  of  the  re¬ 
gents  of  the  year: — 


Men 

Ahau 

Chicchan 

Oc 

Cib 

Imix 

Cimi 

Chuen 

Caban 

Ik 

Manik 

Eb 

Ezanab 

Akbal 

Lamat 

Ben 

Cauac 

Kan 

Muluc 

lx. 

This  seems  to  establish  the  fact  that  the  day  of  its  birth  was 
of  importance  to  a  new-born  child. 

Between  each  column  and  the  next  there  is  a  picture  and 
above  each  picture  four  hieroglyphs,  which,  however,  are  mostly 
destroyed,  so  that  much  of  the  meaning  of  this  passage  is  lost 
to  us. 

The  first  is  an  old  man  walking,  who  beyond  doubt  is  N, 
the  Uayeyab  god,  with  a  staff  in  his  hand  and  the  signs  Imix 
and  Kan  on  his  back.  He  is  looking  upward  and  is  also  point¬ 
ing  upward  with  his  right  hand.  Of  his  hieroglyphs  only  enough 
of  the  fourth  is  visible  to  enable  us  to  recognize  in  it  the  regular 
sign  of  N,  5  Zac.  The  second  picture  is  again  an  old  man  walk¬ 
ing  with  a  stick,  he  is  baldheaded  and  hence  is  probably  also 
N,  as  on  page  12c.  His  hieroglyph  might  be  the  fourth  of  those 
written  above  him,  the  other  three  are  entirely  unrecognizable. 
He  has  a  carrying-frame  on  his  back,  but  it  is  uncertain  whether 
he  is  carrying  anything  upon  it. 

The  third  figure  is  a  woman  who  is  pointing  upward  with 
one  hand  and  with  the  other  holding  the  bundle  on  her  back, 
which  I  am  unable  to  explain  (does  it  refer  to  the  14thUinal — the 
end  of  pregnancy?)  and  from  which  rises  an  object  resembling 
a  flame.  Her  sign  is  in  the  fourth  place  and  q  is  in  the  third. 
1  and  2  are  not  legible  and  perhaps  may  be  supplemented  by 
the  third  picture  on  page  19c.  Finally,  the  fourth  figure  is  F, 


92 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


who  is  sitting  and  has  a  Cimi  sign  on  his  back.  His  monogram 
is  the  second  of  the  hieroglyphs  above  him,  the  third  is  very 
appropriately  b  and  the  other  two  are  not  very  clear  to  me. 

The  first  two  pictures  might  designate  a  male  birth,  the  first 
indicating  wealth  and  the  second  poverty,  the  third  might 
denote  a  female  birth  and  the  fourth  a  still  birth.  Rut  who 
can  positively  assert  this! 

Pages  18  a  — 19  a. 

VIII  12  VII  12  VI  9  II  10  XII  9  VIII 
Ik  This  is  a  Tonalamatl  of  five  parts  with  20  hiero- 

Ix  glyphs,  which  unfortunately  are  so  much  injured 

Cimi  that  no  signs  comprehending  the  whole  can  be 

Ezanab  distinguished. 

Oc.  There  are  five  women  in  a  sitting  attitude. 

The  first  woman  corresponds  exactly  to  the  third  figure  on 
page  15b.  She  is  sitting  on  a  bench,  the  same  implement  is  in 
her  hand  and  there  is  also  a  serpent  on  her  head,  for  which 
reason  she  likewise  reminds  us  of  II.  The  third  hieroglyph 
is  hers,  and  the  4th  sign  is  an  Ahau. 

The  second  woman  holds  in  her  hand  the  Kin  sign;  above 
it  is  the  Yax  sign  and  above  this  a  little  cross  between  two  dots 
(the  numeral  18?).  Compare  pages  18c,  19c  and  27b,  and  in 
the  second  part,  46b  and  50c.  I  shall  venture  no  opinion  regard¬ 
ing  the  hieroglyphs. 

The  third  woman  with  the  copal  pouch  hanging  from  her 
neck  has  nothing  in  her  hand.  She  is  pointing  upward  with  her 
right  hand.  Her  hair  seems  to  be  wound  in  the  shape  of  an  8  in 
horizontal  position  and  above  her  is  a  sign  denoting  the  union 
of  twro  parts.  The  hieroglyphs  are  entirely  destroyed.  Does 
this  represent  the  birth  of  twins? 

The  eyes  of  the  fourth  woman  are  closed,  she  is  pointing 
forward  with  her  hand  and  there  is  a  bird  on  her  head.  Noth¬ 
ing  is  left  of  the  hieroglyphs. 

Finally,  the  fifth  is  distinguished  by  a  large  nose-peg,  which, 
as  on  12b.  resembles  a  flower.  Her  hand  is  extended  forward. 
The  fourth  of  the  hieroglyphs  above  her  is  her  sign.  There 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


93 


is  nothing  to  be  said  regarding  the  three  others.  Are  these 
five  women  engaged  here  in  presenting  their  thankofferings  and 
prayers  of  thanksgiving  for  the  birth  which  has  taken  place? 


Pages  19  a 

XI  13 

Ahau 
Chicchan 
Oc 
Men 
Ahau. 


-21  a. 

XI  13  XI  13  XI  13  XI  13 


XI 


Instead  of  Men  the  Manuscript  has  incorrectly 
Eb.  Ahau  in  the  fifth  place  is  superfluous,  since 
we  have  here  a  Tonalamatl  divided  into  four  equal 
parts. 

The  hieroglyphs  are  so  nearly  obliterated  that  we  can  no 
longer  distinguish  a  common  sign.  There  were  in  all  six  signs 
for  the  first  picture,  of  which  the  first  two  are  above  the  day- 
signs,  while  the  figures  from  the  second  to  the  fifth  have  only 
four  signs  each,  as  follows: — 


1  2  5  7  8  11  12  15  16  19  20 

3  4  6  9  10  13  14  17  18  21  22. 


All  that  can  be  distinguished  here  is  that  the  4th  and  13th 
have  the  same  cross  b  and  ihat.  6  and  10  probably  contain  the 
same  head. 

Each  of  the  five  pictures  contains  a  woman  sitting.  In  the 
first  representation  she  sits  opposite  a  male  figure,  who  bends 
down  to  her  with  his  bird-head,  which  we  have  already  seen 
on  page  13c.  In  the  other  four  pictures  the  woman  is  hold¬ 
ing  the  figure  of  a  god  on  her  lap.  I  do  not  recognize  the  god 
in  the  first  picture  on  page  20.  In  the  second  and  third  pictures 
he  is  related  to  A  or  the  Moan  and  the  first  figure  on  page  21 
may  represent  the  god  D.  These  can  only  be  new-born  children 
represented  by  the  gods  under  whose  signs  they  were  born.  It 
should  also  be  noted  that  the  second  woman  on  page  20  has  a 
serpent  on  her  head  and  the  third  a  bird.  The  bird’s  head 
resembles  that  on  page  16c. 


Pages  21a  — 22  a. 

The  Cimi  and  Eb  of  the  second  column  have  changed  places 
in  the  Manuscript.  Instead  of  the  X  there  is  an  erroneous  2 
and  there  is  no  initial  VII. 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


94 

VII  VII  3  X  2  XII  7  VI  9  II  3  V  2  VII 

Oc  Ahau 

Cib  Cimi 

Ik  Eb 

Lamat  Ezanab 

lx  Kan. 

We  have  here  a  Tonalamatl  consisting  of  10  x  26  days,  and 
the  26  days  are  subdivided  into  six  parts.  I  have  just  assumed 
that  the  2  is  wrong  and  the  initial  VII  is  wanting  over  the  first 
column,  yet  the  2  followed  by  the  laterally  elongated  head  q 
might  here,  perhaps,  be  explained  in  some  manner  as  the  sign 
of  the  day  VII  Oc. 

Apart  from  this  sign  which  occupies  an  entirely  exceptional 
position,  we  have  here  24  hieroglyphs,  i.  e.,  4  for  each  of  the 
six  groups. 

The  fourth  sign  in  the  first  five  groups  is  in  each  case  a  Chuen 
combined  with  the  cross  b  and  the  suffix,  which  seems  to  be  a 
knife,  and  also  with  a  numeral,  which,  however,  is  not  recog¬ 
nizable  in  the  first  group  :  in  the  second  it  is  a  3,  in  the  third  a  7, 
in  the  fourth  a  5  and  in  the  fifth  a  3.  What  can  these  numbers 
mean?  3  — |—  7  — (—  5  — |—  3  =  IS,  and  Chuen  with  the  meaning  of  20 
(especially  in  the  inscriptions)  would  be  18  X  20  =  360. 

In  the  fourth  place  of  the  sixth  group  there  is  a  compound 
character,  the  main  part  of  which  (top,  right)  seems  to  be  the 
sign  for  the  thirteenth  month,  Mac,  and  which  may  also,  as  we 
shall  see  on  page  24,  denote  the  entire  Tonalamatl.  It  is  again 
compounded  with  a  Chuen,  an  uplifted  arm  and  a  kind  of  suffix, 
and  hence  might  denote  the  end  of  a  Tonalamatl. 

The  remaining  18  signs  are  in  the  main  destroyed.  In  the 
second  of  the  fourth  group  we  recognize  the  lock  of  hair  denoting 
a  woman, in  the  third  of  the  second  group  the  superfix  suggesting 
the  south,  which  we  find  above  the  Cimi  sign,  for  example  on 
page  13b.  Lastly,  the  other  third  signs  are  in  the  third  group 
Imix-Kan,  in  the  fourth  group  the  head  q,  in  the  fifth  the  bird 
c.  and  in  the  sixth  a  Manik  sign  with  prefix  and  superfix  resem¬ 
bling  the  sign  i;  in  a  few  places  (24,  39a,  53a,  56b,  58b,  61a,  61c, 
6Sc)  the  prefix  might  have  the  meaning  of  20. 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


95 


Since  the  intention  was  to  close  this  section  on  the  next 
page,  the  space  had  to  be  used  as  economically  as  possible,  and 
instead  of  the  six  pictures  to  be  expected,  there  is  only  one  and 
that  is  the  first.  It  is  a  woman  in  whom  I  observe  nothing 
characteristic  except  that  she  has  a  kind  of  cloak,  which  has 
fallen  down  over  the  lower  part  of  her  body,  and  who  therefore 
remains  unexplained. 


Pages  22  a  — 23  a. 


II 

II 

II 

II  2 

IV  8  XII 

7  VI  10 

Men 

Cib 

Caban 

Ezanab 

[III 

12  II 

Chuen 

Eb 

Ben 

lx 

Manik 

Lamat 

Muluc 

Oc 

Akbal 

Kan 

Chicchan 

Cimi 

Cauac 

Ahau 

Imix 

Ik. 

The  Tonalamatl  is  no  doubt  to  be  read  in  this  way  after 
the  correction  of  a  few  inaccuracies  in  the  Manuscript. 

The  20  days,  all  of  which  occur  again  here  as  on  pages  16a- 
17a,  should  be  read  from  the  right  top  to  the  left  bottom,  since 
they  form  but  one  series. 

As  a  matter  of  fact  Ezanab  is  distant  19  days  from  the  future 
Caban,  but  39  days  distant  from  the  desired  weekday  of  the 
same  name  (see  my  “Erlauterungen,  ”  p.  24) .  Thus  we  have  here 
a  period  of  20  X  39  days  =  780,  i.e.,  a  three-fold  Tonalamatl. 
The  three  Tonalamatls  represented  on  the  pages  between  the 
preceding  passage  (pages  16a-17a),  where  all  the  20  days  appear, 
and  this,  are  of  three  different  kinds  (5  X  52,  4  X  65,  and  10  X  26). 
This  in  itself  is  very  remarkable.  Furthermore  a  fourth  kind 
of  Tonalamatl  seems  to  be  introduced  here,  which  embraces, 
as  it  were,  these  three  Tonalamatls. 

The  hieroglyphs,  which  are  mostly  destroyed,  were  arranged 
in  groups  of  four  for  each  subdivision,  in  the  following  order:— 


II 

II 

II 

II 

1 

2 

5 

9 

13 

17 

3 

4 

6 

10 

14 

18 

7 

11 

15 

19 

8 

12 

16 

20. 

96 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


Of  the  above  the  third  hieroglyph  of  each  group,  i.  e.,  7,  11, 
15,  19  (probably  also  3)  is  always  the  same  and  is  the  sign  of  D, 
the  moon  and  night-god.  In  detail  we  should  expect  to  find  five 
pictures  here,  but  owing  to  lack  of  space  only  the  first  of  these  is 
given.  It  represents  a  deity  with  a  Kan  sign  in  its  hand  and  a 
serpent  on  its  head,  who  is  probably  E,  and  he  is  falling  down 
here  in  exactly  the  same  manner  as  the  four  deities  on  page  15 
at  the  beginning  of  this  section. 

Now,  which  were  the  other  four  deities?  Signs  8, 12,  20  refer 
to  A,  H  and  C.  16  is  the  laterally  elongated  head  q,  to  which 
Seler  is  inclined  to  refer  the  day  Men,  and  Schellhas  an  undeter¬ 
mined  deity  I.  On  account  of  its  frequency  this  sign  must  have 
besides  a  more  general  significance.  In  addition,  however,  we 
have  in  14  and  18  the  signs  of  F  and  B.  6  is  uncertain,  10  is 
probably  C,  and  the  top  row  is  entirely  illegible.  If  to  these 
deities  is  added  the  D  repeated  five  times  in  the  third  row,  it 
will  be  seen  that  all  the  important  gods  are  grouped  together 
here  on  the  last  page  of  this  section. 

Pages  16  b  — 17  b. 

I  will  now  attempt  (for  it  cannot  be  more  than  an  attempt) 
to  separate  into  three  parts,  according  to  their  contents,  the  mid¬ 
dle  and  lowest  thirds  of  pages  16  to  23.  The  first  part,  16b  to 
18b  and  16c  to  20c,  contains  six  Tonalamatls  with  pictures  of 
women,  each  of  whom  carries  on  her  back  the  figure  or  symbol  of 
a  deity.  This  deity  can  hardly  be  any  other  than  the  one  to 
which  the  horoscope  of  the  child  especially  refers. 

The  first  of  these  Tonalamatls,  on  pages  16b-17b,  runs  a- 
follows: — 

Muluc  13  4  35  (or  20  15) 

Imix 

Ben  The  red  numerals  are  wanting  and  were 

Chicchan  probably  forgotten. 

Caban. 

The  hieroglyphs  stand  thus : — 

1  2  5  6  9  13 

3  4  7  8  10  14 

11  15 

12  16. 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


97 


Of  these  3,  7,  11  and  15  are  the  sign  for  women,  2,  6,  10  and 
14  are  likewise  all  the  same  sign,  which  is  repeated  in  the  same 
places  on  pages  17c  to  18c.  I  do  not  understand  its  meaning;  it 
may  have  reference  merely  to  the  carrying-frame.  Instead  of 
the  four  women,  whom  we  should  expect  to  find  here,  only  the 
first  two  are  portrayed.  The  first  carries  B,  whose  sign  is  the 
first  hieroglyph,  while  the  fourth  hieroglyph  is  the  sign  q. 

The  second  woman  carries  A  to  whom  hieroglyphs  5  and  8 
refer.  The  third  woman  would  have  carried  D,  which  is  plainly 
proved  by  hieroglyphs  9  and  12,  and  the  fourth,  F,  as  follows 
from  sign  13  and  probably  also  from  16  (q). 

Pages  17  b  — 18  b. 

Eb  11  7  6  16  8  4. 

Kan 

Cib  Here  again  there  are  no  red  numerals. 

Lamat 

Ahau.  The  24  hieroglyphs  of  the  six  divisions  stand  thus : — • 
1  2  5  9  13  14  17  18  21  22 

3  4  6  10  15  16  19  20  23  24. 

7  11 

8  12 

Again,  six  women  should  be  portrayed  here,  but  there  are 
only  four;  the  second  and  third  are  wanting.  The  signs  for  the 
women  are  given  in  3,  7,  11,  15,  19  and  23,  but  in  15  and  19  the 
prefix  is  different  from  that  of  the  rest.  As  from  here  on  the 
women  repeatedly  carry  a  bird,  the  signs  for  this  are  2,  6, 10, 14, 
18  and  22,  which  are  the  symbol  of  a  rising  bird,  as  in  the  sign  of 
the  15th  Uinal  (Moan),  which  in  my  opinion  generally  coincides 
with  the  13th  month  of  28  days. 

The  women  pictured  here  have  nothing  in  their  hands,  which 
they  hold  stretched  forward,  as  is  usually  the  case  in  this  section. 
The  first  woman  carries  a  vulture  on  her  head.  Compare  8a. 
In  regard  to  it  see  also  Schellhas,  “  Gottergestalten,  ”  p.  31.  The 
hieroglyph  of  the  vulture,  which  we  find  repeated  on  page  17c, 
24,  37b,  46,  50,  65,  is  here  hieroglyph  1,  usually  regarded  as  the 
sign  of  the  bat  deity,  and  near  it  in  4  is  q. 
iv  7 


98 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


The  second  woman  would  have  carried  the  black  deity  L 
(hieroglyph  5),  to  which  q  is  added  in  8. 

The  third  would  have  had  the  dog,  i.  e.,  the  lightning  dog, 
which  we  find  in  hieroglyph  9  and  in  the  month  sign  Ivankin; 
an  a  is  added  to  them  in  12. 

The  fourth  woman  carries  A,  as  is  proved  by  his  signs  in  13 
and  16. 

The  fifth  carries  nothing;  according  to  the  hieroglyphs  17 
and  20  she  ought  to  carry  D. 

Lastly  the  sixth  carries  the  Moan  as  is  proved  by  signs  21 
and  24. 

Pages  16  c  —  17  c. 

Muluc  8  13  13  13  8  10 

lx 

Cauac  This  is  a  Tonalamatl  of  4  X  65  days.  The 

Kan  Muluc  at  the  bottom  is,  therefore,  superflous.  I 

Muluc.  have  been  obliged  to  correct  the  12  in  the  last 

column  of  the  Manuscript  by  changing  it  into  a  10.  The  red 
numerals  are  again  wanting. 

This  passage  admirably  continues  the  one  in  the  preceding 
Tonalamatl  containing  the  women  carrying  birds,  and  is  also 
divided  into  six  parts. 

The  hieroglyphs  stand  thus: — 


1 

2 

5  6 

9 

10 

13 

17 

21 

3 

4 

7  8 

11 

12 

14 

18 

22 

15 

19 

23 

16 

20 

24. 

Signs  3,  7,  11,  14,  19  and  23  (14  and  15  have  changed  places) 
denote  women.  Of  the  six  women  only  the  first  three  are  here 
portrayed. 

The  first  carries  the  Moan  with  which  signs  1,  2  and  4  agree 
perfectly.  The  second  and  third  carry  two  birds,  which  may  be 
parrots  of  a  different  species.  They  are  very  seldom  represented 
elsewhere  and  hence  their  hieroglyphs,  5  and  9,  with  the  added 
determinative  10  are  unfamiliar.  In  8  and  12  the  well-known 
determinatives  a  and  c  are  added. 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


99 


Judging  by  sign  13  the  fourth  woman  would  have  earned 
the  same  vulture,  which  we  see  in  the  middle  section  of  this  page; 
15  and  16  are  again  signs  c  and  q. 

The  fifth  woman  would  have  carried  an  unknown  bird  of 
prey,  the  signs  of  which  are  17  and  18,  and  18=10;  20  is  again 
q,  but  with  a  superfix  different  from  that  in  16. 

Finally  the  sixth  woman,  like  the  third  in  17b,  seems  to  have 
carried  the  dog,  as  is  proved  by  sign  21,  but  in  22  the  symbol  of 
a  bird  is  again  added.  This  passage  ends  in  24  with  the  well- 
known  Imix-Kan. 

Pages  17  c  —  18  c. 

IV  15  VI 33  XIII 4  IV 

Ahau  Here  we  again  find  the  regular  red  numerals 

Eb  (Roman  in  my  transcription  of  the  text),  which 

Kan  were  wanting  in  the  last  three  Tonalamatls.  That 

Cib  they  were  not  added  until  after  the  black  script  and 

Lamat.  drawings  were  completed,  is  evident  in  several 

passages  of  our  Manuscript  and  also  in  this  one,  where  they  have 
been  faintly  indicated  in  black  by  the  scribe  (or  corrector) .  The 
absence  of  red  numbers  in  the  passages  17b-18b  and  16c-17c  is 
an  evidence  that  I  was  right  in  proceeding  directly  from  the 
former  to  the  latter. 

Of  the  12  hieroglyphs,  2,  6  and  10  have  again  the  form  which 
we  found  on  pages  16b-17b,  and  which  seems  to  refer  to  a  carry¬ 
ing-frame;  compare,  however,  the  explanation  of  pages  25-28 
below.  The  women  themselves  are  designated  by  hieroglyphs 
3,  8  and  12.  The  first  woman  carries  the  god  A  and  hieroglyphs 
1  and  4  are  his  regular  signs.  The  second  woman  has  on  her 
back  a  Kin  sign,  above  that  a  Yax,  and  this  combination  over¬ 
topped  by  a  cross  between  two  dots  also  forms  hieroglyph  5; 
compare  the  upper  section  of  the  same  page.  That  this  hiero¬ 
glyph  is  nothing  else  than  a  designation  of  god  D  follows  from 
hieroglyph  7.  Finally  the  fourth  woman  carries  a  figure,  which 
has  a  Moan  sign  for  a  head  and  to  which  hieroglyphs  9  and  11 
certainly  refer.  f' 


100 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


Pages  18  c  —  19c. 

XIII  32  VI  20  XIII 


Eb 

Kan 

Cib 


Ahau 


The  first  woman  carries  the  god  A,  who  is  de¬ 
noted  by  hieroglyphs  4  and  1,  though  somewhat 
irregularly  by  the  latter.  2  is  the  carrying-frame 
and  3  the  woman  herself. 


Lamat. 


The  second  woman  has  again  the  Yax-Kin  sign  on  her  back 
as  in  the  preceding  Tonalamatl,  and  hieroglyph  5  is  also  a  com¬ 
bination  of  these  signs,  but  here  in  7  we  find,  not  the  sign  of  D, 
but  that  of  E,  to  which  also  the  Imix-Kan  in  8  corresponds.  6  is 
again  the  carrying-frame,  though,  as  is  also  the  case  in  2,  more 
indistinctly  drawn  than  in  the  earlier  Tonalamatls. 

Pages  19  c  — 20  c. 

XIII  11  XI  11  IX 11  VII10  IV  9  XIII 

Ahau 

Eb 

Kan 

Cib 

Lamat. 

This  is  a  Tonalamatl  divided  into  five  parts,  to  which  20 
hieroglyphs  belong.  The  hieroglyphs  are  in  the  following 
order : —  ' 

1  2  5  6  9  10  13  14  17  18 

3  4  7  8  11  12  15  16  19  20. 

At  places  2,  7  (6  and  7  have  changed  places),  10,  14  and  18 
we  find  again  the  sign  which  we  think  means  a  carrying-frame, 
while  signs  3,  6, 11, 15  and  19  are  those  of  the  five  women. 

The  first  carries  a  figure  with  a  Moan  head  and  agreeing  with 
this  is  the  second  death-god  F  in  hieroglyph  1  and  his  determi¬ 
native  in  4. 

The  second  woman,  who  is  seated,  carries  the  same  object 
regarding  which  I  am  still  uncertain,  which  is  carried  by  the 
standing  woman  on  page  17a.  This  object  is  denoted  by  hiero¬ 
glyph  5  (w).  Its  determinative  is  probably  8.  It  may  per- 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


101 


haps  be  a  step  in  the  right  direction  to  point  out  that  this  sign 
suggests  the  god  K. 

The  third,  like  the  first,  has  a  figure  with  a  Moan  head,  with 
which  a  female  form  of  A  in  12  and  hieroglyph  9  accord. 

The  fourth  woman  carries  the  maize  deity  E.  13  is  his  sign 
and  the  food  hieroglyphs,  Imix-Kan  in  16,  agree  with  it. 

The  fifth  woman  seems  to  carry  the  somewhat  indistinct 
form  of  D,  if  this  may  be  inferred  from  the  Ahau  of  the  17th  sign. 
20  is  the  universal  sign  a. 

This  ends  the  six  Tonalamatls,  which  are  represented  in 
what  I  have  called  the  section  of  the  burden-bearing  women. 
Five  other  Tonalamatls  follow,  which  again  suggest  the  idea  of 
conception,  which  we  met  once  before  on  pages  13c-14c. 

Page  19  b. 

X  29  XIII 23  X 

Ik  The  most  frequent  sign  in  the  five  Tonalamatls, 

lx  which  I  have  grouped  together,  is  the  cross  b,  which 

Cimi  plays  the  most  important  part  in  all  the  Tonalamatls, 
Ezanab  excepting  the  third,  which  differs  from  the  rest  also 
Oc  in  other  respects.  It  is  essentially  the  sign  for 

union,  referring  in  the  case  of  the  stars  to  their  conjunction 
and  here  to  sexual  union. 

In  this  Tonalamatl  we  see  the  cross  in  hieroglyphs  1  and  5, 
the  sign  for  woman  in  2  and  6,  and  their  determinatives  in  3 
and  7. 

The  first  woman  has  a  deity  facing  her  who  is  devoid  of  all 
characteristic  marks,  and  sign  4  is  also  nothing  but  the  uni¬ 
versal  a. 

The  second  woman  whose  eyes  are  closed,  sits  facing  A,  whose 
hieroglyph  is  in  8. 

Pages  19  b  — 20  b. 

VI  28  VIII  24  VI 

Cib  The  arrangement  of  this  Tonalamatl  is  very 

Lamat  similar  to  that  of  the  preceding. 

Ahau  Hieroglypes  1  and  5  are  again  the  cross,  and  2 

Eb  and  6  the  signs  for  woman. 

Kan.  The  first  picture  is  wanting;  hieroglyph  3  with 


102 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


the  number  7  as  a  prefix  denotes  a  deity  with  whom  I  am  not 
familiar.  The  same  sign  is  found,  on  page  50,  left,  middle;  in  4 
the  usual  head  q  is  added. 

Beside  the  woman  in  the  second  group  —  not  facing  her  —  is 
the  serpent  deity  Id,  again,  as  on  pages  11c  and  12b,  with  the 
nose-peg  resembling  a  flower.  His  sign  is  7  to  which  in  8  the 
familiar  Ahau  is  again  added. 

Page  20  b. 

II  20  IX  19  II  13  II 

Cauac  The  hieroglyphs  stand  thus: — 

Chuen  12  5  9 

Akbal  3  4  6  10 

Men  7  11 

Manik.  8  12. 

The  subject  now  passes  into  the  province  of  astronomy. 
This  is  already  proved  by  sign  1,  which  represents  the  clouds, 
between  which  the  sun  or  moon  is  usually  pictured;  the  sun  is 
probably  omitted  here  merely  owing  to  limited  space.  Sign  3 
suggests  the  storm-god  K  (compare  pages  7a  and  47  left)  to 
which  in  2  the  Ahau  might  be  appropriately  added,  inasmuch  as 
it  rules  the  year  here  under  consideration  as  on  pages  25b  to  26c. 
On  account  of  the  Ben-Ik  sign  I  see  in  4  one  of  the  months  of  28 
days  as  a  more  exact  determination  of  time.  Below  the  Ben-Ik 
a  head  is  represented  with  eyes  apparently  closed,  and  this  head 
is  repeated  in  6  and  10.  though,  probably  for  lack  of  space,  with¬ 
out  the  Ben-Ik.  In  each  of  the  three  places  a  sign  is  used  as  an 
affix  which  might  readily  be  the  year  sign,  contracted  laterally. 

The  two  similar  hieroglyphs  5  and  9,  which  have  the 
following  form,  are  especially  worthy  of  consideration: — 


The  part  on  the  right  recalls  by  its  trisection  the  sign  r, 
which  I  regard  as  the  week  of  13  days  and,  in  fact,  the 
interval  between  the  two  hieroglyphs  is  13  days.  On  the 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


103 


left  is  the  inverted  figure  of  a  person  in  a  squatting  attitude, 
the  head  surrounded  by  stars  as  on  pages  57b  and  58b  and 
a  sign  on  the  back  which  may  be  a  suggestion  of  the  sun- 
glyph.  In  this  figure,  which  occurs  also  in  the  Tro-Cort. 
and  in  the  inscriptions,  I  see  the  planet  Mercury  and  I  be¬ 
lieve  that  that  planet’s  retrogression  (which  lasts  17-18  days) 
or  disappearance  into  the  light  of  the  sun  during  this  week, 
is  the  subject  of  this  passage.  7  and  8  are  the  sign  for  D 
with  the  usual  Ahau,  and  11  and  12  are  the  hieroglyphs 
of  the  death-god  A. 

Instead  of  three  pictures  there  is  only  one  here,  viz: — 
a  woman  with  nose-peg,  sitting  on  a  mat  and  apparently 
waiting  for  something.  We  also  find  figures  sitting  on  mats 
elsewhere,  for  example  on  pages  7b  and  68b. 


Page  21b. 

VII 

VII 

7  17  VIII  7  II  5  VII 

Oc 

Ahau 

This  is  also  a  Tonalamatl  of  10  parts 

Cib 

Cimi 

(10  X  26).  The  first  column  should  be  read 

Ik 

Eb 

first  from  top  to  bottom  and  then  the  second. 

Lamat 

Ezanab 

The  days  are  exactly  the  same  as  on  page 

lx 

Kan. 

21a,  and  here  too  Cimi  and  Eb  have 

changed  places. 
The  hieroglyphs  run  thus:— 


1 

5 

6 

9 

13 

2 

7 

8 

10 

14 

3 

11 

15 

4 

12 

16. 

The  signs  forming  the  hieroglyphs  into  groups  are,  in  ad¬ 
dition  to  the  cross  in  2,  6,  10  and  14,  the  heads  in  1,  5,  9  and 
13  with  an  Akbal  sign  (indistinct  in  9)  which,  by  the  lock  of 
hair  in  5,  9  and  13,  refer  to  a  woman.  This  lock  of  hair  is 
replaced  by  a  hand  in  1. 

Sign  3,  with  which  m  in  4  is  associated  as  a  determina¬ 
tive,  shows  that  the  first  group  ought  to  have  a  picture  of  the 
black  god  L  grouped  with  a  female  figure. 

The  second  group  is  the  only  one  with  a  picture.  On  the 
right  there  is  a  female  figure,  which,  judging  by  the  headdress, 


104 


COMMENTARY  OX  THE 


we  have  already  met  on  page  19a.  Opposite  her  sits  the  dog 
which  we  saw  on  page  13c.  Here  (in  sign  7),  as  on  page  13c, 
the  hieroglyph  of  the  dog  is  combined  with  a  Cimi  sign,  and 
this  hieroglyph  is  repeated  in  S  with  the  sign  c,  which  is  so 
closely  allied  to  Cimi. 

For  the  third  group  the  god  A  should  have  been  represented 
with  the  woman,  as  is  proved  by  sign  11  so  peculiarh'  com¬ 
bined  with  r  as  a  superfix.  To  this  hieroglyph  a  is  added, 
doubtless  referring  to  the  good  days,  as  if  merely  to  fill  space. 

The  hieroglyphs  of  the  fourth  group  do  not,  I  think, 
convey  a  clear  idea  as  to  which  deity  belongs  here.  His 
sign  is  15,  which  is  compounded  of  .Manik  and  Chuen  with 
a  superfix,  nor  does  the  Cimi  added  in  16  shed  light  on  the 
subject.  As  for  15  we  have  already  found  it  on  page  13c 
with  the  prefixed  4.  which  I  find  prefixed  in  this  way  in  at 
least  12  different  signs. 

Pages  21  c  —  22  c. 

Caban  5  21  16  10 

Muluc 

Infix  This  is  a  Tonalamatl  of  five  parts  in  which  the 

Ben  red  numerals  are  wanting. 

Chicchan. 

The  hieroglyphs  are  in  the  following  order: — 

1  2  5  6  9  11  13 

3  4  7  S  10  12  14 

15 

16. 

Among  these  are  hieroglyphs  which  are  common  to  all 
the  groups: —  the  cross  in  1.5  and  9  and  the  woman  in  3,  7 
and  15.  In  13  this  cross  is  replaced  by  another  sign,  perhaps 
that  for  the  year  of  360  days,  and  in  12  the  sign  for  woman  is 
replace  by  the  univeral  a. 

Each  of  the  three  pictures  contains  a  woman  facing  a 
deity.  I  will  consider  first  the  second  picture  in  which  H  is  the 
deity,  as  is  proved  by  hieroglyph  6  to  which  an  Imix  is  added 
in  S.  with  the  uplifted  arm  prefixed  as  in  10c  and  13a. 

Between  the  first  and  third  pictures  there  is  some  confu- 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


105 


sion.  The  first  is  D,  for  while  his  type  inclines  more  to  that 
of  N,  the  other  old  god  of  the  Maya  Olympus,  comparison 
with  23c  clearly  shows  that  D  is  intended  here.  But  the  year- 
sign  on  his  head  also  suggests  in  some  measure  the  Uayeyab 
god  N  and  moreover  this  sign  does  not  belong  to  D  and  only 
occurs  again  with  him  on  page  23c.  Further,  there  is  no  hiero¬ 
glyph  at  all  for  D  and  instead  we  find  in  2,  5  Zac,  the  regular 
sign  of  N.  Also  sign  4  fits  N  better  than  it  does  D.  Further¬ 
more  this  passage  relates  to  the  day  Ik,  which  might  very  well 
be  the  last  day  of  the  year. 

On  the  other  hand  the  third  picture  contains,  unquestion¬ 
ably,  the  figure  of  N.  I  look  for  his  sign  in  the  11th  hiero¬ 
glyph,  wdiich  is  the  head  of  an  old  man  with  a  prefixed  4,  re¬ 
ferring  to  the  four  different  forms  of  N  in  the  Kan,  Muluc,  lx 
and  Cauac  years.  The  Ahau  in  12,  however,  does  not  fit  N, 
but  D. 

This  confusion  can  only  be  adjusted  by  transferring  D 
from  the  first  group  to  the  third  and  also,  perhaps,  the  sign 
of  the  woman  in  3,  wdiich  applies  to  all  the  three  groups,  and  by 
transferring  to  the  first  group  N  and  the  11th  sign  of  the 
third  group. 

The  fourth  group  has  no  picture.  It  should  have,  as 
hieroglyph  14  shows,  the  god  F,  wdio  represents  death  by  vio¬ 
lence  in  human  sacrifice  and  the  chase.  The  hieroglyph  Cimi 
in  the  16th  place  is  a  suitable  sign  for  this  deity. 

Pages  22  c  — 23  c. 

II  10  XII  12  XI  9  VII  6  XIII  7  VII  8  II 

Oc 

Ik 

lx 

Cimi 

Ezanab. 

The  hieroglyphs  are  arranged  in  the  following  order: — 

1  2  5  6  9  13  14  17  18  21  22 

3  4  7  8  10  15  16  19  20  23  24. 

11 

12 


106 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


This  Tonalamatl,  the  fifth  and  last  of  this  section,  pre¬ 
sents  much  that  is  irregular  and  puzzling. 

It  can  hardly  be  said  that  there  are  comprehensive  hiero¬ 
glyphs  here,  forming  the  heading  of  the  six  groups.  The  sign 
for  woman  occurs  only  in  2,  8  and  24,  and  the  cross  b  only  in 
14  and  18,  but  it  is  sufficient  to  make  it  clear  that  here,  too, 
connection  with  a  woman  is  the  principal  theme.  Let  us  pass, 
therefore,  directly  to  the  single  groups. 

The  first  group  contains  A  and  a  woman.  The  god,  how¬ 
ever,  is  not  facing  the  woman  but  sits  beside  her.  The  Cimi 
sign  in  1,  the  familiar  c  in  3  and  the  unknown  sign  in  4  (=6) 
hardly  explain  this  particular  proceeding. 

The  second  group  contains  two  persons  who  sit  facing  each 
other,  but  the  representation  is  so  obscure  and  peculiar  that 
it  is  difficult  to  determine  which  is  the  male  figure  and  which 
the  female.  The  hair  of  the  person  sitting  on  the  right  stands 
up  in  a  manner  not  found  elsewhere.  It  forms  a  figure  simi¬ 
lar  to  that  which  is  issuing  from  the  mouth  of  the  dog  on 
pages  13c  and  21b.  The  Cimi  sign  in  5  and  the  sign  c  in  7  are 
familiar,  but  the  infrequent  6  =  4  remains  a  puzzle. 

Uncertainty  regarding  the  third  group  is  increased  by  the 
fact  that  there  is  no  picture  belonging  to  it.  The  well-known 
signs,  10  (Cimi)  and  12  ( q )  afford  no  explanation,  nor  does 
the  head  with  the  uplifted  arm  in  11,  which  we  find  with  the 
same  hieroglyph  on  pages  8a  and  36a.  The  most  puzzling 
is  the  9th  sign,  which  is  composed  of  two  crouching  persons  lean¬ 
ing  back  to  back,  and  who  also  appear  in  the  astronomical 
sections  of  the  Manuscript  on  page  6Sa,  not  merely  in  the  form 
of  a  hieroglyph,  but  also  carried  out  in  a  picture.  In  my 
article  on  the  Maya  chronology  published  in  the  Zeitschrift 
fur  Ethnologie  of  the  year  1891,  I  attempted  to  explain  this 
Janus  picture  as  meaning  the  change  of  the  year,  but  that  in¬ 
terpretation  would  make  no  sense  here. 

The  fourth  group  contains  the  woman  opposite  D,  who 
is  clad  in  the  gala  mantle  and  has  on  his  head  a  bird  and 
apparently  the  sign  for  a  year,  and  is  designated  by  the 
Ahau  in  16,  while  Imix-Kan  in  13,  b  in  14  and  a  in  15  are 
rather  meaningless. 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


107 


The  fifth  group  represents  the  woman  united  with  A,  who 
is  designated  by  the  Cimi  sign  in  17.  18  with  its  b  and  19  with 

its  q  display  little  that  is  characteristic,  r  in  20,  which  I  think 
is  the  sign  for  the  week  of  13  days,  invites  further  study.  The 
sixth  picture,  which  is  the  last,  is  very  peculiar;  it  represents 
three  women  sitting  side  by  side  denoting  perhaps  the  virgins 
who  still  remain.  Sign  21  as  Imix-Kan,  23  as  a  and  24  as 
sign  of  femininity  supply  nothing  in  the  way  of  explanation- 
As  6, 9  and  20  are  the  characteristic  signs  in  the  preceding  groups, 
so  here  the  characteristic  sign  is  22 — an  open  hand  holding  the 
day  Ben — which  perhaps  designates  these  virgins  by  referring  to 
the  house  in  whichthey  are  held  fast  by  the  hand.  Cf.  Tro.  23*  d. 

Now  of  the  entire  woman  section  closing  with  page  23  only 
the  two  Tonalamatls  on  pages  22b-23b  remain.  These  Tona- 
lamatls  again  display  very  many  peculiarities  and  seem  to  be 
but  loosely  connected  with  the  five  Tonalamatls  last  discussed. 

Page  22  b. 

Ill  13  III  13  III  13  III  13  III 
Akbal 

Men  This  is  a  regular  Tonalamatl,  in  which  the  52  days 

Manik  are  divided  into  four  equal  parts. 

Cauac 

Chuen. 

The  hieroglyphs  are  in  the  following  order: — 

1  2  5  6  9  10  13 

3  4  7  8  11  12  14 

15 

16. 

An  Ahau  is  added  here  as  the  17th  sign,  which  is  very  un¬ 
usual. 

We  find  elements  here  forming  the  hieroglyphs  into  groups 
in  three  different  ways. 

1.  The  signs  1,  5,  9  and  13  designate  the  four  cardinal  points 
as  they  so  often  stand  together  in  this  Manuscript  in  the  order 
of  East,  North,  West  and  South,  i.  e.,  in  the  sequence  of  the 
annual  and  not  of  the  diurnal  course  of  the  sun. 

2.  The  hieroglyphs  2,  6,  10  and  14  are  all  alike  and  are 
the  head  with  the  Akbal  eye,  which  in  6  is  closed. 


108 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


3.  The  three  persons  pictured  here  all  carry  a  Kan  sign  in 
their  hands,  probably  as  the  offering  they  have  received.  Simi¬ 
larly  we  found  the  Kan  sign  held  in  the  hand  twice  on  page  16b. 

The  first  picture  is  B;  his  sign  is  the  third  with  the  q  in  4  as  a 
determinative,  which  has  above  it  a  Ben-Ik  sign. 

The  second  figure  is  a  goddess  with  a  serpent  as  head-orna¬ 
ment,  though  we  find  in  the  7th  sign,  not  her  hieroglyph,  but 
merely  the  one  generally  used  to  denote  a  woman.  8  is  the 
usual  a,  which  in  my  opinion  is  the  sign  for  the  good  days,  to 
which  also  the  Kan  sign  refers  in  the  hands  of  the  three  per¬ 
sonages. 

The  third  picture  is  that  of  the  sun-gocl  G;  his  hieroglyph  is 
the  11th,  to  which  in  12  is  added  the  sign  q,  the  sign  for  the  bad 
days,  with  a  superfix. 

The  fourth  picture  is  wanting.  According  to  the  15th  hiero¬ 
glyph  it  should  be  the  maize  deity  E.  My  theory  that  16  is  the 
sign  for  the  week  of  13  days  is  supported  by  the  fact  that  the 
division  into  4x13  days  is  the  prevailing  one. 

Page  23  b. 

VIII  12  VII  12  VI  12  V 12  IV 12  III  5  VIII 
Kan  This  is  a  Tonalamatl  of  4  X  65  days  divided  aseven- 

Muluc  ly  as  possible  into  5  X  12  +  5.  The  5th  day  added 

lx  after  the  16th  must  be  a  mistake’ (suggested  by  the  5th 

C'auac  day  of  the  last  section)  for  it  is  usually  the  first  of  the 
Lamat.  days,  which  is  repeated  superfluously. 

The  hieroglyphs  are: — 


1 

2 

7 

11 

15 

19 

23 

3 

4 

8 

12 

16 

20 

24 

5 

6 

9 

13 

17 

21 

25 

10 

14 

IS 

22 

26. 

Contrary  to  practice  the  first  section  has  six  hieroglyphs,  and 
the  other  five  but  four  each. 

As  the  characteristic  hieroglyph  we  find  in  1,  7, 11, 15, 19  and 
23  a  sign,  the  meaning  of  which  is  still  undetermined  and  which 
we  shall  meet  again  on  page  60,  where  it  may  refer  to  darkness. 

The  groups  have  in  common,  furthermore,  the  head  without 
an  underjaw  and  the  hair  gathered  up  in  a  tuft  in  4,  10,  14,  22 
and  25  (in  18  perhaps  represented  by  q,  the  evil  days).  We 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


109 


shall  find  this  sign  on  pages  25,28,30-35,  42-44  and  65-69,  re¬ 
peated  a  number  of  times  in  many  instances.  I  consider  it  the 
sign  for  fast-days.  It  appears  also  in  the  Tro-Cort.  Associated 
witht  his  sign  here  as  in  other  passages  are  the  four  sacrifices 
derived  from  the  animal  kingdom : — a  haunch  of  venison,  a  bird ,  an 
iguana  and  a  fish.  The  fish  is  beyond  doubt  denoted  by  3,  the 
mammal  by  21  and  the  bird  by  13,  and  I  believe,  therefore,  that 
the  iguana  with  its  spiny  back  is  denoted  by  9.  We  find  the 
four  animals,  though  in  a  different  order,  also  on  pages  29b-30b, 
30b-31b  and  40c-41c,  as  well  as  inCort.  3-6  and  8,  for  example. 
They  seem  to  have  a  certain  reference  also  to  the  four  cardinal 
points. 

Only  the  first  of  the  six  groups  has  a  picture  (I?).  This  rep¬ 
resents  a  woman  with  a  serpent  in  her  hair,  holding  in  her  hand 
a  dish  containing  a  fish.  The  woman  is  denoted  by  the  fifth 
hieroglyph  and  the  fish  by  the  third.  The  6th  sign  is  an  Ahau, 
which  is  not  quite  intelligible  here.  Sign  2=5  Zac  is  very  re¬ 
markable;  it  is  the  hieroglyph  of  the  Uayeyab  days  and  of  their 
god  N.  If  this  Ahau  refers,  as  it  often  does,  to  the  god  D,  it 
suggests  the  relation  between  D  and  N,  which  follows  from  page 
21c. 

According  to  the  8th  sign,  the  second  group  might  refer  tc 
the  serpent  deity  H,  and  the  9th  sign  would  not  improperly 
denote  the  iguana. 

In  the  same  way  sign  12  in  the  third  group  probably  denotes 
the  storm-god  K,  with  whom  the  bird  in  13  accords  very  well. 

In  the  fourth  group  both  the  animal  and  the  sign  of  fasting, 
belonging  to  it,  are  wanting,  while  16  and  17  as  well  as  the  un¬ 
lucky  day  in  18  clearly  refer  to  the  death-deity  A. 

The  fifth  passage  belongs,  as  sign  20  shows,  to  the  maize 
deity  E  and  to  this  is  added  the  haunch  of  vension  in  21. 

Inthe  sixth  group  we  recognize  Imix-Kan,the  sign  for  food  de¬ 
rived  from  the  vegetable  kingdom.  It  stands  beside  the  grain- 
deity  E  of  the  fifth  group.  I  do  not  understand  the  vulture-head 
in  26. 

The  five  deities  specified  here  may  be  compared  with  those 
on  page  24,  which  are  denoted  by  hieroglyphs  21-25  of  the 
second  column,  though  the  agreement  is  not  perfect. 

This  ends  the  first  great  section  of  the  Manuscript,  in  which 


110 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


Tonalamatls  are  represented  in  uninterrupted  succession.  We 
come  now  to  a  page  which  stands  quite  alone,  being  the  first 
which  treats  of  astronomy  and  which  ends  the  front  of  the  first 
part  of  the  Manuscript. 

Page  24. 

In  my  article  “Zur  Entzifferung  IV”  I  discussed  this  re¬ 
markable  page  in  detail  and  in  what  follows  I  shall  conform  to 
that  treatise,  though  omitting  many  things  which  since  then 
have  become  the  established  possession  of  science,  and  shall  en¬ 
deavor  to  shed  a  still  clearer  light  upon  other  points. 

This  page  presents  in  brief  the  subject  which  is  more  fully 
t  reat  ed  of  on  the  front  of  the  second  part  of  the  Manuscript  (pages 
46-60). 

The  first  problem  it  presents  is  to  find  periods  in  which  the 
solar  year  (365  days)  is  brought  into  accord  with  the  apparent 
Venus  year(584  days).  This  takes  place inaterm  of  2920  days= 
8  X  365  =5  X  584.  Sequent  to  this  is  the  still  higher  aim  of 
bringing  the  Tonalamatl  (260)  into  harmony  with  this  period, 
which  is  accomplished  in  37,960  days  (  =  146  X  260=  104  X  365 
=  65  X  584). 

The  revolution  of  the  moon (28), the  ritual  year  (364=28  X 
13)  and  the  apparent  revolution  of  Mercury  (115)  come  in 
question  as  secondary  matters. 

I  will  now  give  an  approximate  reproduction  of  the  page:  — 


Hieroglyphs. 

1 

17 

29 

151.840 

113,880 

75,920 

37,960 

2 

18 

30 

("4  x  37,960) 

(3  x  37.960) 

(2  x  37,960) 

(13  x  2920) 

3 

19 

31 

I  A  hau 

I  Ahau 

I  Ahau 

I  Ahau 

4 

20 

32 

185,120 

68,900 

33.280 

9100 

5 

21 

33 

I  Ahau 

I  Ahau 

I  Ahau 

I  Ahau 

6 

22 

34 

35,040 

32,120 

29.200 

26,280 

7 

23 

35 

( 12  x  2920) 

( 1 1  x  2920) 

(10x  2920) 

(9  x  2920) 

8 

24 

36 

VI  Ahau 

XI  Ahau 

III  Ahau 

VIII  Ahau 

9 

25 

37 

23,300 

20,440 

17,520 

14,600 

10 

26 

38 

( 8  x  2920) 

(7  x  2920) 

(6  x  2920) 

(5  x  2920) 

11 

27 

39 

XIII  Ahau 

V  Ahau 

X  Ahau 

II  Ahau 

12 

13 

28 

40 

11,680 

8,760 

5,840 

2920 

14 

(4  x  2920) 

(3  x  2920) 

(2  x  2920) 

VII  Ahau 

XII  Ahau 

IV  Ahau 

IX  Ahau 

15 

16 

2,200 

1 ,366,560 

1,364,360 

IV  Ahau 

I  Ahau 

I 

Ahau 

8,  Cumhu 

18  Kayab 

18  Zip. 

DRESDEN  CODEX. 


Ill 


First  let  me  observe  that  I  have  restored  the  four  large  num¬ 
bers  at  the  top,  which  are  almost  entirely  effaced,  as  follows: — 
1  15  10  5 

1  16  10  5 

1  6  16  8 
14  0  0  0. 

0 

And  furthermore,  at  the  right,  bottom,  I  have  substituted 
the  third  month  for  the  second  of  the  Manuscript,  which  pre- 
ceeding  will  be  justified  later  on. 

The  least  difficult  portion  of  the  contents  of  this  page  is  the 
first  series  consisting  of  16  members,  each  being  a  multiple  of 
2920.  It  begins  with  the  date  I  Ahau  (which  is  always  con¬ 
cealed  in  these  series),  regularly  stops  at  the  month  day  Ahau 
(since  2920=146  X  20),  but  necessarily  advances  in  the  week 
days  by  8  days  each  (since  2920  =  224  X  13  -j-  8) ,  until  37,960  is 
reached,  when  the  day  I  Ahau  again  appears  (since  37,960= 
146  X  260). 

According  to  my  method  of  filling  in  the  numbers,  the  top 
row  of  the  page  consists  only  of  multiples  of  37,960. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  four  numbers  of  the  second  row  from 
the  top  are  more  difficult  .  They  are,  it  is  true,  all  divisible  with¬ 
out  remainder  by  260,  but  otherwise  they  seem  to  be  without 
rule,  and  they  give  one  somewhat  the  impression  of  a  subsidiary 
computation  such  as  one  might  jot  down  on  a  slip  of  paper  in  the 
course  of  some  important  mathematical  work. 

Nevertheless,  the  following  remarkable  results  are  obtained 
when  the  first  and  third  and  the  second  and  fourth  numbers  are 
combined  by  addition  or  subtraction: — 

1)  185, 120  — |—  33, 280  =  218, 400,  which  is  just  600  years  of 
13  x  28  =  364  days,  280  Mars  years  of  780  days,  840  Tonalamatls 
of  260  days  or  7800  months  of  28  days. 

2)  185,  120 — 33,  280=151,  840,  i.  e.,  precisely  the  highest 
number  of  the  top  row,  =416  solar  years  of  365  days  each  or  260 
Venus  years  of  584  days  each,  i.  e.,  the  product  of  the  days  of 
the  Tonalamatl  multiplied  by  the  Venus  years.  We  shall  again 
find  the  151,840on  page  51, and  Seler  (“Quetzalcoatl  and  Ivukul- 
can,”  p.  400)  finds  this  same  period  on  a  relief  of  Chichen  Itza. 


112 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


3)  68, 900  -(-9100=78, 000,  i.  e.,  100  Mars  years  or  300  Tona- 
lamatls.  The  half  of  this  number,  or  39,000,  we  shall  find  again 
on  pages  69-73  by  computation;  also  the  whole  78,000. 

4)  6S,900 — 9100=59, S00,  i.  e.,  520  Mercury  years  of  115 
days,  or  230  Tonalamatls,  or  five  times  the  period  of  11,960  days, 
in  which  these  two  periods  are  united.  By  computation  again 
we  find  the  59,800  on  page  58.  This  period  of  11,960  days  is, 
however,  to  the  period  of  37,960  in  the  proportion  of  23:73,  i.  e., 
23  X  520:73  X  520.  23  is  the  fifth  part  of  the  apparent  Mercury 
year,  as  73  is  of  the  solar  year. 

Let  us  now  turn  to  the  numbers,  which  form  the  bottom  of 
my  transcription,  but  only  the  left  hand  lower  corner  in  the 
Manuscript.  Here,  in  the  latter,  we  find  the  following  (with 
the  correction  already  mentioned  of  the  second  to  the  third 
month) : — 

2200  1,366,560  1,364,360 

IV  Ahau  I  Ahau  I  Ahau 

8  Cumhu  18  Kayab  18  Zip. 

The  first  thing  to  be  done  is  to  arrange  and  fill  out  these  num¬ 
bers  to  suit  our  purpose. 

The  2200  is  clearly  nothing  more  than  the  difference  between 
the  two  high  numbers.  We  can  therefore  dispense  with  it. 

Further,  we  find  by  the  usual  computation,  that  the  second 
number  belongs  to  the  first  date  and  the  third  to  the  second. 
Hence  the  number  corresponding  to  the  third  date  is  wanting 
from  lack  of  space.  This  number  can  be  calculated  from  that 
date;  it  is  1,352,400.  It  would  suit  this  date  equally  well  if  the 
number  were  higher  or  lower  by  18,980  or  a  multiple  of  18,980; 
but  it  will  be  seen  directly  that  it  agrees  with  the  other  two  num¬ 
bers  only  at  the  value  given  above. 

Now,  if  we  add  to  this  passage  the  years  in  which  the  dates 
must  lie,  they  are  in  the  case  of  the  date  on  the  left,  the  year  9 
Ix,in  the  case  of  the  middle  date,  the  year  3  Kan,  and  of  that  on 
the  right  hand,  the  year  10  Kan. 

Then  if  we  arrange  the  three  numbers  with  the  dates  and 
years  belonging  to  them,  according  to  the  value  of  the  first,  this 
part  of  the  page  will  run  as  follows: — 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


113 


1,352,400 
I  Ahau 
18  Zip 
10  Kan 


1,364,360 


1,366,560 
IV  Ahau 
8  Cumhu 
9  lx. 


I  Ahau 
18  Kayab 
3  Kan 


Let  us  now  consider  the  properties  of  the  three  numbers 
individually. 

1)  1,352,400  =  28  X  48,300  and  =  115  X  11,760,  hence  it 
is  divisible  by  the  month  days  of  the  year  of  364  days  and  by 
the  Mercury  year.  At  all  events  this  is  the  least  important  of 
the  three  numbers. 

2)  1,364,360.  This  looks  as  if  it  referred  particularly  to 
the  moon  and  to  Mercury;  to  the  latter  since  it  is  equal  to 
115  X  11,864,  and  to  the  former  if  we  assume  that  the  lunar  revo¬ 
lution  has  been  fixed  at  29§  days,  in  which  case  this  number 
is  exactly  equal  to  46,000  such  lunations.  If  this  last  number 
be  again  divided  by  115,  the  number  of  days  required  for  a  rev¬ 
olution  of  Mercury,  the  quotient  is  400,  which  is  a  round  number 
in  the  vigesimal  system  and  which  was  therefore  denoted  by  a 
single  word,  by  Bak  in  the  Maya  (according  to  Stoll)  and  by  Huna 
in  the  Cakchiquel  (according  to  Seler).  1,364,360,  therefore,  is  a 
Huna  of  lunar  revolutions  multiplied  by  the  number  of  days  in 
the  Mercury  period.  Later  on  we  shall  find  the  lunar  revolution 
fixed  at  29f  days. 

3)  1,366,560.  This  is  the  most  comprehensive  number  of 
the  entire  Manuscript,  for  it  is  divisible  into  each  of  the  follow¬ 
ing  periods: — Those  of  the  Senores  de  la  noche  or  Lords  of  the 
Cycle  (9  X  151,840;  this  is,  however,  the  first  number  of  the  top 
row),  the  Tonalamatls  (260x5256),  the  old  official  years  (360  X 
3796) ,  the  solar  years  (365  X  3744) ,  the  Venus  years  (584  X  2340) , 
the  Mars  years  (780  X  1752),  the  Venus-solar  periods  (2920  X 
468),  the  solar  year-Tonalamatls  (18,980  X 72),  the  Venus,  solar, 
Tonalamatl  periods  (37,960  X  36) ,  and  the  periods  which  are 
generally  designated  Ahau-Katuns  (113,880x12). 

We  have  next  to  consider  the  intervals  which  elapse  between 
the  three  dates. 

1)  From  1,352,400  to  1,364,360  is  11,960  days,  which  period 
we  have  already  found  once  on  _this  page ^by  computation. 


nr  8 


M  vJ'i  * 


■ 


3 


114 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


11,960,  however,  is  equal  to  104 X  1 15  and  46x260,  i.e.,  the  Mer¬ 
cury  revolution  and  the  Tonalamatl  combined.  11,960  is  again 
equal  to  32  x  365  — 280,  and  from  the  year  10  Kan  to  3  Kan  it 
is  actually  32  years,  and  from  the  date  18  Zip  to  18  Kayab  it  is, 
in  fact,  280  days.  The  day  I  Ahau  must  be  common  to  both 
dates. 

2)  From  1,364,360  to  1,366,560  is  2200  days,  as  the  Manu¬ 
script  expressly  states.  2200,  however,  is  equal  to  8 X  260+120, 
and  the  distance  from  the  day  I  Ahau  to  IV  Ahau  is  in 
fact  exactly  120  days.  Further  2200=6  x  365-)- 10;  from  the 
year  3  Kan  to  9  lx  it  is  6  years  and  from  the  date  18  Kayab  to 
8  Cumhu  it  is  10  days. 

3)  From  these  two  statements  the  third  follows.  The  dis¬ 
tance  from  1,352,400  to  1,366,560  is  14,160.  This  contains  first 
the  14040,  in  which  both  the  Tonalamatl  and  the  old  official 
year  of  360  days  meet,  and  second  120,  which  is  again  the  inter¬ 
val  between  I  Ahau  and  IV  Ahau.  But  14,160  is  also  equal  to 
38  X  365-)— 290,  and  the  interval  between  10  Kan  and  9  lx  is  of 
course  38  years,  and  from  18  Zip  to  8  Cumhu  it  is  290  days. 

The  numbers  with  which  we  have  had  to  do  here  will  again 
occupy  our  attention  further  on,  especially  the  2920  and  the 
37,960  on  pages  46-50,  the  11,960  and  115  on  pages  51-58,  and 
the  14,040  on  page  73. 

That  these  computations  are  not  confined  to  the  Dresden 
Manuscript  is  proved  by  the  cross  of  Palenque,  where  we  find  in 
signs  A  B  16  precisely  the  date  I  Ahau  18  Zotz,  a  Tonalamatl  be¬ 
fore  18  Kayab,  in  D  1  C  2  exactly  the  difference  2200  and  in  D3 
C  4  the  date  IV  Ahau  8  Cumhu.  This  is  in  favor  of  the  theory 
that  our  Manuscript  did  not  originate  far  from  Palenque. 

Now,  the  question  finally  arises  as  to  what  may,  strictly 
speaking,  be  considered  the  significance  of  these  numbers,  dates 
and  differences. 

In  the  first  place,  I  would  recall  the  fact  that  the  dates  of  the 
monuments  of  Copan  and  Quirigua, which  doubtless  referto  pres¬ 
ent  time,  are  in  the  neighborhood  of  1,400,000.  The  high  num¬ 
bers  of  our  Manuscript,  so  far  as  they  are  in  question  here,  form 
first  a  group,  which  extends  from  about  1,200,000  to  1,280,000, 
and  then  there  is  a  blank,  and  next  a  large  group  extending 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


115 


from  about  1,350,000  to  1,480,000,  then  another  blank  and  last¬ 
ly  a  group  extending  from  about  1,520,000  to  1,580,000.  If  we 
assume  that  our  Manuscript  belonged  to  about  the  same  date  as 
these  inscriptions,  then  the  three  numbers  discussed  here  would 
extend  over  a  past  period  lying  about  160-170  years  back,  when 
a  new  period  of  importance  had  begun  probably  dating  from 
the  immigration  of  the  Aztecs  into  Mexico,  which  they  placed 
in  the  first  half  of  the  14th  century  (see  “  Weltall,”  Vol.  5.  pp. 
374-377).  Now,  however,  the  number  1,366,560  contains  the 
statement  that  3744  years  ago  (each  year  having  365  days)  an 
event  must  have  occurred,  which  can  hardly  be  anything  other 
(according  to  the  belief  of  the  Mayas)  than  the  creation  of 
mankind.  Hence  all  the  historical  dates  of  the  Mayas  were 
computed  from  this  starting-point.  But  how  did  this  event 
come  to  have  the  date  IV  Ahau  8  Cumhu? 

In  my  opinion  this  date  is  to  be  regarded  only  as  the  result 
of  the  far  more  importantdate  I  Ahau  18  Kayab,  lying  2200  days 
earlier.  Day  17,  Ahau,  belongs,  without  doubt,  to  the  chief  of 
the  gods,  and  as  the  first  week  day  it  must  have  been  especially 
sacred.  The  prophecies  of  the  Tonalamatl  preferably  begin 
with  the  Ahau  and  with  the  I.  The  series  on  the  page  under 
discussion,  constructed  with  the  difference  2920  as  a  basis,  begins 
with  I  Ahau,  and  the  three  series  on  pages  46-50  also  have  the 
same  day  as  the  zero  point  of  departure.  I  Ahau  is  therefore 
the  starting-point  of  the  astronomical  computations  as  IV 
Ahau  is  of  the  historical. 

Now,  however,  all  the  periods  of  260  days  end  each  time 
with  I  Ahau.  Why  is  precisely  this  day  chosen  here,  which  is 
the  18th  day  of  the  month  Kayab,  therefore  in  the  year  3  Kan, 
and  lying  2200  days  earlier  than  the  historical  date? 

Day  18  Kayab  is  our  June  18th.  In  my  treatise  ‘  ‘  Schild- 
krote  und  Schnecke  in  der  Mayaliteratur”  (1892),  I  have  sought 
to  prove  that  the  tortoise  served  as  symbol  of  the  summer  sol¬ 
stice,  that  the  sign  of  Kayab  was  the  head  of  a  tortoise,  and  that 
probably  the  18th  of  June  was  regarded  as  the  longest  day.  The 
middle  one  of  the  three  series  on  pages  46-50  begins  with  exactly 
this  date,  I  Ahau  18  Kayab. 


116 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


But  whence  come  the  2200  clays?  I  will  offer  a  suggestion 
which  may  serve  until  a  better  theory  is  propounded.  Let  us 
assume  that  each  of  the  five  principal  planets  had  in  succession 
regulated  its  time  of  revolution  by  this  astronomical  starting- 
point,  thus: — sun  365,  moon  356,  Mercury  115,  Venus  584,  and 
Mars  780  days,  these  numbers  added  together  give  exactly  2200. 
It  will  scarcely  excite  surprise  that  I  should  set  down  the  lunar 
year  at  356  days  (and  not  at  the  usual  354  days)  for  there  are  12 
X  29$  lunations  in  a  year  and  we  thought  we  had  already 
found  this  period  on  this  page,  while  discussing  the  number 
1,364,360;  also  on  pages  51-58,  in  addition  to  the  half  lunar 
year  of  177  days,  we  shall  find  one  of  178  days.  Were  the  planets 
therefore  created  2200  days  before  the  appearance  of  mankind? 
Jupiter  and  Saturn,  of  course,  with  their  397  and  380  days  are 
probably  not  considered  here,  because  their  periods  of  revolution 
so  nearly  correspond  to  that  of  the  sun,  and  on  pages  51-60  they 
are  also  treated  as  of  secondary  importance. 

I  confess  I  am  quite  unable  to  discover  what  may  have  hap¬ 
pened  11,960  days  before  the  creation  of  the  stars — possibly  the 
the  birth  of  one  of  the  principal  deities.  Perhaps  one  of  my 
fellow-students  may  succeed  in  finding  an  answer  in  one  of  the 
creation  myths. 

We  come  now  to  the  40  hieroglyphs  on  the  left  half  of  the 
page.  These  are  intended  simply  to  familiarize  the  reader  with 
those  signs  which  are  of  importance  in  the  calendrical-astrono- 
mical  portions  of  the  Manuscript.  Since  no  phonetic  system  of 
writing  existed,  we  cannot,  of  course,  expect  that  the  scribe 
should  have  explained  these  signs. 

Signs  1-4,  which  are  mostly  destroyed,  can  hardly  denote 
anything  other  than  the  four  quarters  of  the  globe,  at  least  we 
can  still  recognize  in  4  the  sign  for  the  east,  winch  has  also  the 
fourth  place  in  pages  46-50.  They  stand  thus  together  five 
times  in  the  middle  of  the  left  side  of  pages  46-50,  which  pertain 
to  this  subject.  5  to  9  are  the  sign  for  Venus  repeated  5  times, 
probably  denoting  the  four  parts  of  its  revolution  as  on  pages 
46-50  and  also  the  revolution  as  a  whole.  In  connection  with 
this  first  appearance  of  the  Venus  sign,  I  would  mention  that 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


117 


the  same  hieroglyph  also  occurs  in  the  Tro-Cort.,  e.g.,  Cort.  25c, 
though  this  Manuscript  contains  little  else  that  is  astronomical, 
yet  it  also  has  the  rectangular  heavenly  shields. 

10.  This  is  a  well-known  form  of  the  Moan  sign.  In  the 
Globus,  Volume  LXV,  1894,  I  sought  to  make  it  appear  probable 
that  the  Moan  also  denoted  the  Pleiades,  with  whose  disappear¬ 
ance  and  reappearance  the  beginning  of  the  years  seems  to  be 
connected.  Likewise  on  page  50,  where  the  2920-period  ends, 
the  Venus  and  Moan  signs  appear  at  the  top  on  the  right-hand 
side. 

11  and  12  are  the  same  sign,  being  that  of  the  13th  Uinal 
(Mac),  with  which  260  days  of  the  year  end,  and  hence  this  sign 
is  also  used  as  the  sign  of  the  Tonalamatl.  The  repetition  seems 
to  show,  that  not  until  the  73  Tonalamatls  of  the  period  of  18,980 
days  are  doubled — thus  obtaining  the  number  37,960  of  such 
importance  here — are  the  sun  and  Venus  periods  brought  into 
unison  (with  the  whole  system). 

13.  The  Kin  sign  (sun,  day)  with  the  superfix,  which  in  all 
probability  expresses  conjunction,  union,  and  which,  in  my 
opinion,  we  also  see  on  page  51,  combined  with  Kin  and  Imix,  as 
the  sign  for  18,980  days,  is  used  here  after  the  two  Tonalamatls 
to  denote  the  doubling  of  this  period. 

14-18.  If  the  preceding  signs  led  us  to  the  Venus-solar 
period  and  to  the  continuation  of  this  subject  on  pages  46-50, 
these  five  hieroglyphs  bring  us  to  the  Mercury-lunar  period  and 
later,  on  pages  51-58,  which  are  devoted  to  the  same  period,  we 
shall  find  a  parallel  especially  on  the  last  page.  First  comes 
14,  which,  as  has  been  acknowledged,  is  the  sign  for  20  X  360  = 
7200  days.  15,  a  hand  holding  a  rectangle  divided  by  a  cross 
into  four  parts,  is,  I  believe,  the  sign  for  the  period  of  20  days 
augmented  to  21  by  the  1  in  front  of  it.  The  much  more  distinct 
form  of  sign  16  on  the  middle  of  page  5S  and  also  at  the  top  of 
page  53,  should  be  compared  with  the  sign  as  given  here.  The 
top  part  is  the  familiar  Ben-Ik  sign  denoting  the  10th  and  19th 
days,  and  the  bottom  is  the  sign  of  the  14th  division  of  20  days, 
which  make  up  the  year.  Now,  however,  the  10th  day,  when  it 
becomes  the  19th  of  the  next  20  days,  is  distant  from  the  first  29 
days.  The  prefix  consists  of  two  parts: — First  two  small  circles 


118 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


joined  by  a  zigzag  line,  which  I  think  denotes  the  division  of  a 
day  into  halves;  the  sign  would  then  equal  29^  days,  i.  e.,  very 
nearly  the  true  lunar  month.  Second,  of  two  vertical  lines, 
which  might  denote  a  doubling.  The  whole  would  then  be 
equal  to  2  X  29^=59.  I  admit  that  this  interpretation  is  very 
artificial  and  I  should  be  very  glad  if  a  bet  ter  explanation  could 
be  found.  On  the  other  hand  the  17th  hieroglyph  becomes 
quite  clear  when  it  is  compared  with  the  parallel  passage  on  page 
58;  it  is  13  X  360=4680  days,  a  third  of  the  remarkable  period  of 
14,040  days. 

Thus  we  have 

Hieroglyph  14  =  7200 

“  15=  21 

“  16=  59 

“  17  =  4680 

11960, 

which  is  exactly  the  lunar-Mercury  period. 

The  sign  Xul=conclusion,  end,  is  fittingly  added  in  18  to  the 
end  of  this  period,  as  also  on  page  58.  This  sign  is  very  com¬ 
mon  on  pages  61  and  62  at  the  end  of  the  long  periods. 

From  signs  19  and  20  we  see  that  the  four  parts  of  the  Venus 
year  are  also  about  to  be  treated  of  here,  that  is,  the  periods  of 
236,  90,  250  and  S  days  respectively,  which  are  discussed  on 
pages  46-50.  For  19  is  the  sign  for  Venus,  and  20  is  a  hand  with 
a  knife  as  a  superfix,  which  divides  the  Venus  revolution.  This 
hand  appears  20  times  in  like  manner  on  the  pages  mentioned 
above. 

Signs  21-25  represent  five  gods,  who  in  all  probability  are 
N,  F,  H,  the  bat-god  and  A.  These  are  the  same  signs  which 
are  repeated  twice  on  the  left-hand  side  of  pages  46-50,  both 
times  at  the  beginning  and  end  of  the  period  of  236  days,  that  is, 
the  period  during  which  Venus  is  the  morning  star  and  which  is 
under  the  dominion  of  the  east.  The  fact  that  there  is  a  4  with 
N  has  reference  to  the  four  forms  which  this  Uayeyab  god 
assumes.  Now  we  ought  to  expect  a  similar  treatment  of  the 
periods  of  the  planet,  which  are  under  the  rule  of  the  south,  west 
and  north,  but  there  is  no  room  for  this.  Instead,  we  find  in  26, 
27  and  28  three  different  signs  plainly  belonging  together,  the 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


119 


first  of  which  is  the  day  Caban,  i.  e.,  the  earth;  the  second  may 
be  Muluc  denoting  rain  and  water;  the  third  is  Chuen  (the  ape) 
which  fittingly  denotes  the  north,  for  Chuen  denotes  the  little 
bear,  as  I  have  proved  in  my  treatise  on  the  day-signs  of  the 
Mayas.  The  Chuen  sign  in  28  also  has  a  prefix,  which  probably 
refers  to  the  night-god  D.  I  find  exactly  the  same  combination 
in  signs  8  A  and  8  B  of  the  inscription  on  the  Cross  of  Palenque, 
but  I  must  leave  to  others  the  task  of  connecting  26  and  27  like¬ 
wise  with  the  north,  which  is  very  evident  in  27  (Muluc). 

Sign  29  is  entirely  effaced.  Nevertheless,  I  am  positive  that 
it  represented  the  day  IVAhau,thebeginningof  Maya  chronology, 
for  30  may  still  be  identified  as  8  Cumhu  belonging  to  IV  Ahau, 
and  sign  31  is  the  same  sign  as  18,  i.  e.,  the  sign  Xul=the  end, 
and  denoting  here  the  end  of  the  long  period. 

The  comprehensive  hieroglyphs,  29-31,  stand  here  in  the 
wrong  place.  A  more  suitable  position  for  them  would  be  be¬ 
fore  19  or  just  after  35.  For  they  are  intended  to  specify  the 
periods  during  which  Venus  is  in  the  west  and  south,  i.  e.,  the 
time  during  which  it  is  the  evening  star  and  the  period  of  its 
inferior  conjunction. 

Sign  32  is  the  black  deity,  L  according  to  Schell  has,  here  de¬ 
noting  the  west,  and  33  is  the  Venus  sign  with  the  prefix  denoting 
division.  In  the  same  way  we  find  these  two  signs  together  on 
page  46  at  the  right  in  the  middle  series,  where  presumably  the 
four  Venus  periods  are  specified  in  close  succession.  The  black 
deity  is  also  found  on  page  50  in  the  middle  of  the  page  in  the 
beginning,  at  the  end  of  a  period  of  250  days.  On  page  24  it 
has  as  a  prefix  the  sign  Imix  with  three  rows  of  dots  proceeding 
from  it.  Imix,  however,  among  the  Mayas  and  Aztecs  (as 
Cipactli),  under  some  circumstances  often,  and  under  others  al¬ 
ways,  denotes  the  first  of  the  20  days.  Hence  this  sign  may 
mean: — here  begins  the  Venus  period  of  250  days. 

34-35.  Thesign  for  the  south  still  remains  to  be  found.  Sign 
35  is  again  the  Venus  hieroglyph.  In  34  we  should  expect  to 
find  one  of  the  five  gods  of  the  south,  which  are  found  on  pages 
46-50,  e.g.,  the  Moan,  who  is  represented  on  page  47  as  the  re¬ 
gent  of  this  cardinal  point.  But  there  is  no  figure  of  a  god  here, 
and  in  place  of  it  we  find  set  down  here,  as  on  page  47,  middle, 


120 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


right-hand,  an  actual  date  as  the  beginning  of  this  short  south¬ 
ern  period  of  only  eight  days.  It  is  the  date  10  Zip  (third 
month) ,  the  month  sign  of  which  does  indeed  suggest  a  hier¬ 
oglyph  of  the  Moan.  Now,  if  we  recall  that  in  hieroglyph  21 
the  god  N  is  designated  in  exactly  the  same  way  by  an  actual 
date,  viz: — 4  Zac  (11th  month),  then  we  see  that  the  interval 
between  4  Zac  and  10  Zip  of  the  second  year  following,  is  ex¬ 
actly  236-(-90-(-250  =  576  days,  and  this  corresponds  exactly 
to  the  interval  of  time  from  the  beginning  of  the  period  when 
Venus  is  in  the  east  to  the  beginning  of  the  period  when  she  is 
in  the  south.  If  we  knew  in  what  years  the  morning  star  made 
its  first  appearance  on  February  4th  and  disappeared  as  the 
evening  star  on  the  3d  of  September,  we  should  make  some 
progress  in  the  comprehension  of  this  subject,  but  not  much, 
since  these  events  fall  approximately  on  the  same  dates 
after  each  period  of  8  years. 

36-40.  The  last  five  of  the  40  signs  appear  in  the  same  order 
again  on  pages  46-50,  one  sign  on  each  page,  in  the  middle  group 
of  the  right-hand  half  of  the  page  at  the  beginning  of  the  third 
line,  but  with  this  difference,  that  on  page  24  each  sign  has  the 
same  prefix,  which  is  wanting  on  pages  46-50,  where  a  similar 
hieroglyph  always  folloics.  From  their  position  on  pages  46-50 
it  follows  that  these  are  hieroglyphs  of  five  gods,  each  of  whom 
belongs  to  a  whole  Venus  year  of  584  days.  I  am  not  very  sure 
in  regard  to  these  gods.  I  prefer  to  call  36  K,  37  F,  38  E  and 
40  A.  Sign  39  with  the  person  crouching,  I  am  obliged  to  leave 
entirely  unsettled.  We  shall  find  this  hieroglyph  again,  e.g.,  on 
pages  47  and  49  right,  middle.  Let  it  suffice  that  in  these  five 
signs  we  have  a  repet  it  ion  of  the  Venus-solar  period  of  2920  days, 
with  which  we  will  end  the  discussion  of  this  page.  Only  F  and 
A  have  already  been  met  with  among  the  five  gods  denoted  by 
hieroglyphs  21-25. 

Pages  25  —  28. 

As  these  four  pages, which  are  the  beginning  of  the  back  of 
the  first  part  of  the  Manuscript,  not  only  belong  together,  but 
also  display  a  parallel  arrangement  of  their  separate  parts,  the 
corresponding  parts  will  be  considered  together  as  a  whole. 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


121 


There  are  seven  of  these  parts  on  each  page,  viz: — the  column  of 
day-signs  on  the  left  hand;  the  top,  middle  and  bottom  pictures, 
and  lastly  the  top,  middle  and  bottom  groups  of  hieroglyphs;  but 
I  will  consider  the  pictures  and  hieroglyphs  of  the  same  section 
as  belonging  together. 

1.  The  Columns  of  Day-Signs. 

On  the  left-hand  side  of  each  page  two  days  are  repeated  13 
times.  They  are  as  follows : — On  page  25  Eb  and  Ben,  on  page 
26  Caban  and  Ezanab,  on  page  27  Ik  and  Akbal,  and  on  page 
28  Manik  and  Lamat.  Cyrus  Thomas  first  made  the  important 
discovery  that  these  pages  represent  the  transition  from  one 
year  into  the  next,  but  held  the  erroneous  opinion  that  the  last 
two  days  of  each  of  the  four  kinds  of  years  were  treated  of  on 
each  page.  While  Seler,  on  the  other  hand,  found  that  we  have 
here  to  do  with  the  last  day  of  one  year  and  the  first  of  the 
following  year,  and  that,  therefore,  Ben,  Ezanab,  Akbal  and 
Lamat  are  the  beginnings  of  the  years  and  thus  of  the  20-day 
periods.  The  years,  however,  were  always  named  after  their 
second  day  (i.e.,  Kan,  Muluc,  lx  and  Cauac  years),  since  the 
New  Year’s  Day  was  considered  unlucky  and  it  was  the  prac¬ 
tice  of  the  Mayas  to  conceal  the  real  starting-point. 

These  four  pages,  therefore,  extend  over  13  X  52  years,  that 
is,  over  a  period  of  18,980  days,  after  which  period  all  the  calen¬ 
dar  dates  are  repeated.  A  list  of  all  these  dates  is  given  in 
"The  Maya  and  Tzental  Calendars”  by  William  E.  Gates 
(Cleveland,  1900). 

The  transition  from  the  Muluc  to  the  lx  years  is  represented 
on  page  25;  from  the  lx  to  the  Cauac  years  on  page  26;  from  the 
Cauac  to  the  Kan  years  on  page  27,  and  from  the  Kan  to  the 
Muluc  years  on  page  28.  The  lx  years  are  represented  first, 
because  the  beginning  of  the  historical  chronology  lies  in  an  lx 
year  (IV  Ahau;  8  Cumhu).  This  section  treats  of  ceremonies, 
especially  of  the  setting  up  of  the  idols  at  the  changing  of  the 
year,  which  I  can  pass  over  here  since  they  have  already  been 
described  by  Diego  de  Landa  and  in  our  own  day  by  Cyrus 
Thomas  in  his  ‘  ‘  Study  of  the  Manuscript  Troano,  ’  ’  and  else¬ 
where. 


122 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


2.  The  Top  Pictures. 

The  principal  representation  on  all  the  four  pages  is  a  priest, 
but  disguised  as  an  animal  with  the  head  of  a  beast  of  prey  as 
a  mask  (always  the  same  one)  and  also  with  a  tail.  He  is  pict¬ 
ured  with  the  same  three  articles  in  each  of  the  four  represent¬ 
ations,  viz: — First,  in  his  right  hand,  the  staff  of  office  with  the 
hand  at  the  top,  which,  according  to  Seler,  “  Mittel-Amerik. 
Musikinstrum.,”  p.  1 12,  is  the  rattle-stick,  second  the  incense- 
pouch,  i.e.,  for  copal,  and  third  in  his  left  hand  a  rattle,  or,  ac¬ 
cording  to  Schellhas,  “  Vergleichende  Studien”  (1880),  a  fan. 
There  is  one  point,  however,  in  which  the  first  two  pages  differ 
from  the  other  two;  on  the  first  two  the  priest  is  walking  on  dry 
land  and  on  the  second  two  through  a  stream  of  water.  Was 
the  city,  to  which  this  calendar  especially  refers,  bordered  in 
two  directions  by  water,  so  that  the  road  led  across  it? 

On  all  the  four  pages,  however,  the  priest  carries  on  his  back 
a  different  deity,  and  I  cannot  find  out  by  what  rule  these  gods 
are  connected  with  one  another,  or  with  the  one  which  is  repre¬ 
sented  below  them,  or  with  the  }rears.  On  page  25  the  god  is 
B,  on  26  he  has  the  form  of  a  jaguar  (lx),  on  27  he  is  undoubt¬ 
edly  E,  and  on  page  28  he  is  the  god  A,  Cimi. 

Now  to  the  left  of  the  priest  on  each  page  there  is  one  of  the 
familiar  Chuen  bundles,  such  as  are  also  frequently  found  in  the 
the  Tro-Cortesianus.  Here,  on  pages  25-28,  there  are  always 
three  of  these  Chuen  signs  in  a  bunch.  If  Chuen  really  denotes 
the  eighth  day  (which,  of  course,  is  only  possible  when  Kan=l), 
and  at  the  same  time  the  period  of  8  days,  then  in  this  passage 
these  three  Chuen  signs  would  properly  designate  the  24  days 
which  elapse  before  the  last  day  of  the  year,  which  is  the  last 
day  of  the  18th  month.  In  the  same  way  we  shall  find  the 
Chuen  bundle  appropriately  given  this  meaning  on  pages 
42c-45c.  Likewise  the  simple  Chuen  sign  at  the  top  of  page 
52  seems  to  denote  8  days.  But  what  do  the  Chuen  bundles  in 
the  Tro-Cortesianus  mean,  some  of  which  are  much  larger? 

In  close  proximity  to  these  Chuen  bundles  we  find  numbers 
as  follows: — on  page  25  numbers  8  and  9,  on  26  number  13,  on 
27  number  2  and  on  28  number  13.  I  can  offer  no  opinion, 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


123 


which  would  be  even  approximately  acceptable  in  regard  to  the 
meaning  of  these  numerals,  but  we  shall  discuss  them  later. 

3.  The  Top  Hieroglyphs. 

I  shall  discuss  these  glyphs  in  this  place,  although  each  group 
seems  to  relate  not  merely  to  the  top  picture,  but  to  the  whole 
page.  There  are  16 on  each  page, and  arranged  as  follows: — 

12  9  10 

34  11  12 

56  13  14 

7  8  15  16. 

Unfortunately,  the  writing  at  the  top  is  obliterated,  which 
makes  it  impossible  to  understand  not  merely  this  passage,  but 
also  those  on  all  the  rest  of  these  pages.  Of  the  16  signs  in  the 
top  line  only  one  is  legible,  and  that  is  the  first  on  page  28.  This 
is  the  usual  cross  6;  as  a  comprehensive  heading  it  perhaps  oc¬ 
cupied  places  1  and  9  on  each  page,  alternating  with  another 
sign  in  2  and  10. 

In  spite  of  this  obliteration  there  are  a  few'points  which  can 
be  profitably  discussed  here. 

I  would  call  attention  first  to  signs  7  and  8  on  page  25.  The 
first  seems  to  contain  twice  repeated  the  figure,  which  is  thought 
to  represent  eagle  feathers,  and  which  we  found  on  pages  10b  and 
13a,  for  example.  As  [this  double  icharacter  is  also  used  to 
change  the  360-sign  into  a  7200-sign,  so  it  may  also  combine  the 
52  years  of  this  passage.  The  8th  sign  on  page  25  is  the  head 
with  the  tuft  of  hair  and  no  underjaw,  which  I  think  refers  to 
fast-days,  such  as  might  properly  occur  at  the  transition  point 
of  one  long  period  to  another. 

The  sign  for  the  year  stands  five  times  on  the  other  three 
pages,  which  is  in  keeping  with  their  contents.  On  page  26  it 
appears  three  times.  This  page  treats  of  the  transition  of  the  lx 
to  the  Cauac  years.  In  the  6th  place  the  lx  sign  seems  actually 
to  be  used  as  a  prefix,  in  7  the  prefix  is  plainly  the  Kin-Cauac 
sign,  just  as  on  page  37a,  and  in  5  the  prefix  is  probably  Ezanab, 
the  beginning-day  of  the  Cauac  years.  At  this  last  place  the 
suffix  is  the  same  as  that  which  we  often  see  with  the  year  sign 
on  pages  13c~14c.  On  page  27,  in  the  7th  place,  the  year  sign 


124 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


has  a  prefix  and  a  suffix,  which  seem  to  indicate  that  here  it  was 
intended  to  represent  365  as  separated  into  5  X  73  or  360  -|-  5. 
Lastly,  on  page  28  the  8th  sign  can  be  explained  as  meaning 
that  the  ritual  year  of  364  days  is  separated  into  4  Bacab 
periods  of  91  days  each. 

Resembling  the  year  sign  in  form,  and  placed  near  it  on 
these  pages,  is  the  following  sign: — 


This  sign  frequently  appears  on  pages  8b-9b,  16b-17b,  17c- 
20c.  We  find  it  with  slight  variations  once  on  each  of  the  four 
pages  25-28.  It  is  the  6th  on  page  25;  the  8th  on  26;  the  6th  on 
27 ;  the  6th  on  28.  Its  lower  part,  especially  the  (phallic?)  sign 
added  at  the  left,  suggests  the  hieroglyphs  of  the  Bacabs,  as  we 
find  them  on  pages  52,  55,  56,  etc.;  they  might  refer  to  the 
separation  of  the  ritual  year  of  364  days  into  4x91  days.  On 
the  other  hand  it  has  been  considered  simply  as  the  repro¬ 
duction  of  the  carrying-frame  pictured  below  it  (compare 
above  under  page  17c.) 

While  the  hieroglyphs,  hitherto  discussed,  demonstrate  the 
connection  between  the  parts  on  the  left  of  the  four  pages,  two 
other  signs  prove  the  connection  of  the  portions  on  the  right. 

One  of  these  looks  like  the  Ik  sign  surrounded  by  a  dotted 
circle;  it  occurs  on  page  25  as  the  13th  sign,  on  page  26  as  the 
15th,  on  page  27  as  the  14th  and  on  page  2S  as  the  15th.  To 
this  sign  are  prefixed  successively  the  numbers  9,7,  11  and  6* 

The[second  is  unquestionably  the  hieroglyph  for  the  numeral 
20  or  for  the  moon.  It  is  effaced  on  page  25  and  on  pages  27  and 
28  has  a  prefix,  which  on  page  26  is  used  as  a  superfix.  This 
sign  is  the  14th  on  page  25,  the  16th  on  page  26,  the  15th  on 
page  27  and  the  16th  on  page  28.  The  prefixed  numbers  are  7, 
16,  5  and  6. 

The  meaning  of  these  two  signs  and  that  of  the  apparently 
irregular  numbers  is  still  a  mystery.  The  latter  will  be  discussed 
presently. 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


125 


The  4th  sign  on  all  the  four  pages  seems  to  refer  to  a  period 
like  the  one  hitherto  discussed.  On  page  26  the  sign  resembles 
that  for  the  13th  Uinal  (Mac)  and  hence  appears  to  refer  to  the 
Tonalamatl,  as  in  the  first  column  on  page  24.  Above  it  is  the 
sign  for  the  south.  The  corresponding  hieroglyphs  of  the  other 
pages  are  obliterated,  but  strange  to  say  the  vestiges  suggest 
that  they  too  had  below  them  the  sign  for  the  south.  Now  the 
south  and  the  Bacab  of  the  south  preside  over  the  fourth  quarter 
of  the  year  from  which  ensues  the  transition  to  the  new  year  in 
question  here. 

Among  the  signs  on  the  left  side  we  should  expect  to  find 
those  of  the  gods  to  whom  the  expiring  year  belonged.  On  page 
25  it  ought  to  be  B.  Sign  5,  however,  though  it  can  with  diffi¬ 
culty  be  identified,  points  rather  to  god  K.  Sign  3  on  page  26 
corresponds  better;  this  is  the  hieroglyph  of  the  tiger  already 
known  to  us,  which  is  carried  by  the  priest  in  the  upper  section 
of  page  8a;  here  its  prefix  is  the  sign  for  the  west.  On  page  27 
we  ought  to  see  the  grain-god  E  carried  by  the  priest  ;  his  hiero¬ 
glyph  may  be  destroyed, but  sign  5,  which  is  Kan-Imix  (food  and 
drink)  is  his  determinative.  Finally  the  5th  sign  on  page  28  is, 
just  as  we  should  expect,  the  hieroglyph  of  A  and,  in  addition, 
we  find  his  determinative  in  7. 

But  what  is  to  be  said  of’the  fact  that  the  tiger  appears  again 
on  page  28  in  sign  3,  and  this  time  with  the  sign  for  the  east? 

The  Ahau  on  page  27,  sign  16,  refers  to  the  god  D  of  the 
middle  section. 

There  maybe  some  reference  hereto  sacrifice, thus: — the  11th 
sign  on  page  25  is  Kan-Imix,  the  12th  on  page  27  is  Kan,  which 
is  followed  in  the  13th  sign  on  page  27  by  another  one  with  a  Yax 
and  a  suggestion  of  a  second  Kan-Imix.  Also  the  curious  sign  in 
the  8th  place  on  page  27,  which  we  have  already  discussed  under 
page  8b,  is  used  to  denote  the  sacrifice  on  pages  18a  and  15b. 
Here  its  position  with  reference  to  sign  6  is  the  same  as  on  page 
8b.  On  page  26  the  prefix  of  sign  13,  which  is  half  destroyed, 
may  be  recognized  as  a  serpent.  Signs  12  and  15  on  page  25 
are  unintelligible.  Unfortunately  the  following  signs  are  entirely 
effaced : — Sign  1  on  pages  25,  26  and  27,  as  well  as  2  on  all  the 
four  pages,  3  on  page  25,  9  and  10  on  all  the  four  pages,  11  on 


126 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


pages  26,  27  and  28,  12  on  pages  26  and  28,  13  on  page  28,  14 
on  pages  26  and  28,  and  16  on  page  27. 

4.  The  Middle  Pictures. 

On  each  page  at  the  right  there  is  a  house,  the  back  wall  of 
which  is  always  marked  with  the  cross  often  met  with.  In  front 
of  the  house  with  his  back  turned  towards  it,  sits  a  deity.  Each 
of  the  four  deities  has  the  front  of  his  body  coA^ered  with  a  gala 
mantle.  Now  we  know  that  the  god  of  the  new  year  was  set  up 
before  the  house  of  the  chieftain.  On  page  25  the  god  is  K  with 
his  eyes  apparently  destroyed,  and  on  page  26  it  is  B  with  a  Kin 
sign  on  his  head  coA'ering,  hence  designated  here  as  a  sun  or  day- 
god.  On  page  27  the  god  is  D,  and  on  page  28,  A  with  the  cross- 
bones  on  his  robe, his  own  hieroglyph  on  his  cheek,  and  the  Akbal 
sign  on  his  forehead.  Only  on  the  last  page,  therefore,  and  ap¬ 
parently  by  mistake,  the  god  in  the  top  picture  is  the  same  as  in 
the  middle  picture. 

At  the  left  of  each  page,  i,  e.,  opposite  the  house  and  the 
god,  is  a  flaming  altar,  bearing  the  sign  lx  equiA^alent  to  fire. 

The  centre,  between  the  gods  and  the  altars,  is  occupied  by 
A'essels  of  which  there  are  two  on  each  of  the  first  three  pages  and 
but  one  on  the  fourth;  they  contain  food,  without  doubt  intend¬ 
ed  for  the  sacrificial  feast.  On  page  25  the  lower  Aressel  con¬ 
tains  Kan  (maize)  and  the  upper  probably  a  food  prepared  from 
Kan.  Or  are  the  spines  on  the  back  of  the  iguana  indicated  on 
this  vessel?  (Compare  40c  and  Cort.  8  and  12c).  The  contents 
of  the  lower  vessel  on  page  26  are  still  unknown  (birds?).  The 
upper  \ressel  contains  a  Kan,  but  the  sign  has  a  superfix,  which 
corresponds  to  the  sign  for  the  west.  On  page  27  the  lower  Ares- 
sel  contains  a  fish  and  the  upper  the  sign  for  the  south.  Lastly, 
the  single  A'essel  on  page  28  contains  the  cross-bones  (mammal?) 
and  aboA^e  them  the  Kan  sign  repeated  three  times. 

Finally  here  on  the  last  three  pages,  we  find  some  numbers, 
which  are  still  undetermined;  on  page  26  there  is  a  7  with  the 
lower  Aressel,  and  on  page  27 with  the  upper  vessel'two  dots  with 
a  cross’between  them  (perhaps  this  may  mean  20 — 2=18,  which 
is  used  in  place  of  the  usual  clumsy  numeral?).  On  page  28  we 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


127 


see  above  the  vessel  a  6,  and  below  it,  in  place  of  a  second  vessel, 
a  double  Chuen  sign,  as  in  the  upper  section  of  the  page,  there¬ 
fore  it  can  hardly  be  the  Akbal  sign  resembling  Chuen. 

5.  The  Middle  Hieroglyphs. 

On  each  page  these  signs  consist  of  but  one  line  containing  5, 
6,  3  and  3  glyphs  respectively.  The  first  of  these  signs  in  all  of 
the  four  places  is  the  same  (o) ,  which  very  suitably  refers  to  the 
change  in  the  year.  The  second  sign  is  always  the  hieroglyph 
of  the  god  represented  in  the  middle  section: — K  on  page  25,  B  as 
the  sun-god  on  page  26,  and  D  on  page  27.  The  second  sign  on 
page  28,  which  is  the  head  without  an  underjaw  and  with  the 
prefixed  four,  probably  referring  to  four  fast-days,  must,  there¬ 
fore,  be  an  uncommon  sign  for  A,  who  was  similarly  designated 
on  page  25  in  sign  8  of  the  upper  section. 

If  the  gods  in  the  top  thirds  are  those  of  the  past  year 
and  those  in  the  middle  the  gods  of  the  year  just  beginning, 
we  should  expect  to  find  in  each  top  third  the  deity  who  is  rep¬ 
resented  in  the  middle  of  the  preceding  page.  But  this  does 
not  hold  good.  For  then  we  should  expect  to  find  K  on  page  26 
and  not  the  tiger,  on  page  27  B  or  G  and  not  E,  on  page  28  D  and 
not  A,  and  on  page  25  A  and  not  B. 

Hence  there  is  some  confusion  here.  Yet  it  seems  to  be  in 
the  nature  of  a  correction,  that  on  page  26  the  third  sign,  next  to 
that  of  the  sun-god,  is  actually  the  sign  for  E  who  is  in  the  top 
section  on  page  27,  and  that  the  sixth  sign  is  Kan-Imix  belong¬ 
ing  to  this  god. 

On  pages  25  and  26  this  line  also  refers  to  the  past  year,  i.e 
to  the  year  set  down  in  the  top  third.  The  fourth  sign  on  page 
25  is  a  Manik,  i.e.,  originally  a  grasping  hand  denoting  taking 
away,  disappearance,  and  the  fifth  sign  on  this  page  is  a  Muluc, 
which  seems  to  denote  the  ending  of  the  Muluc  years.  The 
fifth  sign  on  page  26,  is,  in  fact,  the  tiger  pictured  above. 

The  lunar  hieroglyph  as  the  third  sign  on  page  25  and  the  a 
as  the  fourth  on  page  26  are  strange  and  unaccountable.  Both 
appear  to  be  almost  without  significance  here  and  seem  almost 
like  mere  points  between  the  names  of  gods  in  groups  of  two 
each. 


128 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


The  Ahau  as  the  third  sign  on  page  27  is  the  usual  determi¬ 
native  of  D,  whose  hieroglyph  stands  beside  it. 

On  page  28  the  main  part  of  the  third  sign  corresponds  to  the 
sixth  of  the  upper  section.  I  do  not  know,  however,  how  to 
explain  either  the  upper  part  suggesting  a  mat  or  the  familiar 
leaf-shaped  prefix. 

6.  The  Bottom  Pictures. 

In  the  left-hand  lower  corner  of  each  page  we  see  the  sign  for 
the  year  of  360  days,  which  at  the  same  time  designates  the  heap 
of  stones,  on  which  the  stelae  wrere  erected,  the  two  thick  black 
lines  indicating  the  two  columns  of  hieroglyphs  usually  found 
on  them.  A  tree  is  growing  out  of  this  sign,  having  on  its  trunk 
an  abbreviated  Cauac  sign,  at  least,  on  pages  26,  27  and  28, 
which  probably  refers  to  rain  as  the  most  desired  event  of  the 
year.  The  tree  on  page  25  has  no  leaves,  but  the  top  is  carved 
into  the  shape  of  the  head  of  the  god  B.  In  the  other  three  cases 
it  has  leaves,  but  instead  of  ending  in  the  gocPs  head  the  tree  is 
draped  with  a  mantle  and  a  breech-clout,  and  a  serpent  is  coiled 
about  it  denoting  a  period  of  time  (here,  the  year).  Further¬ 
more  there  are  foot-prints  on  the  trunk  or  the  drapery  of  the 
tree,  which  represent  it  as  the  goal  of  a  pilgrimage. 

If  the  top  and  middle  thirds  refer  to  the  mere  transportation 
of  the  idols,  the  bottom  thirds  refer  to  the  feasts  connected  with 
this  act,  or,  at  any  rate,  to  those  dedicated  to  the  new  god.  For 
we  see  here  on  page  25  the  god  B,  on  26  the  god  K,  on  27  A  and  on 
28  D,  i.  e.,  the  same  deities  as  in  the  middle  sections,  yet  so 
placed  that  the  first  two  and  the  last  two  have  changed  places. 

Each  of  the  four  deities  hold  in  one  hand  a  hen  with  its  head 
cut  off;  “degollavan  una  gallina”  is  the  statement  made  by 
Landa  concerning  these  feasts.  Perhaps  all  four  gods,  at  any 
rate  the  last  three,  are  scattering  grain;  this  was  one  form  of 
divination;  w-e  found  the  other  on  page  2.  There  are  besides 
on  every  page,  several  small  objects  between  the  two  pictures, 
just  as  in  the  middle  section.  On  page  25  the  object  is 
probably  an  altar,  but  instead  of  the  flame  it  has  the 
number  19.  Above  this  is  the  sign  for  the  west  (the  lx 
days)  with  that  for  the  sun,  and  on  top  of  them  the  sign 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


129 


which  we  found  in  the  middle  section  of  page  26  as  the 
contents  of  the  lower  vessel.  On  page  26  we  see  a  vessel  con¬ 
taining  a  bird,  then  another  whose  contents  are  indicated  by 
Yax  and  a  double  Kan  sign.  Above  it  is  the  sign  for  the  moon 
or  for  20  with  a  prefix,  and  above  this  a  9.  At  the  bottom  of 
page  27  there  is  a  vessel  containing  two  Kan  signs  and  a  fish  ; 
above  this  another  vessel  the  contents  of  which  are  the  same  as 
we  found  in  the  vessel  in  the  middle  section  of  page  26  and  in 
that  of  the  lower  section  of  page  25.  Above  these  is  again  the 
sign  for  the  moon  or  20  with  a  superfix,  which  is  the  same  as  the 
prefix  on  page  26,  and  beside  it  is  a  16.  Page  28  has  the  usual 
haunch  of  venison  (Landa: —  “una  pierna  de  venado”),  above 
this  is  a  vessel  with  a  bird  and  Kan  and  above  this  again  the 
sign  for  the  moon  or  for  20  with  the  same  superfix  and  the  nu¬ 
meral  15.  I  shall  discuss  below  the  numbers  scattered  over 
these  four  pages. 

7.  The  Bottom  Hieroglyphs. 

These  hieroglyphs  also  form  but  one  line  on  each  page  and 
each  line  contains  six  hieroglyphs.  The  first  of  each  line  is  al¬ 
ways  the  same  ( p ).  It  consists  of  a  surface  divided  into  four 
quadrants  thus  suggesting  the  four  cardinal  points,  the  four 
Bacabs  presiding  over  them  and  the  four  kinds  of  years.  The 
superfix  seems  to  be  the  abbreviated  hieroglyph  of  the  north; 
the  sign  for  the  north,  however,  is  Muluc  and  these  four  pages 
begin  with  the  Muluc  years. 

The  second  sign  is  the  head  of  D  as  the  supreme  god;  to'this 
a  Yax  is  joined  on  pages  26-28  as  the  symbol  of  strength,  and  on 
page  25,  but  probably  by  mistake,  the  abbreviated  sign  for  the 
west. 

The  third  sign  always  represents  one  of  the  four  cardinal 
points: —  on  page  25  the  east,  on  page  26  the  south,  on  page  27 
the  west  and  on  page  28  the  north;  here  then  the  usual  order  is 
reversed  and  the  signs  are  set  down  according  to  the  diurnal  in¬ 
stead  of  the  annual  course  of  the  sun,  probably  occasioned  mere¬ 
ly  by  exchanging  the  sign  for  the  west  (lx),  which  belongs  on 
page  25,  with  that  for  the  east  (Kan),  which  belongs  on  page  27. 
rv  9 


130 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


The  other  three  signs  do  not  stand  in  the  same  order  on  every 
page. 

The  fifth  sign  on  pages  26  and  28  and  the  fourth  on  page  27 
show  correspondence  most  clearly.  This  sign  is  always  a  head, 
undoubtedly  that  of  the  god  pictured  in  the  bottom  third.  But 
on  page  25  it  is  the  hieroglyph  of  E,  who  is  pictured  on  the  top 
of  page  27,  instead  of  that  of  B. 

In  the  same  way  the  6th  sign  on  page  25,  the  4th  on  page 
26,  the  5th  on  page  27  and  the  4th  on  page  28  have  some¬ 
thing  in  common.  One  element  of  the  hieroglyph  is  always 
the  sign  for  the  year  of  360  days,  combined  on  page  25  with 
cross-bones  and  the  Cauac  sign,  on  26  with  Yax  and  Kan,  and 
on  27  and  28  simply  with  Yax. 

The  most  puzzling  and  divergent  of  these  hieroglyphs  are 
the  remaining  ones.  The  4th  on  page  25  has  an  oblique  cross 
(or  bones?)  and  the  abbreviated  glyph  for  the  west,  the  6th  on 
page  26  is  the  head  of  E,  the  6th  on  page  27  is  the  360-day  sign 
combined  with  Kin  and  Cauac,  and  the  6th  on  page  28  is  the 
usual  Kan-Imix  sign.  Here,  too,  there  seems  to  have  been  a 
displacement. 

Before  I  leave  the  four  pages  25-28,  I  will  glance  at  the  nu¬ 
merals,  which  are  scattered  over  them  and  which  apparently 
have  no  connection  with  one  another.  I  have  discussed  these 
numerals  in  my  article  “Die  Mayahieroglyphen ’ ’  in  Volume 
LXXI,  No.  5,  of,  the  Globus,  and  the  following  is  borrowed 
therefrom. 

First  of  all,  I  believe  that  I  proved  there,  that  the  sign  com¬ 
posed  of  two  dots  with  a  cross  between  them  is  an  abbreviation 
for  the  usual  clumsy  representation  of  the  numeral  18  and 
designates  it  like  a  duodeviginti  by  20 — 2.  Next,  that  in  this 
passage  as  on  pages  18a,  18c,  19c,  46b  and  50c,  the  sign  is  com¬ 
bined  with  the  hieroglyphs  Yax-Kin.  Third,  that  it  is  closely 
related  to  the  god  D,  inasmuch  as  it  stands  on  page  27b  close 
beside  the  picture  of  that  god. 

Assuming  this  as  a  known  fact,  we  find  scattered  over  these 
four  pages  the  following  numbers: — 


DRESDEN  CODEX.  131 


25: 

9, 

7, 

8, 

9, 

19, 

26: 

7, 

16, 

13, 

7, 

9, 

27: 

11, 

5, 

2, 

18, 

16, 

28: 

6, 

6, 

13, 

6, 

15. 

It  is  very  remarkable  that  the  sum  of  the  numbers  on  each 
of  the  first  three  pages  is  equal  to  52,  and  as  an  accidental  freak 
it  would  be  most  surprising;  somewhere  on  the  fourth  page  six 
units  may  have  been  omitted;  but  perhaps  the  6,  which  stands 
above  the  two  Chuen  signs  in  the  centre,  is  to  be  counted  twice. 
The  52,  however,  designates  the  very  52  years,  which  are  treated 
of  on  these  four  pages. 

As  yet  I  know  no  reason  to  account  for  the  fact  that  the  52 
is  here  separated  into  these  apparently  very  irregular  numbers. 
The  discovery  of  this  reason  would  be  an  important  step  in  ad¬ 
vance.  Or  does  it  means  52  days,  perhaps  those  which  follow 
a  Tonalamatl  coming  in  the  middle  of  the  year? 

Page  28  is  followed  in  the  Manuscript  by  three  empty  pages. 
The  scribe ’s  object  in  reserving  them  is  beyond  our  ken ;  possibly 
they  were  intended  to  represent  the  period  of  8  years. 

Pages  29-45  (i.  e.,  to  the  end  of  the  first  part  of  the  Manu¬ 
script)  all  belong  together.  After  the  Maya  manner  there  is 
very  little  system  displayed  in  their  arrangement,  and  though 
here  and  there  there  may  be  occasion  to  consider  the  three  parts 
of  each  page  consecutively,  I  will  discuss  them  here  as  follows: — 
First,  the  top  thirds,  which  are  most  difficult  owing  to  the  des¬ 
truction  of  a  large  portion  of  them;  then  the  middle,  and  last  the 
bottom  thirds.  They  all  consist  in  great  part,  with  a  few  inter¬ 
ruptions,  of  representations  of  the  regular  Tonalamatl,  such  as 
we  find  represented  from  the  beginning  of  the  Manuscript  to 
page  23.  I 

The  element  which  these  pages  have  in  common  is  the  fact 
that  the  god  B,  who  can  hardly  be  Kukulcan  or  Quetzalcoatl, 
occurs  on  almost  all  of  them.  He  is  the  god  of  wind,  fire,  breath, 
i.e.,  the  true  god  of  life  and  is  here  represented  in  his  relation  to 
the  most  varied  manifestations  and  activities  of  a  human  being, 
so  that  this  section  bears  a  certain  resemblance  to  the  Tro- 
Cortesianus.  With  this  is  closely  connected  his  relation  to  all 


132 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


four  cardinal  points,  which  so  often  occur.  He  may  have  been 
the  local  god  of  the  region  from  whence  this  Manuscript  came; 
in  the  Tro-Cort.  It  seems  rather  to  be  C  who  lays  claim  to 
this  office. 

Pages  29  a  —  30  a. 

XI  13  XI  13  XI  13  XI  13  XI  13  XI 
Lamat  This  is  a  Tonalamatl  of  4  X  65  days,  each  part 

Ben  subdivided  into  5  X  13  days.  The  four  days  written 

Ezanab  on  the  left  are  those  which  may  begin  the  year. 
Akbal.  In  each  of  the  five  sections  B  is  pictured  in  a  sit¬ 

ting  posture,  the  first  four  times  on  a  tree  (the  tree  of  life  rather 
than  the  sacrificial  tree). 

In  the  first  picture  he  holds  in  one  hand  the  haunch  of 
venison,  so  often  occurring  as  an  offering,  the  last  time  on  page 
28;  the  object  above  it  is  probably  the  Kan  sign.  There  is  a 
vessel  at  the  god’s  feet,  probably  a  receptacle  for  the  venison, 
bearing  the  hieroglyph  of  the  13th  day  Cib,  which,  however, 
refers  rather  to  a  bird. 

In  the  second  picture  an  animal  with  a  protruding  tongue 
lies  on  its  back  at  thefeet  of  the  god,  who  kneels  upon  its  stomach. 
This  probably  represents  the  lightning-dog  as  vanquished.  The 
same  animal  is  pictured  on  the  next  page  and  also  on  page  40b 
and  perhaps  on  page  60.  There  are  a  number  of  small  dots 
around  B’s  head,  which  on  page  11c  we  attempted  to  interpret 
as  the  starry  sky. 

I  can  find  nothing  of  special  importance  in  the  third  and 
fourth  pictures,  but  in  the  fifth,  B  is  sitting  in  a  house,  which 
is  marked  repeatedly  with  the  sign  Caban  (ground).  Here  the 
god  is  holding  the  hatchet  (machete)  in  his  hand,  as  if  prepared 
for  some  terrestrial  activity.  Four  hieroglyphs  in  the  usual 
order  belong  to  each  of  the  five  pictures.  They  are  almost  en¬ 
tirely  destroyed,  but  the  vestiges  show  that  the  fourth  sign 
was  always  that  of  B.  while  the  third  sign  with  the  first  picture 
had  the  abbreviated  hieroglyph  of  the  west  as  a  prefix;  with 
the  second  picture  it  had  that  of  the  south,  and  therefore  with 
the  third  and  fourth  it  must  certainly  have  had  the  signs  of  the 
east  and  north.  We  should  expect  the  signs  with  these  pre- 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


133 


fixes  to  contain  references  to  lx,  Cauac,  Kan  and  Muluc,  but 
they  are  not  distinguishable. 

Thus  B  is  represented  in  pictures  1-4  as  ruler  of  the  four 
cardinal  points  and  in  5  as  the  ruler  of  the  earth  in  general. 

Pages  30  a  —  31  a. 

This  passage  looks  like  an  amplification  of  the  middle  picture 
on  page  29a.  Here  B  is  represented  with  the  hatchet  in  his 
left  hand  and  holding  aloft  by  the  tail  with  his  right  hand  the 
animal,  which  is  spitting  out  something  upon  a  stepped  py¬ 
ramidal  structure,  probably  the  pyramid  of  a  teocalli.  That 
this  is  probably  meant  to  represent  lightning  is  rendered  almost 
a  certainty  by  the  picture  on  page  40b.  In  this  passage  there 
are  several  red  and  black  numerals  scattered  around  the  animal 
in  an  irregular  manner,  which  we  find  nowhere  else  in  our  Manu¬ 
script,  but  with  which  the  Tro-Cortesianus  has  made  us  familiar. 
The  sum  of  the  black  numbers  still  legible  is  23,  probably  a  3  is 
effaced  and  the  sum  should  be  26,  the  sum  which  so  often  occurs 
in  the  Cod.  Troano  8-13  with  the  animal  represented  there. 
The  red  numbers  likewise  do  not  admit  of  exact  determination. 
This  passage  also  contained  hieroglyphs,  four  standing  side  by 
side  on  each  of  the  two  pages.  The  legible  portion  is  limited  to 
the  Cimi  sign  in  the  third  place,  perhaps  an  Imix  in  the  second, 
and  possibly  an  Ahau  in  the  first. 

Pages  31  a  —  32  a. 

In  my  article  ‘  ‘  Zur  Entzifferung,  etc.,  VI,  ”  published  in  the 
the  year  1897,  I  discussed  this  passage  more  in  detail,  and  the 
following  will  be  in  continuation  of  what  I  stated  there. 

The  real  aim  of  the  computation  on  these  pages  is  to  find  a 
number  in  which  the  following  periods  of  time  are  united  with 
the  Tonalamatl  of  260  days: —  1.  The  ritual  year  of  364  days, 
and  consequently  also  a  quarter  of  it,  the  Bacab  period  of  91 
days.  2.  The  period  of  104  days,  being  the  number  of  days 
which  remain  after  a  Tonalamatl  has  been  deducted  from  a  ritual 
year.  The  hypothesis  advanced  by  Mrs.  Zelia  Nuttall  (“Note  on 
the  Ancient  Mexican  Calendar  System,”  Stockholm,  1894)  and 
also  the  entirely  different  opinion  held  by  Mr.  Charles  P.  Bow- 
ditch  (“The  Lords  of  the  Night  and  the  Tonalamatl  of  the  Codex 


134 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


Borbonicus”  in  the  American  Anthropologist,  N.  S.,  Vol.  II, 
New  York,  1900)  prove  the  existence  not  only  of  merely  arbi¬ 
trary  Tonalamatls  for  the  purpose  of  prediction,  as  those  in  our 
Manuscript,  but  also  of  Tonalamatls  having  a  fixed  position  in 
certain  years.  But  after  the  manner  peculiar  to  priestcraft,  the 
number  sought  is  found  only  by  an  indirect  and  mysterious 
process. 

In  the  first  place  we  find  on  page  32a  all  the  days  set  down 
in  the  following  manner: — 


XIII 

XIII 

XIII 

XIII 

Manik 

Cib 

Chicchan 

lx 

Chuen 

Ahau 

Muluc 

Ezanab 

Men 

Kan 

Ben 

Ik 

Cauac 

Lamat 

Caban 

Cimi 

Akbal 

Eb 

Infix 

Oc. 

That  is  to  say,  a  series  counting  from  the  day  XIII  Akbal, 
the  New  Year’s  day  of  the  year  I  Kan,  recurring  every  52  years, 
furthermore  a  series  which  shows  the  same  difference  of  91  from 
the  day  XIII  Akbal  to  XIII  lx,  XIII  Chicchan,  etc.,  and  fin¬ 
ally  ends  with  XIII  Akbal  again,  after  it  has  run  through  a 
period  of  20x91,  i.  e.,  1820days  =  7  Tonalamatls,  like  a  similar 
representation  of  7  Tonalamatls  on  page  51.  Above  these  20 
days,  and  to  the  left  of  them,  numbers  are  set  down  rather 
irregularly,  which  begin  with  91  and  are  multiples  of  that 
number.  The  signs  of  the  days  corresponding  to  these  num¬ 
bers  are  joined  to  them;  but  they  are  omitted  with  the  num¬ 
bers  of  lowest  value.  Hence  we  have: — 91,  182,  273,  364  (4), 
455  (5),  546  (6),  637(7),  728  (8),  819  (9),  910  (10).  Then  with  a 
bound  followi  1456  and  1820;  with  the  last  number  Akbal  is 
reached  in  the  natural  way,  which  day  the  scribe  had  erroneous¬ 
ly  set  down  again  with  1456  in  place  of  Cauac. 

The  number  728  already  united  the  numbers  91,  104  and 
364,  but  did  not  include  the  number  260.  This  inclusion  is 
accomplished  by  the  number  3640  on  page  32,  quite  on  the  left 
where  we  find  the  numbers  10  and  2,  under  which  only  a  0  has 
been  omitted.  With  the  usual  hiatuses  this  series  seems  to  end 
on  page  31,  where  I  think  the  numbers  4,  0,  16  and  0  ought  to 
stand,  but  they  are  almost  wholly  effaced;  this  would  then  be 
320  X  91,280  X  104,  112  x  260,80  X  364  =  29,120. 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


135 


We  have  thus  gone  far  in  advance  of  the  first  problem,  but 
a  second  always  presents  itself  in  these  series,  it  is  that  of  using 
these  periods  for  larger  numbers,  which  refer  to  a  not  too  remote 
past  or  to  a  future  not  too  distant.  The  first  numbers  are,  as  a 
rule,  in  the  neighborhood  of  1,252,680,  the  close  of  the  eleventh 
Ahau-Katun,  and  the  latter  in  the  neighborhood  of  1,480,440, 
the  close  of  the  thirteenth  Ahau-Katun.  The  Manuscript 
presents  the  following: — 


1,272,544 
XIII  Akbal 
121 

IV  Ahau 
8  Cumhu 


1,268,540 
XIII  Akbal 
17 

IV  Ahau 
8  Cumhu 


1,538,342. 
XIII  Akbal 
51,419 

IV  Ahau. 


In  connection  with  this  it  should  be  noted  first  that  I  have 
restored  the  8  in  the  statement  of  the  months,  and  second  that 
the  two  numbers  on  the  right  were  found  with  the  aid  of  page 
63  only  by  an  easy  conjecture.  For  with  the  reading  of  the 
Manuscript  10,  13,  3,  13,  2, 1  do  not  agree,  but  read  instead  10, 
13,  13,  3,  2;  the  number  below,  however,  is  given  in  the  Manu¬ 
script  as  7,  2  and  then  a  black  14  joined  to  a  red  5;  I  read  this 
7,  2,  14,  19. 

The  three  numbers  nearest  the  bottom  have  red  circles 
around  them,  indicating  subtraction,  or,  according  to  my  present 
point  of  view,  addition. 

Now  let  us  see  how  the  computer  arrived  at  the  large  num¬ 
bers. 

Day  XIII  Akbal, the  New  Year’s  day  of  the  1  Kan  years,  is 
given;  also  the  differences  of  the  series  91  and  104,  therefore 
also  in  the  proportion  of  7  to  8.  If  we  combine  these  last  two 
numbers  by  addition  and  then  by  multiplication  with  260,  the 
result  is  (7  +  8)  X  260  =  3900.  If,  however,  7, 8  and  3900  be  com¬ 
bined  by  multiplication  the  product  is  7  X  8x  3900  =  218,400= 
2400  X  91  =  2100  X  104  =  840  X  260  =  600X  364=  1120’ X 
(91  — (— 104) .  We  havealready  met  with  the  218,400  on  page  24, 
which  was  obtained  by  the  addition  of  33,280+185,120. 

My  opinion  is  as  follows:—  First  11  Ahau-Katuns=  1,252- 
680,  were  taken  as  a  point  of  departure,  and  to  this  sum  was 


136 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


added  15,600  =  4x  3900,  and  243  as  the  interval  between  the 
normal  date  IV  Ahau  and  XIII  Alcbal.  The  result  was  1,268, 523. 
The  position  of  this  day,  however,  is  XIII  Akbal  11  Xul  (1  lx). 

Then  the  3900  mentioned  above  was  added  to  this  number 
and  the  result  was  1,272,  423  =  XIII  Akbal  16  Pop  (12  Muluc). 

Then  to  the  1,268,523  was  added  the  218,400  and  the  sum 
was  1,486,923=XIII  Akbal  1  Kankin  (1  Kan),  the  very  place  in 
that  year  where  a  Tonalamatl  ends. 

The  following  numbers  were  thus  obtained: — 

1,272,423  1,268,523  1,486,923. 

These  numbers  are  suppressed  in  the  Manuscript.  But  if 
the  encircled  numbers  are  added  to  them,  viz: —  121  (interval 
between  XIII  Akbal  and  IV  Kan),  17  (interval  between  XIII 
Akbal  and  IV  Ahau),  and  51,419  (=197  X  260-(-199;  199,  how¬ 
ever,  is  the  interval  between  XIII  Akbal  and  IV  Ik),  the  re¬ 
sult  is  the  three  large  numbers  set  down  in  the  Manuscript, 
which  have  the  following  properties: — 

1)  1,272,544=  IV  Kan  17  Xul  (12  Muluc).  This  num¬ 
ber  =  13,9S4  X  91  =  12,236  X  104  =  3496  X  364.  It  also  = 
4894  X  260  -f-  104,  the  interval  between  IV  Ahau  and  IV  Kan. 

2)  1,268,540  =  IV  Ahau  8  Mol  (1  lx)  =  4879  X  260  = 

3485  X  364=74,620  X  17.  17  is  the  interval  between  XIII 

Akbal  and  IV  Ahau. 

3)  1,538,342  =  IV  Ik  15  Zac  (12  Muluc).  It  also  = 
5916  X  260+182.  The  1S2,  however,  the  half  of  the  ritual 
year  of  364  days,  is  the  interval  between  IV  Ahau  and  IV  Ik 
and  between  IV  Ik  and  IV  Kan.  The  fact  that  the  interval  is 
the  same  in  each  case  is  clearly  the  reason  for  the  choice  of  the 
days  IV  Kan  and  IV  Ik,  which  are  otherwise  not  at  all 
prominent. 

It  is  remarkable  that  the  third  number  is  obtained  by  the 
addition  of  51,419,  i.e.,  of  197  X260+199  (there  are  199  days 
between  XIII  Akbal  and  IV  Ik).  But  it  was  evidently  desirable 
to  obtain  as  large  a  number  as  this.  On  page  63  a  number  of 
nearly  similar  value  is  associated  with  it,  viz: — 1,535,004.  It  is 
set  down  almost  in  the  middle  between  the  13th  and  14th 
Ahau-Katuns,  for  it  is  57,902  days  greater  than  1,480,  440,  and 
55,978  days  less  than  1.594,320. 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


137 


Now,  however,  the  Manuscript  presents  in  the  last  column 
but  one  of  page  31  a  number,  2,804,100,  which  occupies  a  very 
unique  position,  since  it  is  nearly  twice  as  great  as  all  the  other 
large  numbers,  with  the  exception  of  those  in  the  serpents.  It 
must  refer  to  the  year  9  Muluc,  and  to  the  date  IV  Ahau  13 
Mol.  It  has  many  remarkable  properties,  for  it  is : — 

1)  =  10,785  X  260 

2)  =  17,975  X  156  (156=IV  Kan— IV  Ahau). 

3)  =35,950X78  (78=1 V  Ik— IV  Ahau  and  IV  Kan— IV  Ik). 

4)  =719  X  3900.  We  have  already  met  with  this  3900  above. 
Now,  however,  the  2,804,100  by  virtue  of  its  magnitude  creates 
the  suspicion  that  it  may  be  composed  of  two  ordinary  large 
numbers.  It  might  be 

5)  1,308,580+1,495,520,  therefore  14,380  (91+104). 

6)  1,380,600+1,423,500,  therefore  3,900  (354+365). 

That  is  to  say,  the  important  3900  multiplied  by  the  days  of  the 
lunar  year  and  also  by  those  of  the  solar  year,  hence  the  719, 
referred  to  under  4,  separates  into  these  two  parts.  The  lunar 
yearof  354=6  X  29  +  6  X  30  days  wasnot  unknown  to  the  Mayas. 
We  shall  find  its  half,  177  days,  several  times  on  pages  51-58. 

We  might  also  use  the  two  important  numbers  14,040  and 
18,980,  the  first  of  which  is  divisible  by  260  and  360,  and  the 
second  by  260  and  365,  without  remainder. 

Then  we  have  the  large  number  desired: — 

7)  147x  18,980+14,040. 

8)  200x  14,040—3900. 

What  future  student  will  penetrate  more  deeply  into  the 
meaning  and  purpose  of  these  numbers? 

We  might  now  expect  to  interpret  also  the  upper  right-hand 
corner  of  page  31,  but  here  almost  everything  is  in  a  deplorable 
state  of  obliteration.  In  the  first  three  of  the  five  columns 
over  each  of  the  three  large  numbers  there  was  a  date  consisting 
of  a  numeral  and  a  hieroglyph,  but  these  admit  of  no  certain 
nor  even  probable  determination. 

Four  hieroglyphs  still  remain  in  the  fourth  column,  respect¬ 
ing  which  compare  my  treatise  “Zur  Maya-Chronologie  ”  in 
the  Berliner  Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologie  XXIII,  pp.  141-155. 


133 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


In  the  top  sign  I  recognize  an  Imix  with  a  prefix  and  prob¬ 
ably  also  a  superfix.  I  think  this  denotes  the  period  of  18,980 
days. 

I  am  forced  to  pass  over  the  second  entirely,  inasmuch  as  a 
red  6  inserted  in  it  remains  a  mystery  (6x  18,980=113,880?). 

As  I  stated  in  the  above-named  work,  I  think  the  third  is 
three  times  the  sacred  period  of  2920,  i.e.,  8760  days. 

Finally,  the  fourth  sign  certainly  denotes  the  period  of  7200 
days. 

Whether  or  not  there  was  a  fifth  sign  above  the  one  now  at 
the  top  is  as  uncertain  as  the  meaning  of  the  whole. 

The  most  remarkable  thing  about  it  is  that  in  three  other 
passages  of  this  Manuscript  these  three  signs  appear  in  close 
proximity  to  another.  On  page  61  we  find  the  third  in  the  11th 
place  in  the  second  column,  the  first  in  the  12th  place  in  the 
same  column,  and  thefourth  in  the  14th  place  in  the  first  column. 
Page  70  has  the  first  sign  in  the  middle  of  the  4th  column;  the 
second  somewhat  lower  down  in  the  3d  column  and  the  4th  two 
places  below.  Finally  all  three  signs  appear  in  succession  on 
the  top  of  page  73  in  the  same  order  as  on  page  31. 

The  fifth  column  on  page  31  may  have  contained  another 
numeral  belonging  to  the  series,  the  loss  of  which  is  not  so  serious 
a  matter,  but  there  may  have  been  one  or  two  hieroglyphs  above 
it,  the  obliteration  of  which  is  greatly  to  be  deplored. 

Pages  32  a  — 39  a. 

This  is  a  large  section  extending  over  eight  pages,  which  is 
difficult  of  interpretation  owing  to  the  prevailing  disorder  and 
because  a  large  part  of  the  hieroglyphs  are  effaced.  Here,  too, 
the  principal  subject  is  the  god  B,  who  is  represented  in  mani¬ 
fold  activity.  A  series  of  numbers  extends  through  the  entire 
representation.  I  read  them  as  follows: — 

I  11  XII  28  I  12  XIII  26  XIII  12  XII  19  V5  X  1 
XI  20  V  12  IV  6  X  8  Vo  X7  IV  12  III  5  VIII  8  III  11  I. 

There  are  thus  18  divisions,  the  different  lengths  of  which 
reveal  no  rule.  They  embrace  208  days,  i.  e.,  2  X  104,  which 
may  well  be  considered  as  a  continuation  of  the  computation  in 
the  preceding  section,  of  which  the  104  was  so  important  a 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


139 


number.  The  red  numbers  are  entirely  lacking  in  the  begin¬ 
ning,  then  they  are  very  slightly  indicated,  and  finally  they  are 
distinctly  written  out  on  pages  36-39.  I  assume  that  the  scribe 
has  set  down  the  4th,  3d  and  2nd  numbers  from  the  end,  one 
too  little.  The  last  number  has  been  entirely  omitted.  I  have 
supplied  these  omissions  though  in  a  manner  somewhat  different 
from  that  adopted  by  Cyrus  Thomas,  “Aids,”  p.  28.  I  would 
note  in  addition  that  a  period  such  as  this,  consisting  of  208 
days=16  weeks,  might  be  explained  in  an  entirely  different 
way,  if  there  were  a  column  of  five  days  at  the  left  having  a 
difference  of  8  days;  then  the  whole  would  signify  four  Tonala- 
matls.  But  there  is  no  such  series  of  days. 

Another  point  of  view  presents  itself,  however.  If  we  take 
cognizance  of  the  fact  that  a  group  of  four  hieroglyphs  usually 
belongs  to  a  picture,  then  it  is  evident  that  here  there  are  such 
groups  not  for  18,  but  for  about  22  subdivisions.  It  may,  there¬ 
fore,  be  assumed  that  about  four  subdivisions  averaging  13  days 
are  not  specified,  in  which  case  this  passage  would  extend  not 
over  208,  but  over  260  days.  The  very  irregularity  in  the 
arrangement  of  these  numbers  is  an  argument  in  favor  of  this 
hypothesis;  it  may  be  occasioned  by  the  fact,  that  the  pictures 
do  not  correspond  exactly  to  the  subdivisions.  For  the  present, 
however,  we  shall  discuss  the  single  pictures  assuming  that 
there  are  18  subdivisions. 

1.  Pages  32  a  —  33  a.  Here  at  the  very  beginning  it  is 
uncertain  whether  the  signs  at  the  end  of  page  32  and  at  the 
beginning  of  page  33  are  to  be  regarded  as  a  single  group  of  8 
hieroglyphs,  as  seems  to  follow  from  the  numbers,  or  as  two 
groups  of  4  hieroglyphs  each.  At  the  end  of  page  32  we  see 
two  persons  facing  one  another,  one  of  whom,  to  be  sure,  is 
barely  visible.  The  other  wears  ahead-covering  like  a  man’s 
silk  hat,  similar  to  that  worn  by  the  priests  on  the  inscrip¬ 
tions  of  Palenque.  It  is  a  remarkable  fact  that  of  the  four 
hieroglyphs  above  these  figures,  1,  2  and  4  (the  last  probably 
the  god  C)  seem  to  have  the  sign  for  the  west  as  a  prefix,  while 
the  prefix  of  3  (Imix)  suggests  the  usual  representation  of  the 
tortoise  head.  Below  the  persons  there  is  a  Kan  sign,  the 
prefix  of  which  is  also  the  sign  for  the  west. 


140 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


On  page  33,  B  is  represented  walking  and  carrying  the 
Caban  sign  in  his  hand.  The  first  of  the  four  hieroglyphs  is  the 
sign  for  B,  the  second  is  Imix,  probably  again  with  the  sign  for 
the  west  as  a  prefix,  the  third  is  an  Akbal  sign  with  Kin,  and  the 
fourth  is  the  cross-hatched  sign  with  Kan. 

2.  The  rest  of  33a  is  occupied  by  two  persons,  one  of  whom 
is  clad  in  a  gala  mantle,  but  neither  admit  of  further  identifica¬ 
tion.  They  are  occupied  in  fishing,  inasmuch  as  they  are  sit¬ 
ting  on  the  shore  of  a  body  of  water  and  are  either  casting  a  net 
or  drawing  it  in.  There  is  a  fish  between  them  and  above  it  is 
a  vessel  with  somet  hing  apparently  cooking  in  it.  Of  the  8  hier¬ 
oglyphs  belonging  to  this  picture,  only  the  following  are  distin¬ 
guishable: — the  1st  containing  an  Akbal,  the  3d,  which  is  the 
common  cross  b  with  a  9,  the  4th,  an  Imix  also  with  9,  and  of 
the  7th  only  the  prefix  Yax.  The  3d  and  4th  appear  again  on 
page  35a,  28  days  later. 

3.  Page  34,  like  page  3,  represents  a  human  sacrifice.  The 
victim,  very  vaguely  drawn,  lies  on  a  step-shaped  sacrificial 
stone,  or  on  the  pyramid  of  a  teocalli.  There  is  a  Caban  (earth) 
sign  between  the  sacrifice  and  the  pyramid,  and  also  on  the  walls 
of  the  buildings;  the  shrieking  of  the  victim  is  plainly  indicated. 
As  on  page  3,  there  are  four  persons  in  the  form  of  gods  sur¬ 
rounding  the  sacrifice,  but  here  they  are  different  ones.  The 
one  at  the  left  above  is  the  black  god  (L?),  holding  the  rattle- 
stick  (Seler,  “Mittelamer.  Musikinstrumente,”  p.  Ill),  and  at 
the  right,  above,  F,  the  companion  of  the  death-god,  is  sitting 
with  a  rattle  in  his  hand.  Below,  the  two  have  changed  places, 
F  is  on  the  left  and  L  on  the  right.  The  former  is  beating  the 
drum  and  the  latter  blowing  a  wind-instrument.  The  sounds 
emitted  by  the  two  instruments  are  represented  by  drawings. 
This  may,  therefore,  be  regarded  as  an  instrumental  quartette. 
The  following  objects  are  also  in  this  picture: — at  the  left  above 
is  a  vessel  the  contents  of  which  are  cooking;  at  the  left  below, 
another  vessel  with  three  Kan  signs,  and  at  the  right  above,  a 
Kan  sign  with  a  bird 's  head  and  below  the  food  known  to  us 
from  pages  27b  and  29b.  These  four  objects  refer  to  the  sacrifi¬ 
cial  feast.  Lastly,  at  the  bottom  on  the  right  there  is  a  ladder, 
probably  intended  for  scaling  the  pyramid.  Ten  hieroglyphs  in 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


141 


the  upper  line  belong  to  this  picture : — the  first,  which  is  effaced, 
is  followed  by  a  Cauac,then  comes  the  cross  5, then  a  Cimi  appro¬ 
priate  to  the  sacrifice,  and  lastly  a  head  with  an  Akbal  eye, 
probably  D’s.  The  first  sign  in  the  lower  row  is  likewise  de¬ 
stroyed,  the  second  sign  is  a  Kan,  the  next  is  the  cross  b,  both 
having  a  different  prefix,  then  here  too  is  the  hieroglyph  of  B 
with  Yax  as  a  prefix,  and  the  last  is  an  unknown  sign. 

4  and  5.  Page  35a.  According  to  the  numbers  there  are 
two  sections  here,  but  neither  the  pictures  nor  the  hierogyphs 
can  with  certainty  be  assigned  to  either.  On  the  left  is  a  house 
in  which  C  sits  holding  a  Kan  sign  in  his  hand;  on  the  roof,  as  if 
guarding  him,  and  also  holding  a  Kan  sign,  lies  the  god  B.  In 
the  Cort.  24b-25b,  there  are  six  gods  lying  on  houses,  within 
which  other  gods  are  also  represented  in  a  recumbent  position. 
Then  follow  two  vessels,  again  denoting  the  sacrificial  feast,  the 
contents  of  which  are  probably  cooking,  and  which,  from  the 
sign  on  the  second,  are  probably  liquid.  Above  these  are  three 
others,  one  with  the  Cimi  sign  (human  flesh?),  one  with  a  bird 
and  the  third  with  the  haunch  of  venison.  At  the  right  of  these 
is  an  implement,  which  is  unfamiliar  to  me  and  is  similar  to  that 
held  in  the  god’s  hand  on  pages  5c  and  6c.  And  quite  on  the 
right  sits  B  with  foot-prints  pictured  below  him  and  on  his 
clothing. 

The  hieroglyphs  on  page  35,  when  they  were  all  legible,  num¬ 
bered  14  and  were  arranged  in  two  rows.  4  of  the  upper  row 
are  preserved,  the  lower  part  of  the  first  is  a  year-sign  (?),  simi¬ 
lar  to  that  which  often  appears  on  pages  25-28,  the  upper  ele¬ 
ment  is  the  cross,  and  the  prefix  is  the  one  resembling  a  leaf, 
which  occurs  so  frequently.  The  second  sign  is  an  Imix  with 
a  prefixed  9,  the  third  a  cross  and  the  fourth  a  head  (probably 
D’s)  with  Akbal.  In  the  second  row  there  is  a  cross  with  a  pre¬ 
fixed  9  (sign  of  the  second  or  third  month?).  These  two  signs 
with  the  prefixed  9  are  perhaps  to  be  read  as  a  calendar  date  IX 
Imix  9  Zip  (1  lx),  as  on  page  33a.  Ix,  however,  belongs  to 
the  west,  which  is  the  predominant  cardinal  point  from  32a  on¬ 
ward.  The  second  sign  is  a  compound  of  Kin  and  Akbal  (day 
and  night)  which  often  occurs  here,  the  third  is  the  compound  of 
the  Moan  and  Caban  signs  with  the  number  1  above  each,  and 


142 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


the  fourth  is  the  hieroglyph  of  B.  The  fifth  sign  is  unfamiliar 
to  me.  The  sixth  contains  an  Imix  with  the  sign  for  the  west 
as  a  prefix,  and  the  seventh  is  effaced. 

At  this  point  the  representations  begin  to  display  a  more 
orderly  arrangement. 

6.  Page  36a.  Here  the  head  of  B  forms  the  head  of  a  ser¬ 
pent  (cf.  pages  61  and  62)  represented  in  pouring  rain,  while 
on  page  35b  it  is  emerging  from  the  water.  Of  the  four  hiero¬ 
glyphs  1  and  2  are  entirely  and  3  for  the  most  part  destroyed, 
and  4  is  the  usual  Kan-Imix. 

7.  The  lightning-beast  with  flames  pouring  forth  from  his 
forepaws  and  tail,  is  plunging  down  from  the  rectangle,  which 
primarily  designates  stars  and  then  the  sky  in  general.  This 
rectangle  occurs  for  the  first  time  here,  but  will  often  be  met 
with  later.  Here  it  may  be  a  combination  of  Mars  and  Venus. 
Of  the  four  hieroglyphs,  1  is  effaced,  2  is  a  compound  of  Kan  and 
Kin,  3  a  head  with  Akbal  and  Kin  (D?)  with  the  uplifted  arm 
as  a  prefix,  and  4,  corresponding  with  the  picture,  is  the  com¬ 
pound  of  the  rain  sign  Cauac  with  the  prefix  of  the  storm-god  K. 

8.  Here  B  himself  is  the  bringer  of  lightning.  In  one  hand 
he  holds  a  burning  torch  and  flames  are  bursting  from  his 
carrying-frame.  The  third  hieroglyph  is  his  sign.  It  is  doubt¬ 
ful  whether  the  fourth  is  the  hatchet  (machete)  or  is  not  rather 
intended  for  an  ear  pierced  for  the  purpose  of  ritual  blood-let¬ 
ting,  as  on  pages  44b  and  45b;  the  first  and  second  signs  are 
rather  indistinct. 

9.  Page  37a.  Unless  I  am  entirely  mistaken,  B  is  here 
represented  with  his  arms  bound  behind  his  back.  Cf.  the  pic¬ 
tures  on  page  2,  top,  and  60,  bottom.  Are  the  ends  of  the  rope 
fluttering  in  front  of  the  god  intended  to  render  this  still  more 
plain?  Hieroglyph  1  contains  the  sign  t,  which  resembles,  but 
is  not  the  same  as,  the  year  sign.  This  sign  has  already  occurred 
frequently,  especially  on  pages  25a-28a,  and  the  last  time  on 
page  35  in  the  first  hieroglyph.  As  on  page  35,  hieroglyph  4  is 
the  compound  Kin-Cauac,  but  here  it  is  joined  to  the  year-sign, 
i.e.,  it  denotes  the  Ivin-Cauac  year,  just  as  it  does  on  page  26a. 
3  is  again  Cauac  and  2  is  the  hieroglyph  for  B. 

10.  Rain  is  falling  from  the  heavenly  shield,  already  seen 
on  page  36,  here  however  designating  different  planets  (Mars  and 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


143 


Mercury?)  and  the  figure  represented  in  the  rain  is  the  one  which 
we  have  already  seen  on  pages  12c,  17a  and  21c.  It  is  that  of  the 
oldUayeyab  god  N  with  a  hatchet  in  one  hand  and  an  unfamiliar 
object  in  the  other  like  the  one  on  page  39a,  and  with  another 
unknown  object  on  his  back  shaped  like  a  shield  marked  with  a 
Kin.  That  this  figure  is  really  meant  to  represent  N  follows 
from  the  fourth  hieroglyph  (which,  however,  is  not  his  regular 
sign  5  Zac) ,  which  is  repeated  on  the  head  of  the  figure.  The 
lower  part  of  the  hieroglyph  is  replaced  by  the  year-sign  just  as 
it  is  in  the  hieroglyph  on  page  47,  left,  middle.  The  third  hiero¬ 
glyph  contains  2  Caban  signs,  the  first  and  second  cannot  be 
clearly  identified. 

11.  This  is  a  deity  which  I  hardly  think  appears  elsewhere. 
It  has  an  animal’s  head  resembling  that  of  a  bear,  thus  recalling 
page  7a,  and  it  also  has  the  paws  of  a  bear.  Of  the  hieroglyphs 
only  a  Kin-Akbal  is  recognizable. 

12.  Page  38a.  Here  we  have  another  heavenly  shield  (Mars 
and  Venus?)  and  under  this  shield  B  is  represented  seated  and 
strangely  enough  facing  himself,  the  figures  not  being  back  to 
back  as  on  page  68a.  Hieroglyphs  1  to  3  are  wholly  and  4, 
which  is  a  head,  is  for  the  most  part  destroyed. 

13.  B  is  here  represented  in  very  close  connection  with  a 
female  figure.  Cf.  pages  21c-23c.  The  representation  on  page 
68b  is  a  still  closer  parallel  to  this  passage.  The  first  hieroglyph 
is  destroyed  for  the  most  part,  the  second  is  B,  the  third  is 
probably  only  a  determinative  of  the  latter,  but  has  the  sign  for 
the  west,  and  the  fourth  is  Kan-Imix. 

14.  B  holding  a  Kan  sign  is  sitting  on  an  object,  which  may 
be  meant  for  the  stone  on  which  the  idols  were  set  up  at  the 
change  of  the  year.  Of  the  hieroglyphs  the  third  is  again  B,  and 
the  fourth  is  probably  the  frequent  sign  a.  The  first  sign  is  the 
most  remarkable.  In  the  Zeitschrift  fur  Ethnologie,  Vol. XXIII, 
p.147, 1  stated  that  this  was  the  sign  for  the  change  of  the  year, 
which  is  its  meaning  on  pages  41b,  52b  and  68a.  The  Kan  year 
follows  here  after  the  Cauac  year  of  page  37.  The  prefix  of  the 
sign  is  the  hieroglyph  for  the  east  to  which  the  Kan  years  be¬ 
long.  The  Kan  sign  in  B’s  hand  also  corresponds  to  this.  The 
second  hieroglyph  is  destroyed. 


144 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


15.  Page  39.  The  picture  represents  the  lightning-beast 
with  two  flaming  torches  walking  under  the  heavenly  shield 
(Mercury  and  Jupiter?).  Of  the  hieroglyphs  the  third  belongs 
to  B,  the  fourth  has  as  a  prefix  the  sign  of  the  storm-god  K,  but 
otherwise  admits  as  little  of  determination  as  do  the  first  and 
second. 

16.  Here  we  see  B  in  the  rain  holding  in  one  hand  a  machete, 
and  in  the  other  a  strange  implement  similar  to  that  on  page 
37a.  Of  the  hieroglyphs  the  second  was  the  god’s  sign,  the 
third  is  a,  and  the  fourth  may  be  an  Akbal  sign  with  Kin.  The 
first  sign  somewhat  suggests  the  sign  for  the  Moan;  its  prefix  is 
curious. 

17.  Here  in  place  of  the  picture  and  the  superscription, 
owing  perhaps  to  lack  of  space  and  in  order  not  to  omit  the 
last  picture,  we  have  a  vertical  row  of  seven  hieroglyphs  in¬ 
terrupted  between  the  sixth  and  seventh  by  the  red  and  black 
numeral  belonging  here.  The  top  sign  is  effaced  and  the  second 
is  B’s.  I  will  not  venture  to  determine  the  third,  which  con¬ 
tains  a  Yax.  Could  it  belong  to  the  serpent  deity  H?  The 
fourth  is  probably  Kan-Imix  and  the  fifth  is  indistinct.  And 
the  same  is  true  of  the  sixth,  the  prefix  of  which  we  have  al¬ 
ready  met  with  as  the  sixteenth  hieroglyph  on  page  24,  and  shall 
meet  with  again  on  pages  '53,  56,  58,  61,’  etc.  The  seventh 
sign,  which  is  quite  at  the  bottom,  consists  of  a  vessel  with  a 
foot-print  beneath  it;  it  seems  to  be  in  the  place  of  the  picture. 

18.  The  entire  section  ends  with  a  picture  of  B,  who  carries 
the  hatchet  and  probably  the  copal  pouch.  The  hieroglyphs 
are  wholly  obliterated. 

Pages  40a — 41a. 

The  following  Tonalamatl,  one  of  the  form  of  10  X  26,  has 
suffered  much  from  the  carelessness  of  the  scribe  and  from  in¬ 
jury.  I  have  attempted  to  restore  it  as  follows: — 

X  X  7  IV  4  VIII  4  XII  2  I  1  II  8  X 
Ahau  Oc 

Cimi  Cib  The  first  row  should  be  read  from  top  to 

Eb  Ik  bottom,  and  then  the  second  in  the  same 

Ezanab  Lamat  order. 

Kan  lx. 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


145 


The  six  subdivisions  all  refer  to  some  activity  of  B.  Among 
the  6x4  hieroglyphs  his  sign  occurs  five  times  as  the  fourth  and 
only  in  the  last  group  as  the  third.  Let  us  now  examine  the 
six  groups  individually. 

1.  B  is  traversing  the  water  in  a  canoe,  as  on  pages  29c  and 
40c,  with  the  paddle  in  his  hand.  All  the  hieroglyphs  belonging 
to  him  are  obliterated. 

2.  B  is  sitting  on  the  laterally  elongated  head  q,  which 
here,  as  on  page  69,  is  enlarged  and  drawn  with  special  care. 
Seler  (“Charakter  der  aztekischen,  etc.  Handschrift”  in  the 
Zeitschrift  fur  Ethnologie,  1888,  p.83)  discusses  this  sign  in  con¬ 
nection  with  the  day  Men.  It  seems  to  me  to  denote  unlucky 
days,  the  influence  of  which  may  here  be  checked^  by  B. 
B  holds  in  his  hand  a  hatchet.  The  head  ( q )  is  repeated  in  the 
third  sign,  perhaps  also  in  the  second,  and  the  superfix  of  these 
two  signs  is  probably  the  same  as  that  of  the  sign  beneath  the 
picture  of  B.  The  first  sign  is  mostly  destroyed. 

3.  As  on  pages  30a  and  31c,  and  again  just  as  on  page  69a, 
B  is  sitting  on  the  tree  of  life  or  sacrificial  tree.  A  branch  of 
this,  which  he  grasps  in  one  hand,  ends  in  a  serpent-head,  and 
the  root  of  the  tree  also  represents  B’s  head.  Around  the  god’s 
head  are  again  the  familiar  dots,  probably  signifying  stars.  Of 
the  hieroglyphs,  the  first  is  probably  /,  the  second  is  destroyed, 
the  third  may  be  a  variant  of  a,  although  it  recalls  the  sign 
which,  I  believe,  has  the  meaning  of  73  days  on  pages  46-50; 
the  prefix  of  1  also  suggests  this  meaning. 

4.  B’s  head  is  again  surrounded  by  stars  and  he  holds  in 
one  hand  the  outline  of  a  hieroglyph.  He  is  sitting  on  a  pe¬ 
culiar  ornamented  structure  resembling  the  crenelations  of  a 
wall.  This  wall  displays  the  spiral  which  we  found  also  on 
pages  33b-35b,  and  which  in  the  treatise,  “Zur  Maya-Chronol- 
ogie”  (Zeitschrift  fur  Ethnologie  XXIII,  p.147),  I  regarded  as 
an  abbreviation  for  a  serpent  and  hence  as  a  symbol  of  time. 
It  is  further  to  be  noted  that  B  is  wet  with  rain  and  with 
this  the  third  hieroglyph  is  in  keeping,  if  it  is  actually  intended 
to  denote  the  rainy  season  and  not  the  week  of  13  days  (“Zur 
Entzifferung”  V,  6);  still  the  red  numeral  13  below  is  more  in 
keeping  with  the  second  meaning.  The  second  sign  is  an  Ahau 


146 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


with  the  leaf-shaped  prefix,  which  also  appears  in  the  first  sign 
of  the  third  group.  The  first  is  effaced. 

5.  B,  represented  with  a  gala  mantle  hanging  down  in  front 
and  with  the  copal  pouch,  is  sitting  on  a  head,  which  looks  like 
his  own,  especially  as  to  the  eyes,  but  which  notwithstanding 
probably  belongs  to  D  and  is  marked  with  Ik  (wind)  and  Cauac 
(cumulus  clouds).  Of  the  hieroglyphs  the  first  and  second  do 
not  admit  of  positive  identification,  and  the  third  is  Kan-Imix. 

6.  The  god  is  sitting  on  a  mat  in  a  house.  All  the  hiero¬ 
glyphs  except  his  own  are  obliterated. 

Pages  42  a  —  44  a. 

Another  Tonalamatl  of  the  form  of  10  X  26;  I  have  restored 
the  effaced  day-signs  as  follows: — 

XIII  XIII  3  III  2  V  2  VII  6  XIII  2  II  2  IV  2  VI  7  XIII 


Oc 

Cib 

Ik 

La  mat 

Thus  the  month  days  are  the  same  as 

lx 

Ahau 

in  the  preceding  Tonalamatl,  but  should 

Cimi 

Eb 

be  read  in  a  different  order: —  Oc,  Cib, 

Ezanab 

Kan. 

Ik,  Lamat,  etc. 

Here  each  of  the  8  subdivisions  has  6  hieroglyphs,  and  the 
order  is  as  follows: — 

1  2 
3  4 
5  6. 

A  few  of  these  signs  are  common  to  all  the  groups.  Thus  the 
first  sign  ( v ),  as  far  as  what  remains  is  distinguishable,  seems  to 
occur  in  all  the  groups.  It  has  the  leaf-shaped  prefix,  but  I  can¬ 
not  understand  the  rest  of  it;  we  shall  find  it  again  several  times 
on  pages  29c-41c. 

Again  the  sign  in  the  sixth  place,  as  far  as  we  can  see,  is 
always  the  head  without  an  underjaw  and  the  tuft  of  hair  tied 
up  on  top  of  it  (O,  according  to  Schellhas),  which  we  found 
above  on  page  25  and  which  we  shall  meet  again  on  pages  65-69 
no  less  than  13  times,  with  regular  intervals  of  6  signs  between 
them.  Indeed  that  passage  is  a  remarkable  parallel  to  this  one. 

That  the  sign  for  B,  who' here  too  plays  the  most  important 
part,  occurs  often,  is  self-evident.  It  appears  in  the  fourth 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


147 


place,  in  the  1st,  3d,  4th,  and  7th  groups,  and  in  the  third  of  the 
8th  group;  in  the  6th  group  it  is  destroyed.  In  the  2nd  and 
5th  groups  B  has  neither  picture  nor  sign. 

The  hieroglyphs  of  the  cardinal  points  I  shall  mention  in  con¬ 
nection  with  the  separate  groups.  They  are  especially  conspic¬ 
uous  in  this  section,  being  sometimes  represented  in  full  and 
sometimes  in  an  abbreviated  form  as  mere  prefixes. 

1.  B  with  arms  crossed  sits  above  a  serpent  denoting  time, 
and  holding  in  its  coils  the  cross  b,  which  so  often  refers  to  as¬ 
tronomical  conditions.  Above  the  head  of  the  serpent  is  the 
vessel  with  the  three  Kan  signs,  which  we  have  already  found 
several  times  on  pages  25-28.  It  is  remarkable  that  the 
flourish,  which  usually  appears  as  the  nose-ornament  of  the  sun- 
god  G  (e.  g.,  pages  lib  and  c),  is  added  to  these  Kan  signs.  As 
the  stars  are  again  indicated  on  B’s  head,  he  plainly  denotes  a 
time-god  here.  The  third  hieroglyph,  the  sign  of  the  east,  cor¬ 
responds  with  this  meaning,  and  the  Kan  sign,  which  we  see  in 
the  fifth  hieroglyph  probably  combined  with  Ahau,  also  belongs 
to  the  east;  the  prefix  of  the  fourth  hieroglyph  is  the  sign  for  the 
west. 

2.  A  deity  whom  we  shall  probably  have  to  call  F,  the  god 
of  human  sacrifice,  is  sitting  on  a  stepped  pyramidal  structure 
(a  teocalli  as  a  place  of  sacrifice?).  He  holds  something  in  his 
hands,  resembling  a  long  and  broad  scroll,  joined  to  which  is  the 
head  of  the  god  of  the  north,  C,  and  in  the  third  hieroglyph  of 
this  group  the  sign  for  the  north  also  appears,  prefixed  to  the 
head  of  F,  who  seems  to  be  repeated  in  the  fourth  hieroglyph. 
The  fifth  hieroglyph  with  an  Imix  is  unintelligible  to  me. 

3.  Page  43.  B  is  sitting  in  the  water,  the  copal  pouch 
hangs  from  his  neck  and  the  hatchet  is  raised  as  if  ready  to 
attack.  The  second  hieroglyph  clearly  denotes  water,  while 
the  third  is  the  sign  for  the  west  and  the  fourth  is  the  sign  for  B, 
its  prefix  being  the  sign  for  the  east  abbreviated;  the  order  of 
the  cardinal  points  is  thus  exactly  the  reverse  of  that  in  the  first 
group.  The  fifth  hieroglyph  is  not  clear  to  me,  but  it  appears 
to  be  repeated  in  the  same  place  in  the  next  group. 

4.  B  is  sitting  here  atetride  a  sort  of  bench  again  holding  the 
hatchet  in  his  hand.  Belonging  to  this  picture  in  the  third 


148 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


hieroglyph  is  the  sign  for  the  south,  which  is  repeated  in  an  ab¬ 
breviated  form  in  the  fourth  hieroglyph. 

The  fifth  is  Kan,  joined  to  what  appears  to  be  the  same  sign 
as  the  one  found  in  this  place  in  the  preceding  group.  The 
second  sign  is  indistinct. 

5.  This  is  an  aged  deity,  probably  M  according  to  Schellhas, 
seated  on  an  indefinite  object.  In  front  of  the  deity  is  a  Cauac 
6ign,  which  contains  exactly  the  same  cumulus  clouds  as  those 
in  the  sign  5  Zac,  which  belongs  to  N.  Cauac,  however,  belongs 
to  the  south,  and  therefore  corresponds  with  the  north  of  the 
second  group  on  page  42.  Sign  5,  a  Kan,  corresponds  exactly 
with  the  same  sign  in  the  fifth  place  of  the  preceding  group. 

6.  Page  44.  B  seems  to  be  in  a  state  of  collapse.  Behind 
him  is  a  second  person,  who  is  either  trying  to  support  him  or  to 
pull  him  up  by  some  kind  of  a  sling.  I  think  the  second  person 
is  E,  the  grain-deity,  if  it  is  not  Seler ’s  young  god.  If  the  hiero¬ 
glyphs  were  not  completely  effaced,  they  would  probably  shed 
some  light  on  this  interesting  passage. 

7.  Here  we  see  B,  holding  a  fish  in  his  hand,  and  sitting  on 
a  hieroglyph,  which  is  compounded  of  Imix  and  a  prefix,  which 
resembles  the  tortoise  head  and  which  appeared  once  before  in 
this  combination  on  page  32a.  This  passage  recalls  page  40a, 
where  B  is  seated  on  the  laterally  elongated  head  q.  Nothing 
more  can  be  said  of  the  hieroglyphs,  than  that  6  is  the  head  with¬ 
out  an  underjaw. 

8.  B  is  sitting  here  in  a  house ;  his  sign  in  the  third  place  has 
Yax  as  a  prefix.  Hieroglyph  5,  with  the  number  4  prefixed,  re¬ 
calls  the  one  which  we  found  on  page  21c  belonging  to  the  bald- 
headed  old  man.  Hieroglyph  4  is  the  common  Kan-Imix. 

Page  45  a. 

The  last  page  on  the  front  of  the  first  section  of  this  Manu¬ 
script  is  used  for  a  series,  which  presents  itself  as  a  second  im¬ 
proved  edition  of  the  series  which  was  found  on  pages  31a-32a. 
The  very  fact  that  the  writing  is  so  much  better  proclaims  it  an 
amendment.  The  chief  aim  of  both  series  is  the  same,  viz : — to 
bring  into  unison  the  numbers  91,  104,  260  and  364.  But  the 
two  series  gain  this  end  by  different  means.  On  page  32  the 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


149 


series  begins  with  91,  and  at  first  has  only  91  as  a  difference,  un¬ 
til  with  728  a  multiple  of  104  and  364  is  obtained,  then  it  returns 
to  the  simple  difference  91,  in  1456  it  obtains  again  the  104  and 
364,  loses  these  two  last  numbers  once  more  in  1820  and  finally 
in  3640  obtains  the  desired  multiple  of  all  four  numbers,  which 
is  retained  in  7280,  14,560,  21,840  and  29,120.  The  series  on 
page  45a  proceeds  much  more  briefly.  It  begins  at  once  with 
728  (91,  104,  364),  loses  the  104  in  1092,  gains  the  260  and  loses 
the  104  in  1820,  arrives  at  divisibility  by  all  four  numbers  in 
the  3640,  loses  the  104  again  in  5460,  but  then  comes  to  a  stand¬ 
still  after  having  obtained  the  same  multiples  (double  at  that) 
of  3640,  which  I  mentioned  just  now  in  the  preceding  series.  In¬ 
deed  it  can  be  seen  from  what  is  legible  in  the  third  column 
above,  that  the  series  went  still  further.  But  so  much  is  ob¬ 
literated  that  I  have  obtained  the  numbers  14,560  and  21,840 
in  both  series  only  by  conjecture. 

In  the  earlier  passage  the  starting-point  of  the  series  is  the 
day  XIII  Akbal  and  in  the  one  before  us  it  is  the  day  XIII  Oc. 
In  the  former  the  days  specified  were  91  days  apart  from  each 
other,  and  here  they  are  separated  by  104,  i.  e.,  XIII  Ezanab, 
XIII  Ik,  XIII  Cimi,  XIII  Oc. 

The  initial  days  of  the  two  series,  XIII  Oc-XIII  Akbal,  are 
separated  by  13  days,  and  the  reversed  series,  XIII  Akbal-XIII 
Oc,  by  247  days.  Hence  the  subject  of  both  passages  is  essen¬ 
tially  the  week  of  thirteen  days,  i.  e.,  the  year  of  364  (28  X  13) 
days. 

Now  this  series  is  also  accompanied  by  a  number  amounting 
to  millions.  It  is  in  the  second  column  of  page  45;  only,  in  order 
to  understand  it,  we  must  add  a  zero  as  the  bottom  figure;  then 
it  becomes  1,278,420.  XIII  Oc  stands  below  this  number  as 
the  beginning  of  the  series.  The  first  column  has  30  as  an  en¬ 
circled  number  and  below  it  the  normal  day  IV  Ahau. 

The  large  number  must  have  been  formed  as  follows: — 

The  point  of  departure  was  230,  the  interval  between  IV 
Ahau  and  XIII  Oc,to  thiswas  added  98  X  260=25,480, the  sum 
being  25,710.  The  result  of  this  number  added  to  11  Ahau- 
Katuns= 1,252, 680,  was  1,278,390,  which  number  is  not  re- 


150 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


vealecl  in  the  Manuscript.  It  is  concealed  in  XIII  Oc  3  Mol 
(2  Muluc).  But  1,278,390=42,613  X  30,  i.e.,  it  is  divisible  by 
the  interval  XIII  Oc-IV  Ahau. 

Now  if  we  add  to  this  large  number  the  30  set  down  in  the 
Manuscript,  the  result  will  be  the  above-mentioned  1,278,420. 
This  number  in  the  Manuscript  has  the  date  IV  Ahau  13  Chen. 
(2  Muluc).  It  is,  of  course,  divisible  by  30  and  by  260,  hence= 
42,614  X  30  and  4917  X  260.  It  corresponds  not  merely  in  this 
respect  with  the  largest  number  on  page  31a,  viz: — 2,804,100, 
but  also  with  regard  to  its  divisibildy  by  78,  156,  195,  which 
are  all  multiples  of  13. 

On  page  45a,  top  left,  there  were  doubtless  five  hieroglyphs, 
of  which  the  two  topmost  ones  are  effaced.  First  we  see  only 
the  sign  of  the  eleventh  or  twelfth  month,  Zac  or  Ceh,  with  an 
uncertain  number  prefixed,  then  the  signs  for  beginning  and 
end  are  distinctly  legible.  Ceh  begins  and  Zac  ends  the  year  of 
364  days;  see  page  4  of  my  treatise  ‘  ‘  Zur  Entzifferung  V.  ’  ’ 

Pages  29  b  —  30  b. 

We  come  now  to  the  middle  section  of  pages  29-45,  in  which 
we  shall  not  be  so  hampered  by^  obliteration  in  our  attempts  at 
interpretation,  as  we  were  in  the  upper  section. 

We  have  here  first  a  Tonalamatl  of  the  usual  kind,  arranged 
as  follows: — 

III  13  III  13  III  13  III  13  III 
lx 

Cimi 

Ezanab  That  is  to  say,  the  52  days  divided  into  four 

Oc  equal  parts. 

Ik. 

To  these  four  divisions,  as  on  page  23b,  belong  the  four 
usual  forms  of  animal  food,  which  are  joined  in  three  places  to 
Kan  (bread)  and  probably  denote  sacrifice.  They  are,  first  a 
mammal,  which,  however,  is  erroneousl}’  represented  by  a  fish; 
second,  a  fish,  third  an  iguana  and  lastly  a  bird.  I  would  add, 
that  in  the  hieroglyphs  above,  the  east,  north,  west  and  south 
correspond  in  turn  with  these  representations  of  food. 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


151 


The  hieroglyphs  are  arranged  as  follows: — 

1  2  5  6  9  10  13  14 

3  4  7  8  11  12  15  16. 

Of  these,  2,  6,  10  and  14  are  the  cardinal  points  just  men¬ 
tioned;  4,  8,  12  and  16  are  the  sign  for  B,  and  1,  5,  9  and  13  are 
the  head  with  the  tuft  of  hair  and  the  Akbal  eye  to  which  I 
attribute  the  meaning  of  beginning.  Likewise  the  remaining 
four  signs,  3,  7,  11  and  15,  although  they  are  not  exactly  alike, 
have  something  in  common,  the  15th  being  a  distinct  Imix; 
they  are  not  yet  wholly  intelligible  to  me. 

Four  pictures  of  B  belong  to  these  hieroglyphs.  In  the  first 
the  god  is  seated  with  crossed  arms  on  two  of  the  ordinary 
astronomical  signs  (Jupiter  and  Mars?).  In  the  second,  where 
he  is  pointing  forward  with  his  hand,  there  are  footprints  on 
his  seat,  as,  for  example,  on  page  35a.  In  the  third  the  seat 
contains  the  usual  cumulus  clouds  in  clusters.  Finally,  in  the 
fourth,  he  is  seated  on  the  tree  of  life  or  of  sacrifice,  the  hatchet 
is  in  his  hand  and  he  is  clad  in  the  gala  mantle;  cf.  pages  31c,  40a, 
69a. 

Pages  30  b  — 31b. 

This  passage  is  in  some  respects  closely  related  to  the  pre¬ 
ceding  Tonalamatl,  but  in  other  respects  it  differs  significantly 
from  this  and  from  what  is  usual,  for  the  Tonalamatl  is  divided 
here  into  only  four  principal  divisions  of  65  days  each,  which 
begin  very  regularly  with  the  days  VIII  Oc,  VIII  Men,  VIII 
Ahau  and  VIII  Chicchan.  There  are  neither  subdivisions  nor 
the  usual  pictures  belonging  to  them.  But  on  the  other  hand 
each  of  the  longer  periods  of  time  written  down  here  have  eight 
hieroglyphs  for  each  section  in  the  usual  order. 

B’s  sign  occupies  the  places  6,  4,  4  and  4;  from  this  it  follows 
that  here  too  he  forms  the  principal  subject. 

Here,  as  in  the  preceding  Tonalamatl,  the  first  place  in  each 
group  contains  the  sign  denoting  beginning,  while  the  eighth 
sign  is  invariably  the  head  without  an  underjaw,  which  seems 
to  me  to  refer  to  fasting,  as  if  a  fast-day  fell  at  the  end  of  every 
65  days. 


152 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


In  the  fifth  place  we  see  in  succession  the  four  animals,  which 
in  the  preceding  Tonalamatl  are  not  included  in  the  groups  of 
hieroglyphs.  Here  they  stand  in  the  order  of  mammal,  bird, 
amphibian  and  fish,  but  the  bird  in  the  second  group  is  replaced 
by  the  sign  which  usually  occurs  with  the  dog  (lightning-beast). 

The  signs  in  the  second  place  are  those  of  the  cardinal  points, 
and  they  are  given  in  the  same  order  as  in  the  preceding  Tona¬ 
lamatl,  i.e.,  east,  north,  west  and  south,  so  that  they  do  not  be¬ 
long  to  the  same  animals  as  they  do  there. 

The  third  signs  are  the  cardinal  points  again,  but  in  the  ab¬ 
breviated  form  discovered  first  by  Schellhas,  and  in  a  different 
order: —  west,  north,  east  and  south,  and  always  joined  to  the 
head  of  C  around  which  everything  revolves  as  around  the  polar 
star.  The  Kan  sign  with  different  accompaning  signs  occupies 
the  seventh  place  in  the  first  group,  and  the  sixth  in  the  other 
three. 

Four  signs  still  remain: —  the  fourth  of  the  first  group  I  am 
inclined  to  consider  the  abbreviated  sign  for  the  sun;  the  seventh 
of  the  second,  rain  with  the  sign  for  the  west  as  a  prefix;  the 
seventh  of  the  third,  Caban,  ground,  with  the  sign  for  the  east 
as  a  prefix;  the  seventh  of  the  fourth  is  Kan  with  the  Yax  sign 
above  it,  probably  denoting  the  vegetable  kingdom. 

Pages  31b  — 35  b. 

This  entire  passage  is  devoted  to  a  single  Tonalamatl.  which 
is  divided  and  written  out  in  an  unusual  manner.  Like  the 
preceding  it  is  divided  into  four  parts  of  65  days  each,  but  the 
remarkable  thing  about  it  is  that  these  divisions  of  65  days  are 
each  subdivided  into  two  periods  of  46  and  19  days,  and  the 
46  days  again  into  eight  unequal  parts,  which  are  exactly  the 
same  each  time,  while  the  19  days  run  their  course  without 
further  subdivision.  On  pages  33.  34  and  35  this  19  is  always 
on  the  left  at  the  bottom,  on  page  32  it  is  wanting,  probably 
because  it  was  self-evident  and  there  was  no  suitable  placefor  it. 

We  shall  next  discuss  the  division  of  these  four  periods  of  46 
days  each.  This  division  is  indicated  with  especial  exactness 
on  these  pages,  since  not  merely  the  length  of  the  separate  sub- 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


153 


divisions  and  the  week  days  are  specified,  but  also  the  month 
days.  This  representation  has  the  additional  peculiarity, 
that  the  two  columns  on  each  page  must  be  read  from  bottom 
to  top,  and  of  each  group  of  two  days  standing  side  by  side, 
the  one  on  the  right  is  to  be  read  first  and  then  the  one  on  the 
left.  If  the  Tonalamatl  were  written  in  the  usual  manner,  it 
would  have  the  following  form: — 

X  9  VI  9  II  9  XI  2  XIII  4  IV  9  XIII  4  IV  19  X 

Ben 

Ezanab 

Akbal  Instead  of  this  we  read  in  greater  detail  as 

Lamat.  follows  (the  pages  and  the  stated  length  of  time 
are  in  parentheses) : — 

(31)  X  Ben  (9)  VI  Ik  (9)  II  Chuen  (9)  XI  Ahau  (2)  XIII  Ik  (4) 

IV  Cimi  (9)  XIII  Men  (4)  IV  Cauac  (19). 

(32)  X  Ezanab  (9)  VI  Manik  (9)  II  Cib  (9)  XI  Chicchan  (2)  XIII  Manik  (4) 

IV  Chuen  (9)  XIII  Ahau  (4)  IV  Kan  (19). 

(33)  X  Akbal  (9)  VI  Eb  (9)  II  Imix  (9)  XI  Oc  (2)  XIII  Eb  (4) 

IV  Cib  (9)  XIII  Chicchan  (4)  IV  Muluc  (19). 

(34)  X  Lamat  (9)  VI  Caban  (9)  II  Cimi  (9)  XI  Men  (2)  XIII  Caban  (4) 

IV  Imix  (9)  XIII  Oc  (4)  IV  lx  (19). 

In  spite  of  the  seemingly  wholly  irregular  division  of  time, 
the  following  relation,  which  is  certainly  not  accidental,  results 
from  this  arrangement: —  the  first  of  the  eight  members  of 
each  row  is  one  of  the  days  which  may  begin  the  year  and  the 
months,  and  the  eighth,  on  the  other  hand,  one  of  the  four  re¬ 
gents  of  the  year.  The  remaining  six  members  are  the  remain¬ 
ing  12  of  the  20  days  repeated  twice  and  the  second  always 
corresponds  with  the  fifth  of  its  own  series,  and  the  third  to  the 
sixth  and  the  fourth  to  the  seventh  of  the  following  series. 

Two  pictures  of  god  B  belong  to  each  of  these  periods  of  65 
days,  the  first  of  these  pictures  referring  to  the  divided  period 
of  46  days  and  the  second  to  the  undivided  one  of  19.  It  is 
also  in  agreement  with  this  that  on  pages  61  and  62  the  fourth, 
sixth  and  eighth  pictures  represent  the  god  as  rising  from  the 
jaws  of  a  serpent — the  serpent  being  represented  each  time  as 
lying  in  water  which  invariably  contains  the  number  19. 


154 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


As  the  hieroglyphs  belonging  to  the  periods  of  46  days  are 
allied  to  one  another,  and  as  this  is  also  true  of  those  belonging 
to  the  periods  of  19  days,  I  will  first  consider  the  hieroglyphs 
of  the  first  period  by  themselves,  then  those  of  the  second,  and 
the  pictures  shall  be  treated  in  the  same  manner. 

Therefore,  let  us  first  examine  the  four  pictures  (1,3,  5  and 
7)  on  the  right  side  of  the  pages: — 

1.  The  first  page  shows  the  god  walking  with  the  official 
staff  in  his  right  hand,  in  his  left  the  hatchet  raised  for  a  blow 
and  with  the  copal  pouch  hanging  from  his  neck. 

2.  He  is  walking  and  holding  a  flaming  torch  reversed  in 
his  right  hand,  in  his  left  the  hatchet  is  raised  aloft,  the  pouch 
hangs  from  his  neck,  the  mantle  is  indicated  and  around  his 
head  are  the  little  circles  which  are  so  frequently  his  adjuncts 
and  probably  signify  stars. 

3.  He  is  walking  and  holding  the  reversed  torch  in  his  left 
hand  and  the  hatchet  in  his  right. 

4.  He  is  walking  and  holding  a  torch  in  each  hand.  He 
wears  on  his  head  the  head  of  K.  He  seems  to  be  bringing 
storm  and  fire. 

Now  let  us  examine  the  hieroglyphs,  which  I  have  num¬ 
bered  thus: — 

1  3  5 

2  4  6. 

The  first  hieroglyph  on  each  page  certainly  represents  one 
of  the  cardinal  points.  They  are  in  the  usual  order: —  east, 
north,  south  and  west. 

2  is  the  same  sign  on  each  page.  I  take  it  to  be  the  sign  for 
Xul=end,  denoting,  it  may  be,  the  end  of  the  period  of  each 
cardinal  point. 

In  each  group  3  is  the  head  with  tuft  of  hair  and  the  Akbal 
eye;  probably  the  sign  denoting  beginning.  Tins  beginning  and 
end  occur  most  distinctly  repeated  on  page  63,  and  the  end 
alone  eight  times  at  the  bottom  of  pages  61-62. 

On  page  31,  4  is  B’s  sign,  on  page  32  B’s  with  the  prefix  of 
the  north,  on  page  33  it  is  B’s  sign  again  and  although  quite 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


155 


indistinct  its  is  plainly  joined  with  the  east.  On  page  34  there 
is  another  indistinct  sign  which  may  be  that  of  the  serpent 
deity  H. 

Owing  to  indistinctness  I  do  not  venture  to  determine  the 
fifth  sign  on  pages  31  and  33;  on  page  32  it  is  the  laterally  elon¬ 
gated  head  q  with  the  Ben-Ik  superfix,  and  on  page  34  the  ordi¬ 
nary  Kan-Imix. 

The  sixth  sign  varies  as  much  as  the  fifth;  it  seems  here  to 
denote  four  different  gods,  perhaps  the  four  given  on  pages 
25-28.  On  page  31  it  is  a  Cauac,  the  prefix  of  which  here, 
however,  suggests  K,  on  32  it  is  certainly  the  hieroglyph  of  E 
and  on  33  possibly  of  A,  on  34  it  most  resembles  Muluc  of  the 
day-signs,  but  also  suggests  the  line  crossing  F’s  face  from  top 
to  bottom. 

We  come  now  to  the  four  pictures  2,  4,  6  and  8  and  to  the 
hieroglyphs  belonging  to  them,  which  are  on  the  left  side  of  the 
pages  and  belong  to  the  periods  of  19  days. 

1.  B  is  pictured  walking,  raising  the  hatchet  in  his  right 
hand,  and  holding  an  uncertain  object  in  his  left;  the  serpent 
with  the  19  set  down  in  its  coils  does  not  appear  here.  The  2nd, 
3d  and  4th  pictures  belong  together.  In  each  picture  on  these 
three  pages  there  is  a  serpent  with  water  in  its  coils  and  the 
number  19  in  the  water,  denoting  the  number  of  days  belonging 
here.  As  on  pages  61  and  62  B  is  emerging  from  the  open  jaws 
of  the  serpent.  In  each  case  he  is  brandishing  the  uplifted 
axe  in  his  left  hand.  The  difference  in  the  three  pictures  con¬ 
sists,  first,  in  the  fact  that  only  in  the  2nd  and  3d  B  wears  the 
copal  pouch,  second,  that  only  in  the  3d  and  4th  he  has  an 
implement  in  his  right  hand  (the  two  implements  differ  some¬ 
what  but  are  both,  apparently,  adapted  for  hanging  up)  and 
third,  that  only  in  3  the  whole  picture  is  painted  blue,  which 
means  that  the  entire  scene  is  enacted  under  water. 

The  hieroglyphs  are  as  follows : — 

The  first  in  all  four  cases  is  a  Manik,  i.e.,  originally  a  grasping 
hand,  perhaps  referring  to  the  chase;  on  page  32  it  has  a  prefix 
and  on  pages  33-35  a  superfix  corresponding  to  the  first. 

The  second  sign  on  each  page  is  simply  B’s. 

The  Cauac  sign  in  the  third  refers  in  all  four  cases  to  the 


156 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


water  represented  at  the  bottom  of  pages  33b-35b.  On  page 
32  it  has  an  Akbal  as  a  superfix,  on  33-35  a  prefix,  which  is 
familiar  and  in  keeping  with  the  sign  and  probably  also  the 
same  suffix,  though  it  is  indistinct  on  page  34. 

The  fourth  sign  shows,  as  do  several  other  things,  that  the 
representation  on  page  32  differs  from  that  on  pages  33-35. 
On  the  first  of  these  pages  we  see  an  Imix  with  a  puzzling  1 
prefixed.  If  the  numbering  of  the  days  really  begins  with 
Kan,  as  is  probable  in  this  Manuscript,  then  Imix  is  the  18th 
day  and  1  — (—  18  might  denote  the  19,  which  is  not  set  down 
here.  On  pages  33-35  this  sign  contains  the  spiral,  which  refers 
to  the  serpent  in  the  picture  below  (and  probably  therefore  to 
time).  A  curious  element,  however,  is  the  numeral  9  prefixed 
three  times  to  the  spiral.  This  number  is  rarely  a  prefix, 
but  it  occurs,  for  example,  on  pages  33a  and  35a  before  the 
cross  b  and  on  page  60  right,  middle,  prefixed  to  Xul  (=  end). 
The  interval  9  occurs  in  this  Tonalamatl  16  times,  including 
therefore  117  of  the  260  days. 

The  fifth  sign  each  time  contains  the  head  without  the  under 
jaw,  just  as  it  recurs  regularly  in  the  preceding  passage,  pages 
30-31. 

The  sixth  sign  in  each  group  is  the  not  uncommon  compound 
of  Caban  and  the  sign,  which  resembles  Muluc  and  which  we 
saw  before  in  the  sixth  place  among  the  hieroglyphs  on  the 
right  side  of  page  34. 


Pages  35b  — 37  b. 

I  11  XII  6  V 


9  14  V  7  XII  9  VIII  6  I 


That  is, a  regular  Tonalamatl  of  five  parts, 5  X  52. 
That  the  52  days  are  divided  into  two  halves 
(11  +  6+  9  =  4+  7  +  9  +  6),  may  only  be 
accidental. 


Caban 
Muluc 
Imix 
Ben 
Chicchan. 

I  will  designate  the  hieroglyphs  of  the  seven  divisions  thus: — 
1  2  5  6  9  10  13  14  17  IS  21  22  25  26 

3  4  7  8  11  12  15  16  19  20  23  24  27  28. 

I  will  first  consider  those  signs,  which  are  repeated  and  by 
means  of  which  the  sections  seem  to  be  brought  into  connection 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


157 


with  one  another.  But  I  shall  attend  in  detail  to  those  hiero¬ 
glyphs  which  contain  characteristic  references  to  each  picture, 
when  I  discuss  the  latter. 

The  first  place  both  among  the  pictures  and  among  the 
hieroglyphs  again  belongs  unquestionably  to  B.  He  is  plainly 
designated  in  the  10th,  17th,  21st  and  26th  hieroglyphs,  but, 
for  an  unknown  reason,  C’s  sign  is  joined  to  B’s  in  the  16th, 
probably  also  in  the  6th  and  perhaps  in  the  9th,  and  in  20  and 
28  C’s  sign  forms  an  integral  part  of  a  hieroglyph.  Now  in 
discussing  the  great  Tonalamatl,  pages  4a-10a,  I  attempted 
to  make  it  appear  probable  that  C  belongs  to  the  eighth  day 
(Chuen)  and  in  that  case  the  Chuen  sign  in  the  thirteenth  hiero¬ 
glyph  may  be  probably  set  down  here.  Further,  in  discussing 
pages  25  to  28,  I  expressed  the  conjecture  that  this  Chuen  sign 
might  simply  mean  eight  days,  if  we  begin  with  Kan  as  the  first 
day,  for  which  proceeding  there  is  some  warrant  in  the  “Dres- 
densis.”  Now,  in  hieroglyphs  8  and  24  we  find  an  8  inscribed; 
in  hieroglyph  8  it  is  joined  to  an  Imix,  exactly  as  on  page  39e; 
on  page  65a  it  is  joined  to  Kin,  and  on  67a  and  68a  to  a  hand. 
Is  it  possible  that  here  also  the  8  is  intended  as  a  sign  for  Chuen 
=  C? 

Then  the  familiar  Kin-Akbal  sign  (day  and  night)  is  in  the 
fourth  place  as  well  as  in  the  eleventh  and  nineteenth. 

The  other  signs  which  appear  but  once,  I  will  discuss  in  con¬ 
nection  with  each  of  the  seven  pictures : — 

1.  A  serpent  in  the  water,  with  B  emerging  from  its  head, 
exactly  as  on  pages  36a,  Tro.  26  and  Cort.  10. 

The  third  sign,  that  of  the  serpent-deity  H,  refers  to  the 
serpent.  The  first  sign  is  the  one  which  I  think  may  be  Caban- 
Muluc,  while  the  second,  owing  to  its  indistinctness,  eludes 
interpretation. 

2.  This  also  represents  a  deity  sitting  in  the  water,  whom 
we  are  probably  safe  in  calling  H,  for  the  top  of  his  head  changes 
into  a  serpent,  ending,  however,  in  a  bird ’s  bill  holding  a  f.sh. 
The  deity  holds  up  both  hands.  The  union  of  serpent  and  bird 
should  be  noted  in  connection  with  the  fourth  picture.  The 
deity  is  represented  in  the  fifth  sign;  the  sixth,  seventh  and 
eighth  signs  have  already  been  discussed. 


158 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


3.  B  is  traversing  the  water  in  a  boat,  exactly  as  on  pages 
29c,  40a  and  c,  and  43c.  Here,  however,  there  is  a  person 
beside  him  (probably  a  woman)  whom,  from  the  ninth  hiero¬ 
glyph  we  recognize  as  the  deity  E,  unless  this  sign  is  C’s.  In 
12  we  see  with  Kin  a  sign  which  may  suggest  the  usual  hiero¬ 
glyph  denoting  a  year. 

4.  A  serpent  is  pictured  here,  with  a  bird  sitting  upon  it. 
We  met  with  the  same  bird  on  page  17b.  Schellhas,  “Maya- 
handschr.,”  p.  51,  has  already  expressed  the  opinion  that  this 
is  probably  a  rebus  for  the  name  Quetzalcoatl  or  Ixukulcan,  and 
this  theory  is  certainly  worthy  of  consideration.  In  this  con¬ 
nection  I  would  call  to  mind  that  it  is  probably  also  Kukulcan 
with  serpent  and  bird  who  occupies  the  first  place  on  page  4a. 
The  bird  appears  again  in  the  fourteenth  sign,  while  the  thir¬ 
teenth  is  a  Chuen,  which, according  to  the  statement  made  above, 
may  be  connected  with  the  C  in  the  sixteenth.  The  fifteenth 
sign  is  the  cross  b,  which  probably  denotes  the  connection  be¬ 
tween  the  thirteenth  and  sixteenth  or  else  between  the  bird  and 
serpent.  Or  isChuen  intended  here  to  represent  the  serpent  and 
not  the  ape? 

5.  This  picture  represents  B  carrying  a  burning  torch,  with 
the  copal  pouch  hanging  from  his  neck.  His  left  hand  touches 
a  strange  object,  a  kind  of  frame,  the  top  of  which  ends  in  the 
head  of  a  bird  of  prey. 

The  eighteenth  sign  is  obliterated  and  the  twentieth  is  a 
curious  combination  of  Caban,  C  and  the  front  part  of  K. 

6.  B  is  walking,  with  the  hatchet  in  his  left  hand  and  in 
his  right  an  object  which  looks  like  the  representation  of  sounds 
issuing  from  musical  instruments,  as  on  page  34a.  Perhaps  B 
is  represented  here  as  the  air-god. 

The  twenty-second  sign  is  the  familiar  Kan-Imix.  The 
twenty-third  sign  ( w )  is  not  intelligible  to  me;  it  occurs  on 
pages  19c,  40b,  58,  on  the  right,  with  a  superfix  suggesting  K. 

7.  Water,  in  which  a  small  human  being  seems  to  be  emerg¬ 
ing  from  a  snail  (the  symbol  of  birth).  Above  the  water  is  B, 
grasping  a  serpent  which  is  in  the  water,  as  if  to  protect  the  new¬ 
born  being  from  the  serpent.  The  twenty-fifth  (with  Kin)  is 
the  so-called  bat-god,  who  on  page  50  at  the  left  ends  the  series 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


159 


of  twenty  gods.  The  twenty-seventh  sign  (with  Yax)  is  still 
undetermined. 

Pages  38  b  — 41b. 

VI  16  1X8  IV 11  II  10  XIII  XIII  12  XII 6  V 12 
IV  11  II  11  XIII  6  VI 

Cauac  The  sum  of  the  black  numbers  is  104,  the  whole 

Akbal  is, therefore, a  double  Tonalamatl  =  5  X  104  =  520. 

Manik  While  the  series  on  pages  31a-32a  primarily  brought 
Chuen  the  91  and  the  104  together,  and  the  series  on  page 

Men.  45a  accomplished  the  same  result  with  the  104  and 

the  364,  here,  though  the  process  is  a  different  one,  the  104  is 
combined  with  the  260  in  another  number. 

It  is  characteristic  of  this  part  of  the  Manuscript,  that  the 
astronomical  rectangles,  which  are  very  rare  in  the  preceding 
pages,  appear  here  in  no  less  than  five  of  the  eleven  divisions  and 
six  of  them  represent  showers  of  rain.  One  is  very  readily,  there¬ 
fore,  led  to  infer  that  the  104  days  have  reference  to  the  rainy 
season  and  to  its  dependence  upon  the  position  of  the  planets. 
I  will  now  analyse  the  eleven  sections  separately. 

1.  Rain  is  streaming  down  from  two  astronomical  signs 
(Mars  and  Jupiter?  Day  and  night?)  and  in  the  rain  stands  a 
black  human  form,  grasping  an  implement  with  the  right  hand 
held  downward  and  pointing  upward  with  the  left.  It  has  the 
vulture  head  which  occurred  on  pages  8a  and  13c. 

Hieroglyphs  1  and  2  represent  the  sun  and  moon,  both  sur¬ 
rounded  by  half  white  and  half  black  envelopes,  which  must  de¬ 
note  clouds.  The  third  sign  is  Imix,  which  just  here  might  refer 
to  the  rainy  season  productive  of  nourishment.  The  fourth 
sign  is  the  vulture  head  of  the  picture. 

2.  B  is  walking  in  the  rain  and  holds  in  one  hand  a  stick 
pointed  at  the  lower  end.  This  is  doubtless  a  farming  imple¬ 
ment,  likewise  occurring  frequently  in  the  Tro-Cort.,  which  was 
used  for  making  furrows  or  holes  in  the  ground. 

The  second  hieroglyph  is  B ’s,  the  first  is  Caban  =  earth,  the 
fourth  might  beacompound  of  Caban  and  Muluc, referring  to  the 
rain,  and  the  third  is  the  familiar  Kan-Imix,  which,  as  the  desig¬ 
nation  of  food  and  drink,  would  be  especially  appropriate  here. 


160 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


3.  B  is  apparently  resting  from  tilling  the  soil,  since  he  is 
sitting  on  a  support  consisting  of  the  signs  just  spoken  of,  i.e., 
Caban  and  Muluc  (?). 

The  latter  signs  are  repeated  in  the  second  hieroglyph,  while 
the  third  is  B’s  with  the  sun-glyph  (?)  prefixed;  the  first  is  the 
head  apparently  open  on  top  with  the  Akbal  eye,  probably  the 
sign  for  beginning,  and  the  fourth  is  the  familiar  sign  a,  which  I 
think  signifies  a  good,  auspicious  day. 

4.  Page  39.  This  represents  a  violent  shower  of  rain,  which 
might  be  pronounced  a  cloud-burst.  The  old  red  goddess  with 
tiger-claws  and  a  serpent  on  her  head  is  pouring  water  in  a 
stream  from  a  jug.  The  same  goddess  occurs  on  page  43b  and 
on  the  last  page,  74. 

Her  hieroglyph  is  the  second;  it  is  more  distinct  in  the  two 
other  passages.  The  first  part  of  the  third  hieroglyph  is  in¬ 
distinct,  and  the  second  part  is  the  hieroglyph  denoting  the  year. 
The  first  hieroglyph  is  a  head  with  the  Akbal  sign,  and  the  fourth 
is  the  usual  compound  of  Kin  and  Akbal. 

5.  The  cloud-burst  seems  to  have  destroyed  the  cultivation 
of  the  field,  for  B  walks  forth  again  with  the  implement  for  till¬ 
ing  the  soil,  as  in  the  second  picture.  The  second  hieroglyph  is 
B 's  with  the  prefix  of  the  west,  therefore  probably  denoting  sun¬ 
shine,  the  first  again  contains  Caban  and  Muluc  and  the  fourth  is 
Kan-Imix  referring  again  to  the  produce  of  the  field.  I  shall 
not  venture  to  explain  the  third  sign  here  any  more  than  I  did 
in  the  previous  passages.  Compare  page  8b. 

6.  B  is  again  sitting  in  the  rain  and  under  the  same  astro¬ 
nomical  signs  as  before  on  page  38.  He  is  pointing  downward 
(to  the  sprouting  seed?).  He  has  the  sun-glyph  on  his  back. 
The  first  two  hieroglyphs  are  unfamiliar  to  me  (Yax) ;  the  third 
is  Imixwith  the  sign  for  the  west,  and  thefourth  is  again  Muluc. 

7.  Page  40.  B  is  plunging  down  headfirst  from  the  same 
astronomical  signs  and  is  brandishing  the  hatchet. 

Hieroglyph  1  is  the  cross  b,  2  is  B ’s  sign,  3  probably  that  of 
the  grain-god  E,and  4  being  Kan-Imix  refers  to  grain.  Favor¬ 
able  weather  seems  to  have  set  in. 

8.  The  astronomical  signs  are  not  the  same  as  those  in  the 
three  preceding  instances  (Mercury  and  sun?).  Below  them 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


161 


is  a  deity  with  tortoise-head — in  my  opinion,  the  sign  for  the 
longest  day — holding  a  torch  in  each  hand  and  thus  referring  to 
the  heat. 

Hieroglyph  1  ( w )  with  the  superfix  suggesting  K  still  puzzles 
me.  2  is  the  cross  b,  3  is  the  tortoise-head  with  the  number  4, 
which  probably  refers  to  the  Kan,  Muluc,  lx  and  Cauac  years, 
as  the  4  sometimes  appears  prefixed  to  N’s  hieroglyph.  In 
exactly  the  same  way  the  tortoise-head  with  the  tortoise  itself 
occurs  frequently  in  the  Cortesianus.  4  is  the  sign  of  the  year 
with  prefixed  Kin  and  Cauac,  i.e.,  day-Cauac-year. 

9.  A  thunder-storm,  which  is  very  appropriate  after  the 
longest  day.  The  lightning-beast,  likewise  holding  a  burning 
torch,  is  plunging  down  from  the  astronomical  signs,  which  are 
different  ones  again  (Venus  and  the  moon?). 

The  second  hieroglyph  contains  the  sign  of  the  dog  together 
with  the  cross  b,  while  the  third  is  that  of  the  north-god  C,  and 
the  fourth  is  Muluc.  I  cannot  explain  the  first  sign;  its  prefix, 
which  rarely  occurs,  appears  also  on  pages  23b,  25a,  37b,  63a, 
and  possibly  on  pages  53b,  62-63a,  69b. 

10.  Page  41.  Another  representation  of  rain.  There  is 
an  old  deity  in  the  rain,  who  is  N  rather  than  F,  denoting  the 
end  of  the  old  year.  He  is  emerging  from  a  snail  (cf.  with  this 
page  37b),  and  is  pointing  upward;  a  part  of  the  first  hieroglyph 
is  on  his  head. 

This  first  hieroglyph  recalls  the  sign  which,  in  the  Zeitschrift 
ftir  Ethnologie,  XXIII,  p.  145,  I  ventured  to  connect  with  the 
change  of  the  year;  but  it  also  suggests  the  snail  pictured  below, 
hence  the  birth  of  the  new  year.  The  beginning  of  the  year  for 
the  Mayas,  although  of  course  not  for  all  parts  of  the  country, 
is  fixed,  as  a  rule,  to  fall  on  the  16th  of  July.  This  would  agree 
admirably  with  the  eighth  and  ninth  sections,  which  represent 
the  time  of  the  longest  day  and  of  thunder-storms. 

The  second  hieroglyph  is  B’s,  the  fourth  the  cross  b,  probably 
referring  here  to  a  union  of  two  years,  and  the  third  with  its 
Cauac  to  the  duration  of  the  rainy  season  or  to  the  god  N. 

11.  The  rain  seems  to  fall  with  less  violence.  B  is  seated, 
clad  in  the  gala  mantle  with  a  Kan  on  his  head,  as  the  sign  of 
grain.  His  headdress  also  strongly  recalls  that  of  the  ?ram- 

iv  11 


162 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


deity  E  (which  is  also  the  case  of  the  headdress  on  the  preced¬ 
ing  picture.) 

Hieroglyph  1,  the  upper  part  of  which  is  very  like  that  of 
the  first  sign  of  the  preceding  group,  looks  like  a  plaited  mat. 
Does  it  not  suggest  that  the  name  of  the  first  month  of  the  new 
year  is  Pop  and  that  this  word  is  denoted  by  carpet, mat?  Hiero¬ 
glyph  2  is  B ’s,  3  is  the  sun  between  a  dark  and  a  bright  sky,  and 
4  is  the  common  Kin-Akbal,  day  and  night. 

If  the  seventh  picture  really  refers  to  the  beginning  of  the 
year,  then  the  entire  period  of  104  days  extends  from  April  15th 
to  August  2nd,  which,  with  the  addition  of  the  five  days  not 
counted  at  the  end  of  the  year,  does  indeed  make  109  days. 
All  this,  however,  is  only  true  on  the  supposition  that  I  have 
not  seen  more  in  these  representations  than  they  contain. 


Pages  41  b  —  43  b. 

VI  12  V  7  XII  6  V  21  XIII  6  VI. 

Caban  Another  regular  Tonalamatl,  and  like  the  pre- 

Muluc  ceding  one  apparently  referring  to  the  change  of 
I  mix  the  year,  the  tilling  of  the  soil  and  the  rainy  season. 

Ben  B’s  sign  is  regularly  repeated  in  the  second  place 

Chicchan.  of  all  five  groups  of  hieroglyphs,  and  moreover 
each  of  these  groups  has  six  signs.  The  head  wfith  the  missing 
under  jawr  is  in  the  fourth  place  of  groups  2  and  3,  in  the  sixth 
of  group  5  and  might  perhaps  be  intended  also  in  the  fourth 
of  1  and  4.  The  usual  Kan-Imix  is  in  the  third  sign  of  group  2, 
in  the  fifth  of  4,  and  the  fourth  of  5;  possibly  also  in  the  fifth  of 
1 ;  the  third  hieroglyph  in  group  3,  at  any  rate,  contains  Imix. 

Let  us  now  consider  the  five  groups  individually: — 

1.  The  rainy  season  seems  to  have  been  delayed;  the  begin¬ 
ning  of  the  year  draws  near.  B  is  kneeling  on  a  kind  of  foot¬ 
stool,  the  hatchet  is  in  his  right  hand  and  his  left  hand  holds 
a  kind  of  chisel  with  which  he  is  carving  something  out  of 
the  trunk  of  a  tree.  The  purpose  of  the  work  is  indicated  by 
the  god ’s  own  head  directly  below  (probably  placed  in  front 
of  the  tree  as  a  model?).  No  doubt  this  is  intended  to  represent 
the  making  of  the  statue  of  the  god  of  the  new  year  destined  for 
the  beginning  of  the  year,  as  we  know  it  from  pages  25-28.  | 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


163 


Corresponding  with  this  is  the  first  hieroglyph  denoting  the 
year  with  Yax  as  a  superfix,  and  also  the  sixth  being  the  sign 
to  which  in  the  article  in  the  Zeitschrift  fur  Ethnologie  cited 
above,  I  attributed  the  meaning  of  change  of  the  year.  I  cannot 
decide  whether  the  third  sign  is  intended  for  an  Imix-Chuen  with 
the  sign  of  the  south  as  a  superfix,  the  fifth  for  a  Kan-Imix  and 
the  fourth  for  the  head  without  the  under  jaw. 

2.  Page  42.  Prayer  for  rain.  B  (that  is  to  say,  his  priest) 
is  seated  apparently  on  the  same  footstool.  He  is  gazing  up¬ 
ward  and  presenting  a  vessel  containing  an  offering,  the  nature 
of  which  is  uncertain.  The  vessel  ends  in  a  tube ;  cf.  page  67b. 

The  first,  fifth  and  sixth  hieroglyphs  are  not  finished,  and  the 
third  is  Kan-Imix. 

3.  The  rain-goddess  promises  aid.  B  is  seated  opposite 
the  old  red  goddess,  who  is  holding  intercourse  with  him.  The 
god  is  seated  on  the  Caban  sign  (earth)  and  the  goddess  on 
Muluc  (rain?). 

The  first,  fifth  and  sixth  hieroglyphs  are  also  unfinished; 
the  third  is  Imix  with  its  meaning  intensified  by  the  prefixed 
Yax  (the  luxuriantly  growing  grain?). 

4.  B  is  again  tilling  the  ground  in  the  manner  already 
familiar  to  us.  Under  him  lies  his  own  head  with  the  Imix- 
Kan  sign,  denoting  food  and  drink,  as  a  superfix.  The  first 
hieroglyph  is  the  sign  of  the  eighteenth  month  Cumhu,  i.e.,  of  the 
end  of  the  year.  The  third  is  a  Kin-Akbal,  the  fifth  a  Kan-Imix, 
the  sixth  is  not  finished,  and  the  fourth  may  be  intended  for  the 
head  without  the  lower  jaw,  but  it  is  carelessly  drawn. 

5.  Page  43.  The  solicited  rain  begins.  The  goddess  with 
the  serpent  on  her  head  is  pouring  streams  of  water  from  her 
vessel. 

The  first  hieroglyph  repeats  the  month  Cumhu,  denoting 
the  beginning  of  rain,  before  the  close  of  the  year;  the  third  is 
the  sign  of  the  goddess  met  with  on  page  39b,  here  also  with 
the  sign  for  the  west  as  a  prefix;  the  fifth  is  her  determinative, 
the  serpent,  and  the  fourth  is  Kan-Imix. 

If  the  first  sign  in  the  first  group  is  not  regarded  as  the  sign 
of  the  year,  but  as  that  of  the  sixteenth  month  (Pax)  resembling 


164 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


it,  and  the  fact  is  taken  into  consideration  that  there  is  an  inter¬ 
val  of  34  days  between  the  second  and  fourth  groups  and  of 
40  days  between  the  second  and  fifth,  this  would  be  found  to 
correspond  with  the  interval  between  the  months  Pax  and 
Cumhu. 

Pages  43  b  —  44  b. 

This  is  the  fourth  and  last  series  of  the  first  part  of  the  Manu¬ 
script  ;  the  first  is  on  page  24,  the  second  on  pages  31a  to  32a,  and 
the  third  on  page  45a.  The  first  series  is  quite  by  itself,  but 
the  second  and  third  are  similar  in  form  to  this  fourth,  though 
their  initial  days  are  different  from  those  of  the  latter: — XIII 
Akbal,XIII  Oc  and  III  Lamat.  All  three  begin  with  differences 
which  are  divisible  by  13: — 91,  104  and  78,  equal  to  7,  8,  and 
6  X  13.  All  three  aim  and  arrive  at  numbers  which  are  com¬ 
mon  factors  of  260,  104  and  364,  and  therefore  also  of  3640, 
which  last  number  is  written  out  in  the  other  two  series,  while 
in  this  series  it  can  only  appear  later  on  and  then,  increased 
by  multiplication. 

Since  this  series  has  the  difference  78,  the  week  day  numbers 
remain  the  same,  while  those  of  the  month  days  must  advance 
by  18  each,  that  is,  from  the  hidden  starting-point  III  Lamat 
they  go  on  to  III  Cimi,  III  Kan,  III  Ik,  III  Ahau,  etc.,  until  the 
tenthmember  of  theseries  is  10  X  78,  i.e.,  3  X  260  andthus  comes 
again  to  the  day  III  Lamat. 

From  780  onward  this  number  is  itself  always  the  difference 
of  the  higher  terms  of  the  present  series.  At  the  same  time  780 
days  are  the  duration  of  the  apparent  revolution  of  Mars,  which 
is  here  supplementary,  as  it  were,  since  page  24  treated  of  the 
revolutions  of  the  sun  and  of  Venus,  and  also  of  those  of  the 
moon  and  of  Mercury.  Hence  in  the  present  passage  we  find  the 
numbers  1560,  2340,  3120  and  3900,  always  accompanied  by  the 
day  III  Lamat.  The  larger  numbers  require  a  few  corrections; 
I  read  them  13,260  (17  X  780),  15,600  (20  X  780),  31,200  (40  X 
780), 62, 400  (80  X  780)  and  72,540  (93  X  780).  The  vervlargest 
again  are  correctly  set  down;  first  109,200  equal  to  140  X  780, 
but  here  also  equal  to  1050  X  104  and  300  X  364,  so  that  in  this 
series  the  goal  aimed  at  is  not  reached  until  later  than  it  is  in 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


165 


the  two  preceding  series.  Then  follows  131,040  =  168  X  780, 
1260  X  104,  360  X  364,  but  finally  151,320,  which  number 
=  1455  X  104  and  194  X  780,  but  is  not  divisible  by  364. 

Detached  in  the  usual  way  from  this  series  on  the  left  of  page 
43  is  the  number  1,435,980.  Above  and  below  it  is  the  day 
III  Lamat,  further  down  IV  Ahau,  and  between  them  is  352  in 
a  red  circle.  This  number  seems  to  have  been  obtained  in  the 
following  way:—  The  writer  began  with  the  distance  between 
III  Lamat  and  IV  Ahau,  which  is  92,  added  to  it  172  x  260  = 
44,720,  and  subtracted  the  result  44,812  from  13  Ahau-Katuns  = 
1,480,440.  The  remainder  was  1,435,628,  which  number  would 
correspond  to  the  date  III  Lamat  6  Zotz  (4  Kan),  which,  how¬ 
ever,  is  suppressed  in  the  Manuscript.  The  352  =  260  -f-  92 
was  added  to  this  sum,  and  the  result  was  the  1,435,980  written 
out  in  the  Manuscript,  i.e.,  a  day  IV  Ahau  13  Zip  (5  Muluc). 
Now  this  number  is  the  one  sought;  it  is  5523  X  260  =  1841  X 
780  =  3945  X  364,  and  hence  must  also  be  equal  to  263  X  5460, 
since  the  780  and  364  are  united  in  5460.  According  to  our 
present  knowledge,  it  would  seem  to  lie  in  the  future,  but  not 
far  from  the  present;  the  solar  and  Mars  revolutions  are  united 
in  it.  There  is  but  a  single  hieroglyph  here,  the  hieroglyph  of 
the  animal  which  is  the  chief  subject  of  the  next  section;  from 
which  it  appears  that  the  two  sections  are  closely  connected. 

Pages  44  b  —  45  b. 

This  section  supplements  the  pictures  and  hieroglyphs 
belonging  to  the  series  just  examined.  Therefore  it  likewise 
extends  over  78  days  and  divides  them  as  follows : — 

III  19  IX  19  II  19  VIII  21  III. 

These  five  days  are  plainly  intended  to  be  the  days  III 
Lamat,  IX  Manik,  II  Cimi,  VIII  Chicchan,  III  Cimi. 

With  regard  to  the  real  purport  of  this  section,  it  is  my 
opinion  that  it  has  reference  to  the  time  of  the  shortest  day  and 
also  to  the  four  winds  and  that  this  section  therefore  forms,  in 
a  measure,  a  contrast  to  pages  38-41,  where  attention  was 
called  to  the  rainy  season,  the  longest  day  and  the  thunder¬ 
storms. 

We  see  here  in  the  first  place  four  of  the  ordinary  heavenly 


16G 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


shields,  with  two  astronomical  signs  each.  I  cannot  decide,  at 
present,  whether  these  are  1st,  the  moon  and  Saturn,  2nd,  Mars 
and  Mercury,  3d,  the  moon  and  Mars,  and  4th,  Jupiter  and 
Venus. 

From  each  of  these  shields  hangs  a  figure  not  unlike  an 
heraldic  beast.  It  cannot  be  the  canine  lightning-beast;  it  has 
no  flames,  it  is  cloven-footed  and  with  the  upper  lip  bent  upward 
and  the  lower  lip  curved  downward  suggesting  the  storm-god  K, 
and  therefore  probably  represents  the  four  winds;  this  wind- 
beast  repeated  four  times  also  occurs  on  Cort.  2. 

Six  hieroglyphs  belong  to  each  picture.  Those  in  the  first 
place  are  pierced  ears  and  refer  therefore  to  the  ritual  blood¬ 
letting,  which  may  have  been  performed  at  this  season.  In 
Tro.  5*bwe  also  find  the  pierced  ear;  a  pierced  tongue  (Tro.  17*b), 
however,  does  not  occur  in  the  Dresdensis.  The  second  place 
always  contains  the  sign  of  the  beast  like  the  one  instance  on 
page  43. 

The  third  place  seems  to  be  devoted  to  the  four  cardinal 
points,  i.e.,  to  the  four  winds.  First  we  see  Akbal-Kin,  i.e., 
the  transition  from  night  to  day,  the  east.  The  north-god,  C, 
is  here  in  the  second  group;  in  the  third  we  see  Kin  and  beside 
it  in  the  fourth  place  Akbal,  both  enveloped  by  clouds  denoting 
the  transition  from  day  to  night,  the  west.  The  fourth  group, 
H  is  true,  has  the  year-sign  here,  but  with  the  compound  Kin- 
Cauac  prefixed,  and  Cauac  always  belongs  to  the  south.  I  be¬ 
lieve  I  have  found  a  distinct  reference  to  the  season  of  the  year 
in  two  other  places.  The  fourth  hieroglyph  of  the  second 
group  and  the  sixth  of  the  fourth  both  have  the  familiar  prefix 
suggesting  K,  the  storm-god.  The  first  of  the  two  contains  the 
month  Mol  (December  3d-22nd);the  second  might  very  well 
be  the  month  Yax  (January  12th-31st).  This  is  quite  in  keep¬ 
ing  with  the  distances  19  -(-  21  =  40  set  down  below. 

In  my  “Tagegottern  der  Mavas”  (Globus  LXXIII,  10)  and 
above  in  my  discussion  of  the  great  Tonalamatl  under  pages 
4a-10a,I  have  assigned  the  day  Chuen  to  C,  and  Muluc  to  K, 
i.e.,  the  first  to  the  dark  north  and  the  latter  to  the  wind,  which 
are  both  under  consideration  here.  In  fact,  we  find  the  Chuen 
sign  in  the  fifth  place  of  the  fourth  group  with  the  same  prefix 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


167 


that  C  has  in  the  second  group.  The  Muluc  sign,  however,  seems 
to  occur  three  times: — 1st,  group  1,  sign  6,  where  it  may  be 
joined  to  the  month  Mol  belonging  here;  2nd,  group  3,  sign  5, 
joined  to  the  Akbal,  which  also  belongs  here;  3d,  group  4,  sign  4, 
with  a  usual  prefix.  In  the  second  group  it  may  be  included  in 
the  very  similar  month  sign  of  Mol .  Four  hieroglyphs  remain : — 
1st,  Akbal  in  group  1,  sign  5,  hence  probably  denoting  the 
darker  time  of  the  year  in  general;  2nd,  A  in  2,  sign  5;  3d,  E  in  2, 
sign  6;  i.  e.,  probably  referring  to  the  death  of  the  grain  (I  do 
not  know  to  what  extent  this  expression  may  be  used  in  relation 
to  the  Maya  country);  4th,  Kan-Imix  in  3,  sign  6,  perhaps 
expressing  the  hope  of  new  harvests. 

This  finishes  the  middle  sections  of  the  pages  of  the  first 
part  of  the  Manuscript,  and  we  must  now  turn  back  again  to 
page  29  in  order  to  examine  the  lower  sections. 

Pages  29  c  — 30  c. 

Ill  16  VI  16  IX  16  XII  17  III 
lx 

Cauac  Here  is  a  Tonalamatl  of  four  quarters,  4  X  65. 

Kan 

Muluc. 

In  the  Manuscript  16  is  again  erroneously  set  down  for  17  and 
the  III  following  it  is  omitted.  The  initial  day  is  exactly  the 
same  III  lx,  as  in  section  29b  above  it,  to  which  in  other  respects 
the  passage  now  under  consideration  shows  a  great  likeness,  since 
the  four  familiar  animals  occur  here  as  well  as  there.  But  in 
spite  of  beginning  in  the  same  way  the  days  here  are  different 
ones,  being  the  four  regents  of  the  year,  as  on  page  9b. 

The  four  parts  are  grouped  together  by  the  sign,  which  always 
occupies  the  first  place  in  each  part;  I  have  denoted  this  sign  by 
/,  and  I  think  it  must  have  a  very  general  significance,  since  from 
pages  29c  to  40c  it  always  begins  the  groups.  The  connection 
between  the  four  parts  is  further  shown  by  the  four  cardinal 
points  in  the  second  place: —  the  north  in  the  first  group,  the 
west  in  the  second,  the  south  in  the  third  and  the  east  in  the 
iourth.  In  the  third  place  these  cardinal  points  are  again 
indicated  by  their  usual  abbreviations;  the  east  is  erroneously 


168 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


set  down  in  the  second  group.  These  abbreviations  are  here 
invariably  joined  to  the  head  of  C  as  the  representative  of  the 
north,  the  first  of  the  cardinal  points  occurring  in  this  passage; 
the  others  revolve  about  the  north  pole. 

As  B’s  sign  always  occurs  in  the  fourth  place,  there  is  noth¬ 
ing  further  to  be  said  concerning  the  hieroglyphs.  We  now 
come  to  the  pictures: — 

1.  if  is  rowing  a  boat,  as  we  have  already  seen  him  several 
times  (36b,  40a,  c,  and  43c).  To  the  left  of  his  head  there  is  a 
bird’s  head  and  in  the  left,  bottom,  corner,  a  pot  in  which  appar¬ 
ently  a  soup  of  fowl  is  cooking,  emitting  bubbles.  The  Cib  sign 
on  the  pot  refers  to  the  cooking  or  bubbling. 

2.  B,  with  his  head  surrounded  by  the  familiar  stars,  is 
seated  in  water,  in  which  are  represented  the  iguana  over  a  Kan 
sign,  and  the  familiar  spiral  probably  denoting  a  serpent.  He 
is  painted  black  (perhaps  corresponding  to  the  wyest?)  and 
holds  in  his  hand  an  implement  not,  yet  determined.  Perhaps 
it  may  be  intended  for  a  tree,  past  which  the  water  is  flowing. 

3.  The  god  is  seated,  holding  in  one  hand  the  spiral  with 
a  Kin  sign  over  it  and  a  Yax  on  top  of  that,  and  in  the  other 
hand  something  which  looks  like  a  bird’s  feather  or  a  fish’s  fin. 
Above  him  is  a  fish  with  a  Kan  sign,  as  on  page  27,  where  the 
fish  and  Kan  are  also  combined. 

4.  Holding  a  hunting-spear,  he  is  sitting  on  an  animal 
slain  in  the  chase,  as  on  page  45c. 

Finally,  I  have  remarked  that  pages  42c-45c,  the  last  part, 
of  the  first  division  of  the  Manuscript,  look  like  an  enlargement 
or  amendment  of  the  section  just  considered. 

Pages  30  c  —  33  c. 

To  begin  with,  the  day  signs  are  set  down  in  the  following 
order : — 


XI 

XI 

XI 

XI 

Ahau 

Chicchan 

Oc 

Men 

Caban 

Ik 

Manik 

Eb 

lx 

Cauac 

Kan 

Muluc 

Chuen 

Cib 

Infix 

Cimi 

Lamat 

Ben 

Ezanab 

Akbal . 

DRESDEN  CODEX. 


169 


Here  then,  as  is  frequently  the  case  in  this  Manuscript,  all 
the  twenty  days  are  specified.  But  in  order  to  obtain  equal 
periods  of  time,  the  left  column  should  first  be  read  from  top  to 
bottom  and  the  following  ones  should  be  treated  in  the  same 
way.  Then  each  succeeding  day  is  17  days  distant  from  the 
preceding,  but  in  reality  the  interval  is  117  days,  since  the  same 
week-day  is  always  implied.  The  hieroglyphs  seem  to  indicate 
that  these  117  days  are  divided  into  three  distinct  parts,  52,  39 
and  26. 

117  days,  however,  are  equal  to  9  X  13  and  hence  in  what 
follows  we  find  a  black  13  set  down  9  times  as  the  interval  be¬ 
tween  the  days,  and  a  red  XI  being  the  number  of  the  week-day 
an  equal  number  of  times.  Now,  since  the  whole  series  extends 
over  20  such  sections  of  117  days,  the  duration  of  this  calendar 
is  2340  days  or  9  Tonalamatl. 

Consequently  we  find  nine  pictures  of  the  same  god  B.  In 
five  of  them  (in  Groups  1-4  and  9)  he  is  sitting  before  or  on  a 
sacrificial  tree  or  tree  of  life ;  cf.  30b.  It  is  probably  not  acci¬ 
dental  that  in  these  five  cases  the  hieroglyphs  refer  to  the  car¬ 
dinal  points.  In  the  eighth  group  the  god  is  surrounded  by  the 
suggestion  of  one  or  more  trees;  he  is  sitting  in  water  as  if  in  a 
forest ;  or  in  a  cave  bordered  by  trees?  In  the  remaining  groups, 
5,  6  and  7  he  is  seated  on  various  supports,  in  5  on  an  object, 
which  is  not  completed  and  which  cannot,  therefore,  be  ex¬ 
plained,  in  6  on  astronomical  figures  (Mars  and  Venus?)  and  in 
7  on  agave  leaves.  In  1  and  3  his  head  is  again  surrounded  by 
those  dots  suggesting  stars,  in  4  there  seems  to  be  a  bird  (quet¬ 
zal?)  seated  upon  it  and  in  2  it  bears  what  may  be  the  Kin 
sign.  In  1  and  5  he  has  the  pouch  for  incense  in  his  hand,  while 
in  3  alone  he  wears  the  gala  mantle  and  is  painted  black,  just 
as  he  appears  in  connection  with  the  same  hieroglyphs  on  page 
29c.  He  carries  a  hatchet  in  repose  in  2,  6  and  9,  and  raised 
for  a  blow  in  1  and  7.  In  7  he  also  holds  the  Imix  sign. 

The  hieroglyphs  form  nine  groups  of  four  signs  each.  The 
first  hieroglyph,  as  is  always  the  case  in  this  part  of  the  Manu¬ 
script,  is  the  sign  which  I  have  denoted  by  /,  and  the  second  is 
always  B’s  hieroglyph.  The  cardinal  points  are  everywhere 
specified  by  two  signs  each;  in  places  3  and  4  of  group  1,  the 


170 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


west  comes  first  and  beside  it  is  the  sign  for  the  east, erroneously 
used  for  that  of  the  west  (a  like  error  occurred  in  the  preceding 
Tonalamatl);  in  group  2  there  are  two  signs  for  the  north;  in 
group  3  that  for  the  east  with  the  sign  for  the  west  beside  it 
erroneously  given  for  the  east,  and  in  group  4  two  signs  for  the 
south.  In  groups  5,  6  and  7  we  find  in  the  4th  place  the  head 
of  C,  and  the  same  sign  in  group  7  in  the  3d  place,  where  it  is 
joined  to  another  head,  which  may  be  that  of  a  woman.  The 
3d  sign  of  group  5  is  incomplete  and  cannot  be  determined. 
The  3d  sign  of  group  6  displays  a  repetition  of  the  astronomical 
signs  represented  below.  There  still  remain  the  3d  and  4th 
signs  of  groups  8  and  9.  Of  these  the  3d  in  group  8  is  w,  which 
is  as  yet  unexplained.  The  4th  might  be  interpreted  either  as 
Oc  (day  7)  or  as  Xul  (end).  Its  prefix  is  a  Yax  sign.  Finally, 
in  group  9  the  3d  sign  is  Manik  (day  4),  the  4th  the  elongated 
head  q  with  the  Ben-Ik  superfix,  which  Seler  assigns  to  Men 
(day  12). 


Pages  33  c  — 39  c. 

The  beginning  of  this  Tonalamatl  is  indicated  by  a  large 
red  dot  on  page  33.  It  resembles  the  Tonalamatl  almost  exactly 
above  it  on  pages  31b-35b,  inasmuch  as  its  arrangement  is  an 
unusual  one.  I  will  here,  as  I  did  above,  give  it  the  form  in 
which  it  would  present  itself  if  it  were  set  down  in  the  usual 
order : — 

XIII  9  IX  11  VII  20  I  10  XI  15  XIII 


Ahau 

Chicchan 

Oc 

Men. 

In  this  passage  as  in  the  earlier  one,  instead  of  employing 
the  above  concise  order,  a  preference  has  been  shown  through¬ 
out  for  carrying  out  the  whole  series  in  such  a  manner  that  the 
week  days  are  set  down  each  time  and  not  merely  in  the  left 
column.  It,  therefore,  has  the  following  form  in  the  Manu¬ 


script  : — 

XIII  Ahau  (9)  IX  Muluc(ll)  VII  Ahau  (20) 

XIII  Chicchan  (9)  IX  lx  Ill)  VII  Chicchan(20) 

XIII  Oc  (9)  IX  Cauao  (11)  VII  Oc  (20) 

XIII  Men  (9)  IX  Kan  (11)  VII  Men  (20) 


I  Ahau  (10)  XI  Oc  (15) 

I  Chicchan (10)  XI  Men(15) 

I  Oc  (10)  XI  Ahau  (15) 

I  Men  (10)  XI  Chicchan(15V 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


171 


I  have  arranged  the  whole  series  in  four  parallel  periods  of 
65  days  each,  for  the  65  appears  throughout  the  computation, 
although  the  entire  Tonalamatl  is  written  out  in  one  continuous 
line.  On  the  right  of  page  35  the  scribe  seems  to  have  wished  to 
erase  an  entirely  incongruous  4,  and  in  writing  the  last  15,  on 
page  39,  he  began  to  use  the  red  paint  prematurely,  so  that  the 
top  one  of  the  three  lines  is  red. 

Attention  should  also  be  called  to  the  fact  that  the  second  of 
my  vertical  columns  contains  the  year-regents,  the  others  only 
the  days  following  immediately  after  them,  while  12  month  days 
do  not  occur  at  all.  Also  the  intervening  periods  9  -f-  11  (=20), 
20,  10,  15  doubtless  reveal  some  design. 

In  order  to  avoid  repetition,  I  think  it  proper  to  mention 
first,  that  in  the  twenty  groups  of  four  hieroglyphs  each,  the 
sign  /  always  stands  in  the  first  place,  but  the  hieroglyph  of  B, 
who  is  represented  20  times,  usually  appears  in  the  second  place, 
in  the  first  and  second  groups  in  the  third  place,  and  in  the  18th 
and  19th  his  sign  does  not  appear  at  all.  I  will  discuss  the  re¬ 
maining  hieroglyphs  in  their  place  in  each  of  the  20  groups. 

1.  B  is  sitting  in  a  house  and  holding  the  Kan  sign  in  his 
hand. 

The  second  hieroglyph  is  apparently  meant  for  the  Ahau  sign 
(referring  to  the  17th  day),  which  usually  does  not  belong  to  B. 
This  hieroglyph,  which  certainly  bears  a  resemblance  to  Ahau 
and  with  which  we  have  become  very  familiar  in  the  inscriptions, 
occurs  again  in  this  Manuscript  on  pages  46b,  c,  50b,  54b,  65a 
and  66a.  The  fourth  sign  is  a  combination  of  Cauac  and  Manik. 

2.  B  is  seated  on  what  may  be  a  tree,  below  him  is  the  cross 
6,  and  he  holds  the  hatchet  in  his  left  hand. 

The  second  sign  with  an  emphasized  6  as  a  prefix  (cf.  the 
same  sign  with  the  6  on  page  48,  bottom,  left,  below  the  gods), 
has  the  usual  Ben-Ik  superfix,  perhaps  to  denote  that  a  lunar 
month  has  now  elapsed,  for  this  passage  extends  from  the  20th 
to  the  40th  day  of  the  Tonalamatl.  The  rest  of  the  hieroglyph 
is  unintelligible.  In  the  4th  place  we  see  a  vessel  with  Imix, 
probably  denoting  pulque. 

3.  B  is  sitting  in  water,  the  hatchet  raised  in  his  right  hand 
and  his  face  turned  upward. 


172 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


The  3d  hieroglyph  is  again  Imix  and  the  4th  a  compound  of 
Ik  and  Muluc: — wind  and  clouds. 

4.  B  is  seated  on  a  reproduction  of  his  own  head  or  D ’sweat¬ 
ing  a  drum  with  his  hand. 

The  3d  hieroglyph  denotes  the  serpent-god  H  with  the  num¬ 
ber  3  as  a  prefix.  The  4th  hieroglyph  is  a  Chuen  with  the  sign 
for  the  south  prefixed, — at  any  rate  the  upper  part  of  that  sign. 

5.  B  is  standing  in  the  pouring  rain  and  looking  backward. 

The  3d  sign  here  is  a  Caban  apparently  in  a  vessel.  Follow¬ 
ing  this  in  4  is  the  hieroglyph  which  I  have  proposed  to  interpret 
as  the  sign  for  beginning  (Globus,  Vol.  LXYI,  page  79).  This 
sign  occurs  again  in  groups  7,  12,  15,  17  and  19,  and  must  there¬ 
fore  be  connected  with  the  principal  idea  embodied  in  this  Tonal- 
amatl. 

6.  B  with  folded  arms  is  sitting  in  a  house. 

Asidefrom  the  usual  leaflike  prefix, the  third  sign  iscomposed 
of  two  parts.  The  upper  part  looks  like  a  plaited  mat  and  sug¬ 
gests  that  the  word  for  the  first  month  of  the  year  (Pop)  is  ex¬ 
pressed  by  mat.  The  lower  part  is  the  sign,  which  occurs  fre¬ 
quently  especially  on  pages  25-28,  and  which  very  much  re¬ 
sembles  the  familiar  sign  for  a  year  of  360  days.  We  shall  meet 
it  again  in  the  continuation  of  this  Tonalamatl  on  pages  36  and 
3S.  The  three  passages  refer  to  the  74th,  139th,  and  204th  days 
of  the  Tonalamatl,  and  hence  are  65  days  apart. 

The  4th  sign  is  the  cross  b,  with  possibly  the  sign  of  the  east 
as  a  prefix. 

7.  B  is  seated  on  the  cross  b,  which  is  here  undoubtedly 
meant  for  an  astronomical  sign.  He  holds  a  Kan  sign  in  his 
hand  and  there  is  an  Ahau  sign  on  his  back. 

The  naked  crouching  personage,  pointing  upward,  should 
have  especial  mention  here.  The  same  figure  recurs  above  as  a 
prefix  to  the  4th  hieroglyph.  We  have  already  seen  it  in  the  39th 
hieroglyph  on  page  24,  and  shall  meet  it  with  especial  frequency 
in  the  second  part  of  the  Manuscript.  It  is  placed  sometimes, 
as  in  this  case,  before  a  sign,  sometimes  after  a  sign  and  again  twro 
of  these  figures  are  placed  back  to  back  as  on  page  22c,  and  one 
of  them  is  even  placed  upside  down  before  another  sign,  where 
it  seemed  to  me  to  be  a  sign  for  Mercury  (“Zur  Entzifferung 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


173 


VII,”  p.ll).  This  figure  is  represented  independently  only  on 
the  right  of  page  58.  In  the  passage  under  present  consideration 
this  personage  appears  again  on  page  38.  The  two  figures  are 
connected  one  with  the  85th  and  the  other  with  the  215th  day, 
and  are,  therefore,  divided  by  exactly  half  a  Tonalamatl  or  130 
days.  Here  we  find  it  as  a  prefix  of  the  supposed  sign  for  be¬ 
ginning  of  which  mention  was  made  in  discussing  the  5th  group. 
The  3d  sign  is  the  same  astronomical  one,  which  we  saw  below 
under  B.  It  might  refer  to  the  Moan  and  to  the  change  of  the 
year,  and  thus  indicate  that  a  Mercury  revolution  was  coincident 
here  with  the  beginning  of  the  solar  year. 

8.  B  is  walking  in  the  rain,  both  arms  are  stretched  up¬ 
ward,  and  the  pouch  hangs  from  his  neck.  At  the  left  top  there 
is  a  black  spot  suggesting  those  which  usually  occur  beside  the 
sun  and  moon. 

The  3rd  sign  is  Manik,  with  a  prefix.  The  4th  is  an  indis¬ 
tinct  head,  which  may  be  C’s,  with  an  Imix  sign  as  a  prefix. 

9.  B  is  walking  with  the  pouch  hanging  from  his  neck,  and 
the  hatchet  in  his  hand. 

The  3d  sign,  which  is  unusual,  is  very  obscure,  but  suggests 
the  fish  on  page  44c  or  that  on  page  36b.  The  4th  sign  with  the 
prefix  of  the  north  is  very  indistinct. 

10.  B  is  standing  in  water,  his  face  turned  upward  while 
water  is  pouring  from  a  cloud.  The  third  sign  is  very  complex. 
The  top,  left,  suggests  a  serpent,  the  right  a  hand,  the  bottom, 
left,  a  Chuen  and  the  element  at  the  bottom,  right,  may  be  in¬ 
tended  for  a  bird’s  head.  Exactly  the  same  sign,  with  the  4th 
part  merely  indicated,  occurs  65  days  later  on  page  38.  The  4th 
sign  is  the  familiar  compound  Kin-Akbal. 

11.  B  is  sitting  in  a  tent,  on  the  roof  of  which  there  is  a  ves¬ 
sel  containing  food  of  some  kind. 

The  third  sign,  which  is  very  complex,  is  indistinct.  The 
4th  sign  likewise  consists  of  four  parts,  the  left,  bottom,  part  is 
probably  the  vessel,  above  it  is  a  spiral  (which  usually  means  ser¬ 
pent  or  time).  The  right,  bottom,  is  again  the  sign  resembling 
the  year-sign  which  was  spoken  of  in  discussing  group  6.  The 
component  at  the  right,  top,  is  indistinct. 

12.  B  is  sitting  here  on  no  less  than  four  astronomical  signs, 


174 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


he  has  the  hatchet  in  his  hand  and  the  design  on  his  back  may  be 
a  shield  or  the  elaborately  ornamented  sun-glyph  Kin. 

The  third  sign  (denoting  beginning ?)  has  already  been  dis¬ 
cussed  in  connection  with  group  7,  which  is  65  days  earlier. 
The  fourth  is  the  sign  of  the  year  of  360  days  or  the  month 
Pax  with  the  Ben-Ik  as  a  prefix.  These  signs  are  here  sugges¬ 
tive  of  the  beginning  and  end  of  the  year. 

13.  Above  B  are  astronomical  signs  (Jupiter  and  Mercury?) 
and  also  the  sun  and  moon.  The  rain  is  pouring  down  upon 
the  god,  and  a  fish  is  placed  beside  him.  He  seems  to  have  the 
same  chisel  in  his  hand  which  we  saw  him  using  on  page  41b  in 
connection  with  the  beginning  of  the  year.  This  again  would 
correspond  to  the  date  indicated  in  the  preceding  picture.  The 
shield  (?)  also  is  the  same  here  as  in  the  preceding  group. 

The  third  sign  ought  to  represent  the  fish;  the  drawing  seems 
to  have  been  unsuccessful  and  the  sign  looks  more  like  a  bird 
and  also  resembles  the  third  sign  in  the  ninth  group  on  page  36. 
The  fourth  sign  is  a  Kin-Akbal. 

14.  B  is  seated  on  the  elongated  head  q,  which  has  an 
ordinary  prefix.  He  is  pointing  upward  with  his  right  hand 
and  the  left  looks  as  if  opened  to  receive  something. 

The  third  hieroglyph  contains  a  q  like  the  one  under  the 
god,  the  fourth  is  an  indistinct  head  (C’s?)  with  an  unintelligible 
prefix. 

15.  B  is  standing  in  water  while  rain  is  again  pouring  down 
upon  him.  He  holds  the  hatchet  raised  in  his  left  hand,  while 
the  fingers  of  the  right  are  extended  upward  in  an  unusual 
manner.  This  is  repeated  in  the  third  hieroglyph. 

The  third  hieroglyph,  however,  is  the  same  as  the  third  in 
the  tenth  group  65  days  earlier,  only  here  the  hand  is  more 
distinct,  while  the  element  below  it  is  vague.  The  fourth  sign 
is  again  the  one  denoting  beginning.  Compare  the  fifth  group 
(130  days  earlier). 

16.  B  with  arms  folded  is  sitting  in  a  house  with  the  Cauac 
sign  below. 

The  third  and  fourth  hieroglyphs  contain  the  sign  resembling 
that  for  the  year,  which  was  mentioned  in  discussing  the  sixth 
group  (130  days  earlier).  In  the  third  a  Kin  is  prefixed  to  this 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


175 


sign,  while  the  superfix  of  the  fourth  is  what  I  take  to  be  a  mat, 
which  also  occurred  in  the  sixth  group.  The  prefix  is  a  figure 
suggesting  the  serpent-deity,  which  we  have  already  met  with 
with  in  the  tenth  and  fifteenth  groups. 

17.  B,  holding  the  hatchet,  is  seated  on  a  Moan  head,  and 
the  third  sign  is  probably  intended  to  represent  the  same  Moan 
head,  in  front  of  which  we  find  the  same  crouching  person  met 
with  in  the  seventh  group,  130  days  earlier. 

The  fourth  hieroglyph  is  again  the  sign  for  beginning,  which 
we  have  already  often  met  with,  as,  for  example,  65  days  earlier 
in  the  twelfth  group. 

18.  B  is  sitting  in  the  pouring  rain  under  astronomical 
signs  (Mars  and  Mercury?)  to  which  those  of  the  sun  and  moon 
are  added.  The  god’s  face  is  upturned  and  he  holds  the  hatchet 
in  his  hand. 

The  third  hieroglyph  may  be  the  vulture  head,  to  which  a 
part  of  the  unintelligible  second  hieroglyph  may  also  refer. 
This  second  sign  stands  in  the  place  of  B’s  hieroglyph,  which 
is  wanting  here. 

The  fourth  sign  contains  the  enigmatical  numeral  8,  which 
we  found  on  pages  36b  and  37b,  and  has  the  Imix  sign  as  a 
prefix,  as  in  the  first  of  these  two  passages.  The  same  com¬ 
pound  appears  on  pages  67a-68a. 

19.  B  is  seated  here  on  his  own  head,  as  in  the  fourth  group 
he  is  sitting  on  D’s.  His  hands  are  empty. 

The  second  sign  is  again  the  vulture  head  instead  of  B’s 
hieroglyph.  The  third  is  probably  the  head  of  the  lightning 
beast,  and  the  fourth  is  again  the  sign  supposed  to  denote  be¬ 
ginning. 

20.  B  is  sitting  in  water  and  holding  in  his  hands  a  vessel 
with  a  Kan  sign  upon  it. 

The  water  (with  Imix  prefixed)  is  denoted  by  the  third  sign; 
while  the  fourth  represents  a  head  (with  what  is  probably  a  hand 
pointing  to  the  right  above  it),  which  I  should  prefer  to  consider 
the  grain-deity  E. 

In  conclusion  I  would  call  attention  to  the  remarkable  fact 
that  every  four  pictures,  which  are  separated  from  each  other 


176 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


by  four  of  the  other  pictures,  i.e.,  after  every  65  days,  correspond 
in  certain  respects  with  one  another,  viz: — 

1.  Pictures  1,  6,  11  and  16.  In  all,  and  only  in  these,  B  is 
sitting  in  a  house  or  tent,  in  6  and  16  with  his  arms  folded. 

2.  Pictures  2,  7,  12  and  17.  In  the  first  three  the  god  is 
seated  on  astronomical  signs  and  in  the  fourth  on  the  Moan  head, 
which  I  think  refers  to  the  Pleiades. 

3.  Pictures  3,  8,  13  and  18.  Here  in  the  last  two  B  is  sit¬ 
ting  beneath  astronomical  signs.  In  all  four  pictures  water, 
clouds  and  rain  are  represented. 

4.  Pictures  4,  9,  14  and  19.  In  the  first  and  fourth  the 
god  is  seated  on  D’s  head  and  on  his  own,  and  in  the  third  on 
the  elongated  head  q. 

5.  Pictures  5,  10,  15  and  20.  Like  the  third  of  these  five 
classes,  these  pictures  are  likewise  distinguished  by  water,  clouds 
Rnd  rain. 

Now  the  first  set  of  pictures  is  between  the  week  days  XIII 
and  IX,  the  second  between  IX  and  VII,  the  third  between  VII 
and  I,  the  fourth  between  I  and  XI,  the  fifth  between  XI  and 
XIII,  while  the  month  days  are  quite  different.  Hence  the  con¬ 
jecture  is  but  natural  that  the  pictures  and  week  days  bear  some 
relation  to  one  another,  though  that  relation  is  still  shrouded  in 
obscurity. 

Pages  40  c  —  41  c. 

I  10  XI  10  VIII  10  V  10  II  3  V  9  I 
Ahau 

Eb  This  is  a  Tonalamatl  of  the  most  ordinary  kind, 

Kan  in  which  an  unsuccessful  attempt  has  been  made  to 

Cib  divide  the  subdivisions  into  equal  parts. 

Lamat. 

In  the  groups  of  four  hieroglyphs  each,  which  belong  to  each 
of  the  six  parts,  the  sign  /  always  occupies  the  first  place,  and  B 
the  third.  Let  us  now  examine  the  six  parts  separately. 

1.  B  is  sitting  in  a  boat  and  rowing  (as  on  the  top  of  the 
same  page).  Around  his  head  there  is  again  the  suggestion  of 
what  may  denote  the  starry  sky,  and  in  this  picture  his  nose-peg 
is  unusually  large. 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


177 


The  second  sign  is  an  Imix,  but  it  might  also  denote  the  thir¬ 
teenth  month  Mac  and  therefore  the  Tonalamatl  (13x20).  The 
fourth  sign  is  a  fish  forming  a  connecting  link  between  the  water 
represented  below  and  the  rest  of  the  group. 

2.  B  is  seated  on  the  Caban  sign  and  his  arms  are  apparently 
resting  on  an  altar  standing  in  front  of  him,  on  which  fire  is 
burning,  indicated  by  the  Ik  sign,  while  the  moon  is  placed  below 
the  altar. 

The  Caban  sign  below  is  repeated  in  the  second  hieroglyph, 
combined  here  as  usual  with  a  sign  which  may  be  Muluc. 

The  fourth  sign  is  a  head.  I  think  the  scribe  meant  to  set 
down  an  8  before  it,  but  as  there  was  not  sufficient  space  for  the 
heavy  line  after  the  three  small  circles,  he  indicated  it  by  a  black 
dot  below  the  circles.  Now,  if  we  call  the  head  D’s,  which  of 
course  cannot  be  asserted  positively,  this  would  be  day  VIII 
Ahau,  and  this,  in  fact,  is  twenty  days  from  the  beginning  day  I 
Ahau,  as  it  is  meant  to  be  in  this  passage.  There  is  no  represen¬ 
tation  of  food;  can  this  have  been  a  fast  day? 

3.  B  is  seated  on  four  astronomical  signs.  He  wears  the 
gala  mantle  and  holds  a  serpent  in  his  hand. 

The  second  sign  is  b,  and  at  the  same  time  one  of  the  astro¬ 
nomical  signs.  The  fourth  is  the  iguana  prepared  as  food, 
recognizable  by  the  spines  on  its  back,  as  on  page  25b.  It  is 
drawn  in  precisely  the  same  curious  fashion  in  Cort.  8  and  12c; 
hence  it  is  represented  in  the  picture  by  the  serpent. 

4.  B  is  falling  down  from  above  headfirst.  I  believe  that 
the  numerous  footprints  below  him  are  only  intended  to  repre¬ 
sent  swift  motion.  The  descent  from  above  may  only  be  in¬ 
tended  here  to  bring  the  god  into  closer  relationship  with  the 
head  of  the  bird  of  prey  in  the  fourth  sign.  That  this  head  is 
again  as  usual  joined  to  Kan,  may  refer  merely  to  the  fact  that 
it  was  the  Maya  custom  to  eat  bread  with  animal  food.  Com¬ 
pare  page  27b.  The  second  sign  might  be  the  abbreviation  for 
the  south. 

5.  B  is  seated  on  a  mat  with  his  hand  extended  as  if  to  re¬ 
ceive  something.  He  is  wet  with  water. 

The  second  sign  contains  the  mat,  with  what  may  be  the  year¬ 
ly  12 


178 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


sign  below  it,  and  the  leaf-shaped  prefix  probably  denoting  the 
plant  from  which  the  mat  is  plaited.  The  very  same  combina¬ 
tion  is  given  on  page  35c  and  a  similar  one  on  38c.  The  fourth 
sign  has  the  prefix  of  the  west  followed  by  two  Kans,  as  if  on 
this  day  (V  Akbal)  it  had  been  the  custom  to  eat  tortillas  with¬ 
out  meat. 

6.  B  is  standing  holding  the  hatchet.  The  fourth  sign 
must  denote  venison,  the  fourth  article  of  animal  food.  The 
second  seems  to  represent  the  day  Eb,  with  which  the  remain¬ 
ing  52  days  begin,  and  if  the  prefixed  9  indicates  nothing  more 
than  that  the  ninth  day  of  the  month  is  here  meant,  it  is  further 
evidence  that  the  ‘  ‘  Dresdensis  ’  ’  began  the  days  with  Kan  and 
not  with  Infix. 

In  the  discussion  of  this  Tonalamatl  I  have  omitted  the 
mention  of  a  very  peculiar  feature,  which  as  yet  does  not  admit 
of  explanation.  I  refer  to  the  numbers  below'  the  pictures. 
With  the  first  picture  we  find  6— |— 20,  with  the  second  20,  with 
the  third  1 9— (—20,  with  the  fourth  6— |— 20,  with  the  fifth  19-|—20, 
and  with  the  sixth  G— (— 20,  i.e.,  with  the  exception  of  the  second, 
26  or  39,  two  multiples  of  13.  Now  the  question  arises,  should 
not  one  of  these  multiples  have  been  set  down  with  the  second 
picture?  There  wras  no  space  left  for  a  prefixed  19.  Therefore 
the  idea  suggests  itself  that-  what  wre  took  to  be  an  altar  with 
the  sign  Ik  above  it,  is  intended  for  nothing  else  than  this  19, 
and  Ik  is  the  19th  day,  if  wTe  count  from  Kan  as  the  starting- 
point. 

Pages  42  c  — 45  c. 

This  is  a  Tonalamatl  consisting  of  4  X  65  days.  If  w'ritten 
out  in  the  usual  wray  it  w'ould  run  as  follows: — 

XIII  17  IV  8  XII  8  VII  8  118  X8  V8  XIII 
Akbal  Since,  however,  the  subdivisions  are  divided 

Lamat  and  the  individual  month  days  also  are  given  for  all 

Ben  the  parts  of  the  w'hole  Tonalamatl,  the  representa- 

Ezanab.  t-ion  follow's  the  order  w'hich  w^e  have  already  found 
on  pages  31b-35b  and  33c-39c.  In  this  place,  as  in  the  two 
former  ones,  I  will  reproduce  in  four  lines  w^hat  is  set  down  in  the 
Manuscript  in  one  single  line  extending  over  all  four  pages. 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


179 


XIII  Akbal  (17)  IV  Ahau  (8)  XII  Lamat  (8)  VII  Cib  (8)  II  Kan  (8) 
X  Eb  (8)  V  Ahau  (8) 

XIII  Lamat  (17)  IVChicchan  (8)  XII  Ben  (8)  VIIImix(8)  IIMuluc(8) 
X  Caban  (8)  V  Chicchan  (8) 

XIII  Ben  (17)  IVOc(8)  XII  Ezanab  (8)  VII  Cimi  (8)  IIIx(8)  X  Ik  (8) 
V  Oc  (8) 

XIII  Ezanab  (17)  IV  Men  (8)  XII  Akbal  (8)  VIIChuen(8)  IICauac(8) 
X  Manik  (8)  V  Men  (8) 

Thus  the  days  Chicchan,  Lamat,  Oc,  Ben,  Men,  Ezanab, 
Ahau,  and  Akbal  are  repeated  here  twice,  and  the  others  occur  but 
once.  The  4  (17  — 48)  strongly  recalls  the  4  ( 19— }—  46  )  on  pages 
31b-35b.  The  repetition  of  six  times  eight  days  in  each  quarter 
of  the  Tonalamatl  is  closely  connected  with  the  fact  that  there 
are  six  Chuen  signs  on  each  page,  two  of  which,  however,  are 
omitted  on  page  44.  From  this  it  follows,  as  we  have  already 
found  on  pages  25-28,  that  Chuen  really  denotes  8  days  and  that 
the  count  of  the  days  in  the  ‘  ‘  Dresdensis  ”  begins  with  Kan. 
But  the  numbers  12,  15,  16  and  17  are  entirely  unexplained. 
They  show  no  recognizable  order  and  always  stand  near  the 
bundle  of  Chuen  signs.  They  recall  the  numbers  on  pages  25-28, 
which  are  equally  irregular  and  unintelligible,  and  upon  which, 
it  is  probable,  light  will  break  at  the  same  time  as  it  does  upon 
these  now  under  consideration. 

We  come  now  to  the  purport  of  this  passage,  which  seems  to 
be  a  further  amplification  of  the  contents  of  pages  29c-30c.  The 
meaning  is  simply  as  follows every  65  days  the  god  B  dis¬ 
cards  a  cardinal  point  and  the  deity  presiding  over  it  and  in¬ 
stalls  another. 

From  this  point  of  view  let  us  now  examine  the  four  pictures. 

1.  Page  42.  B  is  represented  here  as  a  warrior  with  the 
front  of  his  body  painted  red.  He  is  aiming  a  blow  with  his 
hatchet  at  a  person  sunk  down  before  him,  who,  from  the  orna¬ 
ment  above  his  head,  seems  to  be  the  grain-deity  E,  the  ruler  of 
Kan  and  of  the  east,  although  the  contents  of  this  passage  really 
demand  a  deity  of  the  south,  a  ruler  of  Cauac.  In  a  very  similar 
way  on  page  27,  E  occurs  with  the  completed  Cauac  years,  in¬ 
stead  of  with  the  Kan  years  just  beginning.  Behind  B’s  head 
is  the  sign  of  the  discarded  cardinal  point,  the  south,  while  below 
it  is  a  vessel  with  food,  clearly  a  piece  of  venison  with  Kan. 


180 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


2.  Page  43  deals  not  with  the  removal  of  the  old  cardinal 
point,  but  with  the  introduction  of  the  new  one.  Here  B  is  row¬ 
ing  in  a  boat,  as  in  other  passages  (29c),  and  Muluc,  the  north, 
has  certainly  a  close  relation  to  water.  We  see  here  two  kinds 
of  food,  while  none  is  represented  on  page  45.  The  same  bird’s 
head,  which  we  find  at  the  bottom  of  the  corresponding 
page  28,  is  placed  in  front  of  the  canoe,  and  on  29c  it  is  combined 
with  the  representation  of  rowing  a  boat.  On  the  left  is  the 
picture  of  a  vessel  with  Kan  and  the  iguana.  There  is  some¬ 
thing  resembling  a  net  between  the  boat  and  the  bird. 

3.  Page  44  likewise  refers  to  the  introduction  of  the  new 
cardinal  point,  west,  which  is  represented  on  page  26  by  the 
tiger  lx.  The  two  hieroglyphs  in  the  middle  of  this  passage 
must  surely  refer  to  an  animal;  the  lower  is  the  skeleton  of  an 
animal,  which  we  so  often  find  as  the  sign  of  the  lightning-dog, 
but  also  as  that  of  the  month  Ivankin,  and  the  upper  I  take  to  be 
a  rather  vague  picture  of  the  day  Oc,  which  certainly  denotes 
the  dog.  Below  these  two  signs  the  fish  is  represented  as  the 
fourth  species  of  animal  food. 

The  picture  belonging  to  these  hieroglyphs  is  very  remark¬ 
able.  B  stands  opposite  a  seated  personage  wearing  an  animal’s 
snout,  which  somewhat  resembles  that  of  the  wind-beast  on 
pages  44b  and  45b  and  also  the  nose  of  the  storm-god  K,  who 
occurs  on  the  corresponding  pages  25  and  26  both  with  the  com¬ 
ing  and  the  departing  lx  years,  as  he  does  here  with  the  coming 
years.  In  the  picture  before  us,  the  two  personages  seem  to  be 
throwing  something  resembling  a  rope  at  each  other,  as  if  these 
ropes  were  to  be  tied  together.  Is  this  meant  to  suggest  the 
casting  of  lots  by  means  of  the  knotting  of  cords,  as  it  is  repre¬ 
sented  on  page  2?  Or  of  hunting  with  snares? 

Page  45  refers  to  the  displacement  of  the  lx  period  by  the 
Cauac  period,  i.  e.,  of  the  west  by  the  south.  The  end  of  the 
former  is  represented  here.  The  lightning-beast,  which  occurred 
in  the  preceding  period,  here  lies  on  his  back  and  B  sits  astride 
his  body  brandishing  in  each  hand  a  burning  torch  as  an  appro¬ 
priate  symbol  of  the  south.  On  pages  29a  and  30c  we  already 
saw  the  god  riding  on  the  lightning-dog. 

Finally  the  six  interesting  hieroglyphs  set  down  in  a  vertical 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


181 


row  on  the  left  of  each  of  the  four  pages  are  still  to  be  examined. 
I  will  give  here  in  the  following  table  what  I  think  is  a  correct 


interpretation  of  them: 

Page  42. 

43. 

44. 

45. 

South  (1) 

East  (7) 

North  (13) 

West  (9). 

It  ends  (2) 

(8) 

(14) 

(20) 

B  (3) 

(9) 

(15) 

(21) 

the  time  of  the  Cauac  (4) , 

Kan  (10), 

Muluc  (16), 

lx  (22), 

while  Kan  (5), 

Muluc  (11), 

lx  (17), 

Cauac  (23) 

begins  (6) 

(12) 

(18) 

(24). 

If  that  which  is  actually  set  down  in  the  Manuscript  be  com¬ 
pared  with  this,  it  will  be  seen  that  in  11  of  the  24  places  the 
Manuscript  corresponds  to  my  hypothesis: —  1,  7  and  19  are 
the  familiar  signs  for  the  three  cardinal  points,  8  and  20  are 
the  sign  Xul  =  end,  which  I  have  already  frequently  mentioned, 
9  and  21  are  the  sign  for  B,  11  is  Muluc,  23  is  Cauac,  where  the 
scribe  has  added  to  the  correct  Kin-Cauac  the  sign  for  the  year, 
as  if  the  Cauac  years  were  treated  of  here  as  on  pages  26  and  27. 
Finally  the  two  agree  in  12  and  18,  where  the  Manuscript  has  the 
compound  Kan-Imix  to  denote  beginning,  i.  e.,  the  two  days 
beginning  the  series  of  twenty  days,  one  of  them  according  to 
this  Manuscript,  and  the  other  according  to  the  method  resem¬ 
bling  that  used  by  the  Aztecs. 

The  other  cases  have  the  correct  signs,  but  set  down  in  the 
wrong  place,  thus  B  is  changed  from  3  to  2,  from  15  to  16,  the 
north  from  13  to  14,  the  Xul  from  2  to  3,  14  to  15,  the  E  (Kan) 
from  5  to  4  and  6  and  Cauac  from  4  to  5,  i.  e.,  pushed  along 
every  time  to  the  next  place.  This  is  all  in  favor  of  my  theory. 
As  one  series  began  at  the  top,  the  scribe  incorrectly  placed  the 
sign  for  beginning  in  the  thirteenth  place. 

Strange  to  say  in  the  tenth  place  we  have  the  very  general 
sign  a  in  place  of  Kan.  In  the  4th,  17th  and  22nd,  and  probably 
also  in  the  half  destroyed  6th  sign,  the  scribe  thoughtlessly  put 
down  a  sign  for  E,  which  is  proper  only  with  Kan  and  should 
come  after  5  or  10.  Finally  in  the  24th  place  he  put  a  sign  for 
A,  as  if  it  were  the  intention  that  this  passage  should  end  exactly 
like  its  parallel  on  page  28.  For,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  the  two 
principal  sections  of  the  first  part  of  the  Dresdensis  do  end  in 
a  very  similar  way. 


PART  II. 


Pages  46  —  74. 


The  first  glance  at  the  form  and  contents  of  the  second  part 
of  the  Manuscript  shows  that  it  is  very  different  from  the  first. 
The  pages  are  no  longer  divided  into  the  usual  three  parts  and 
there  are  fewer  pictures.  The  Tonalamatls,  which  form  the 
principal  contents  of  the  first  part,  disappear  wholly,  and  with 
them  both  the  vertical  columns  of  day-signs  and  the  horizontal 
lines  of  numerals  alternating  between  red  and  black.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  large  number  series  as  well  as  the  high  numbers 
significantly  increase  and  we  note  the  appearance  of  the  large 
vertical  columns  of  hieroglyphs,  which  were  impossible  in  the 
triple  division  of  the  earlier  pages.  We  also  find  a  large  number 
of  hieroglyphs  which  did  not  occur  in  the  first  part.  The  con¬ 
tents  are  essentially  astronomical. 

And  yet  the  two  parts  are  so  closely  connected  with  one 
another  that  the  idea  of  two  independent  Manuscripts  must  be 
dismissed.  Especially  the  front  side  of  the  second  part  as  far 
as  page  60  is  nothing  more  than  an  amplification  of  page  24. 
The  contents  of  pages  61-74  are  of  a  more  independent  nature, 
but  special  attention  should  be  called  to  the  relation  of  31a-32a 
to  62-63. 

Pages  46  —  50. 

The  entire  contents  of  these  pages  must  be  represented 
as  a  unit,  for  what  is  in  the  main  true  of  page  24  is  also  true  of 
these  pages,  namely  that  they  treat  exclusively  of  the  period 
of  2920  days,  in  which  five  Venus  years  of  584  days  each  are 
brought  into  accord  with  eight  solar  or  terrestrial  years  of  365 
days  each.  Each  page  is  a  direct  continuation  of  the  preceding 
one.  Each  period  of  2920  days  is  taken  13  times,  the  result 
being  37,960  days,  which  are  equal  to  146  Tonalamatls. 

I  will  give  here  first  a  reproduction,  as  it  were,  of  the  left 

( 1S2) 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


183 


side  of  the  five  pages,  omitting  for  greater  clearness  a  few 
indifferent  matters,  which  are  intended  only  to  fill  the  blank 
spaces,  viz: — 

1.  The  twenty  hands  pointing  to  the  right,  with  a  knife 
placed  over  them,  in  the  middle  of  the  pages,  which  mean 
nothing  more  than  that  these  parts  of  the  Venus  year  are  to  be 
read  from  left  to  right. 

2.  The  Venus  hieroglyph  three  lines  below,  repeated  twenty 
times  with  the  sign  of  the  knife,  to  denote  the  division  of  the 
Venus  revolution. 

3.  The  Akbal  sign  occurring  further  down,  four  times  on 
each  page,  except  on  pages  46  and  47.  This  is  the  last  of  the 
day-signs,  again  counting  forward  from  the  day  Kan,  and  means 
only  that  henceforth  the  close  of  the  four  periods  of  the  Venus 
year  is  indicated  below,  as  the  beginning  is  indicated  above. 

4.  The  sixteen  Venus  signs  also  occurring  below,  except 
on  page  48.  This  sign  likewise  occurs  in  a  very  similar  form 
on  Altar  R  of  Copan. 

With  these  omissions,  the  left  side  of  these  pages  presents 
the  following  appearance:— 


Ill  Cib 

Page 
II  Cimi 

46. 

V  Cib 

XIII  Kan 

II  Ahau 

Page  47. 

I  Oc  IV  Ahau 

XII  Lamat 

XI  Cib 

X  Cimi 

XIII  Cib 

VIII  Kan 

X  Ahau 

IX  Oc 

XII  Ahau 

VII  Lamat 

VI  Cib 

V  Cimi 

VIII  Cib 

III  Kan 

V  Ahau 

IV  Oc 

VII  Ahau 

II  Lamat 

I  Cib 

XIII  Cimi 

III  Cib 

XI  Kan 

XIII  Ahau 

XII  Oc 

II  Ahau 

X  Lamat 

IX  Cib 

VIII  Cimi 

XI  Cib 

VI  Kan 

VIII  Ahau 

VII  Oc 

X  Ahau 

V  Lamat 

IV  Cib 

III  Cimi 

VI  Cib 

I  Kan 

III  Ahau 

11  Oc 

V  Ahau 

XIII  Lamat 

XII  Cib 

XI  Cimi 

I  Cib 

IX  Kan 

XI  Ahau 

X  Oc 

XIII  Ahau 

VIII  Lamat 

VII  Cib 

VI  Cimi 

IX  Cib 

IV  Kan 

VI  Ahau 

V  Oc 

VIII  Ahau 

III  Lamat 

II  Cib 

I  Cimi 

IV  Cib 

XII  Kan 

I  Ahau 

XIII  Oc 

III  Ahau 

XI  Lamat 

X  Cib 

IX  Cimi 

XII  Cib 

VII  Kan 

IX  Ahau 

VIII  Oc 

XI  Ahau 

VI  Lamat 

V  Cib 

IV  Cimi 

VII  Cib 

II  Kan 

IV  Ahau 

III  Oc 

VI  Ahau 

I  Lamat 

XIII  Cib 

XII  Cimi 

II  Cib 

X  Kan 

XII  Ahau 

XI  Oc 

1  Ahau 

IX  Lamat 

VIII  Cib 

VII  Cimi 

X  Cib 

V  Kan 

VII  Ahau 

VI  Oc 

IX  Ahau 

IV  Lamat 

4  Yaxkin 

14  Zac 

19  Zee 

7  Xul 

3  Cumhu 

8  Zotz 

18  Pax 

6  Kayab 

North. 

West 

South 

East 

North 

West 

South 

East 

Gods. 

236 

326 

576 

584 

Gods. 

820 

910 

1160 

1168 

9  Zac 

*) 

19  Muan 

4  Yax 

12  Yax 

3  Zotz 

13  Mol 

18  Uo 

6  Zip 

Gods 

East 

North 

West 

South 

Gods 

East 

North 

West 

South 

19  Kayab 

4  Zotz 

14  Pax 

2  Kayab 

13  Yax 

3  Pax 

8  Chen 

16  Chen 

236 

90 

250 

8 

236 

90 

250 

8 

*)The  Manuscript  has  incorrectly  8  and  18. 


1S4 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


Page 

48. 

Page 

49. 

I  Kan 

XIII  lx 

Ill  Kan 

XI  Eb 

XIII  Lamat 

XII  Ezanab 

II  Lamat 

XCib 

IX  Kan 

VIII  lx 

XI  Kan 

VI  Eb 

VIII  Lamat 

VII  Ezanab 

X  Lamat 

VCib 

IV  Kan 

III  lx 

VI  Kan 

I  Eb 

III  Lamat 

II  Ezanab 

V  Lamat 

XIII  Cib 

XII  Kan 

XI  lx 

I  Kan 

IX  Eb 

XI  Lamat 

X  Ezanab  XIII  Lamat 

VIII  Cib 

VII  Kan  i 

VI  lx 

IX  Kan 

IV  Eb 

VI  Lamat 

V  Ezanab  VIII  Lamat 

III  Cib 

II  Kan 

I  lx 

IV  Kan 

XII  Eb 

I  Lamat 

XIII  Ezanab 

III  Lamat 

XI  Cib 

X  Kan 

IX  lx 

XII  Kan 

VII  Eb 

IX  Lamat 

VIII  Ezanab 

XI  Lamat 

VI  Cib 

V  Kan 

IV  lx 

VII  Kan 

II  Eb 

IV  Lamat 

III  Ezanab 

VI  Lamat 

I  Cib 

XIII  Kan 

XII  lx 

1 1  Kan 

X  Eb 

XII  Lamat 

XI  Ezanab 

I  Lamat 

IX  Cib 

VIII  Kan 

VII  lx 

X  Kan 

V  Eb 

VII  Lamat 

VI  Ezanab 

IX  Lamat 

IV  Cib 

III  Kan! 

II  lx 

V  Kan 

XIII  Eb 

II  Lamat 

I  Ezanab 

IV  Lamat 

XII  Cib 

XI  Kan 

X  lx 

XIII  Kan 

VIII  Eb 

X  Lamat 

IX  Ezanab 

XII  Lamat 

VII  Cib 

VI  Kan 

V  lx 

VIII  Kan 

III  Eb 

V  Lamat 

IV  Ezanab 

VII  Lamat 

II  Cib 

17  Yax 

7  Pax 

12  Chen 

0  Yax 

1 1  Zip 

1  Mol 

6  Uo 

14  Uo 

North 

West 

South 

East 

North 

West 

South 

East 

Gods 

Gods 

1404 

1494 

1744 

1752 

1988 

2078 

2328 

2336 

2  Pax 

7  Pop 

17  Mac 

5  Kankin 

16  Yaxkin 

6  Ceh 

11  Xul 

19  Xul 

Gods 

Gods 

East 

North 

West 

South 

East 

North 

West 

South 

7  Zip 

17  Yaxkin 

2  Uo 

10  Uo 

6  Kankin 

16  Cumhu 

1  Mac 

9  Mao 

236 

90 

250 

S 

236 

90 

250 

8 

Page  50. 

XII  Eb 

XI  Ik 

I  Eb 

IX  Ahau 

VII  Eb 

VI  Ik 

IX  Eb 

IV  Ahau 

II  Eb 

I  Ik 

IV  Eb 

XII  Ahau 

X  Eb 

IX  Ik 

XII  Eb 

VII  Ahau 

V  Eb 

IV  Ik 

VII  Eb 

II  Ahau 

XIII  Eb 

XII  Ik 

II  Eb 

X  Ahau 

VIII  Eb 

VII  Ik 

X  Eb 

V  Ahau 

III  Eb 

II  Ik 

V  Eb  XIII  Ahau 

XI  Eb 

Xlk 

XIII  Eb 

VIII  Ahau 

VI  Eb 

VIk 

VIII  Eb 

III  Ahau 

I  Eb 

XIII  Ik 

III  Eb 

XI  Ahau 

IX  Eb 

VIII  Ik 

XI  Eb 

VI  Ahau 

IV  Eb 

III  Ik  VI  Eb 

I  Ahau 

10  Kankin 

20  Cumhu  5  Mac 

13  Mac 

North 

West 

South 

East 

Gods 

2572 

2662 

2912 

2920 

15  Cumhu 

***) 

0  Zee 

10  Kayab 

18  Kayab 

Gods 

East 

North 

West 

South 

20  Xul 

10  Zac 

15  Zee 

3  Xul 

236 

90 

250 

8 

*)  =  20  Chen.  **)  The  sign  denotes  the  end  of  the  360-day  year.  ***)  =  20  Zotz. 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


185 


Let  us  first  examine  the  numbers  which  are  regularly  re¬ 
peated  in  the  lowest  line: — 236,  90,  250,  and  8,  and  we  shall 
find  that  the  584  days  of  the  apparent  Venus  revolution  are 
divided  into  these  four  periods. 

The  number  236  denotes  the  time  of  the  western  elongation  , 
when  Venus  is  the  morning  star,  90  the  time  of  the  invisibility 
of  the  planet,  during  its  superior  conjunction,  250  that  of  its 
eastern  elongation,  when  Venus  is  the  evening  star,  and  8  the 
time  of  its  invisibility  during  inferior  conjunction.  The  dis¬ 
proportion  between  236  and  250  is  somewhat  striking.  These 
periods  which  need  not  of  course  be  exactly  equal  are  usually 
computed  at  243  days.  The  short  period  of  eight  days  is  only 
calculated  for  very  sharp  eyes;  we  actually  find  in  the  Anales 
del  Museo  Nacional  de  Mexico  II,  341  (Mex.  1882),  that  the 
Aztecs  calculated  only  eight  days  for  the  invisibility  of  Venus, 
and  this  period  is  also  mentioned  in  the  Anales  de  Quauhtitlan- 
The  repetition  of  the  cardinal  points  in  the  15th  and  20th  lines 
of  the  extract  given  above  refer  to  these  periods;  in  the  upper 
line  to  their  beginning  and  in  the  lower  to  their  close.  Hence 
in  the  lower  line  the  cardinal  points  must  advance  one  place  and 
the  gods  belonging  to  them  in  the  16th  and  19th  lines  must 
follow  the  same  course. 

The  numbers  in  the  17th  line  indicate  to  which  day  of  the 
period  of  2920  days  the  position  has  advanced. 

But  now  we  see  that  the  indication  of  days  in  the  lines  1-13, 
the  indication  of  months  in  lines  14,  18  and  21,  and  the  numbers 
in  line  17  are  separated  from  those  directly  to  the  right  of  them 
by  a  number  of  days  equal  to  the  numbers  given  in  the  lowest 
line. 

From  this  it  follows  that  each  day  of  the  thirteen  top  lines 
is  joined  to  each  of  the  month  dates  placed  just  below  them, 
forming  a  complete  calendar  date.  Therefore  from  the  III  Gib 
on  the  left  upper  corner  of  page  46  a  III  Cib  4  Yaxkin,  a  III 
Cib  8  Zac,  a  III  Cib  19  Kayab  must  be  formed. 

All  the  4  x  13  X  5  =  260  day  indications  combined  with 
three  month  indications  each,  show  therefore  that  this  whole 
passage  is  a  huge  abbreviation  for  780  calendar  dates  and  that 
the  whole  refers  to  3X37,960  days  =  113,880  days.  But  37,960 


186 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


which  we  already  found  on  page  24,  is  equal  to  146x260,  104  x 
365,  65  X  584,  13  X  2920.  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  I  also 
found  113,880  on  page  24. 

But  the  3  X  37,960  =  113,880  days  do  not  form  the  entire 
period  treated  of  here.  For  the  three  periods  begin  and  end 
with  the  days: — 

I  Ahau  13  Mac  (10  Muluc), 

I  Ahau  18  Kayab  (3  Kan), 

I  Ahau  3  Xul  (4  Cauac). 

Hence  these  three  dates,  the  second  of  which  was  found  on 
page  24,  prove  that  the  three  periods  of  37,960  are  not  consecu¬ 
tive,  but  that  there  is  an  interval  between  them.  Now  between 
the  first  and  second  of  the  three  dates  the  interval  is  19  years  -|- 
85  days  =  7020  days,  and  between  the  second  and  third,  the 
interval  is  26  years  +  1  30  days  =  9620  days.  If  these  two 
periods  be  added  to  the  1 13,880  days,  the  sum  is  the  whole  period 
treated  of  here,  viz:  —  130,520  =  502  X  260  days. 

But  a  truly  surprising  result  is  obtained,  if,  as  must  often 
be  the  case  with  series,  we  begin  not  with  the  upper  of  the  three 
dates,  but  with  the  lower. 

From  I  Ahau  3  Xul  (4  Cauac)  to  I  Ahau  18  Kayab  (3  Kan) 
there  is  a  lapse  of  9360  days  or  12  apparent  Mars  years  of  780 
days,  such  as  we  shall  find  as  the  principal  subject  of  page  59. 
9360,  however,  equals  25  X  365  -|-  235  days.  We  shall  meet 
with  this  235  again  as  a  difference  on  page  63. 

But  from  I  Ahau  18  Kayab  (3  Kan)  to  I  Ahau  13  Mac 
(10  Muluc)  there  are  11,960  days,  i.  e.,  the  104  Mercury  years, 
which  we  found  on  page  24,  and  which  we  shall  find  again  as  the 
principal  period  on  pages  51-58.  But  this  is  equal  to  32  years  -f- 
280  or  33  years  —  85  days.  Now  if  113,880,  9360,  11,960  are 
added  together,  we  have  for  the  entire  period  under  discussion 
here,  135,200  days,  and  this  is  equal  to  2  X  260  X  260  days. 
Thus  the  Mayas  seem  actually  to  have  had  an  idea  of  a  second 
power. 

Finally  I  would  call  attention  to  a  singular  double  connec¬ 
tion  between  the  numbers  occurring  here: — 

37,960  —  11,960  =  26,000  =  100  Tonalamatls, 

11,960  —  9,360  =  2600  =  10  Tonalamatls. 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


187 


But  if  we  subtract  2  X  11,960  =  23,920  from  37,960,  the 
remainder  is  14,040,  i.  e.,  an  extraordinary  number  which  often 
occurs  and  is  equal  to  54  x  260,  39  X  360  and  18  X  780. 

In  short,  a  Mars  and  a  Mercury-lunar  period  are  inserted  in 
the  two  spaces  between  the  three  solar-Venus  periods. 

Now,  let  us  try  to  gain  a  clearer  understanding  of  this  sub¬ 
ject  by  approaching  from  another  side. 

As  we  have  seen,  the  beginning  of  the  middle  one  of  the 
three  equal  periods  of  37,960  days,  is  the  date  I  Ahau  18  Kayab 
(3  Kan).  Now,  however,  page  24  furnished  us  with  a  day 
number  for  this  date,  1,364,360,  and  from  this  the  beginnings  of 
the  other  two  periods  may  be  computed  in  the  following  way : — 
I  Ahau  3  Xul  (4  Cauac)  '=  1,317,040, 

I  Ahau  18  Kayab  (3  Kan)  =  1,364,360, 

I  Ahau  13  Mac  (10  Muluc)  =  1,414,280. 

Between  the  first  number  and  the  second  there  are  47,320 
days  =  23  X  5  X  7  X  132,  and  between  the  second  and  third 
49,920  days  =  28X  3  X  5  X  13  days. 

But,  according  to  what  has  been  stated  above,  47,320  = 
37,960  +  9360,  and  49,920  =  37,960  +  11,960. 

The  whole  period  is  therefore  divided  as  follows: — 

It  begins  with  a  Venus-solar-Tonalamatl-period  followed 
by  12  Mars  years,  then  the  great  period  again  followed  by  8  X 
13=104  Mercury  years,  and  lastly,  apparently  about  the  present 
time,  comes  the  third  great  period,  which,  as  already  stated, 
ends  135,200  days  after  the  first  date. 

The  case  assumes  a  different  aspect,  if  we  insert  between 
the  three  dates  the  other  two  from  page  24: — 

1,317,040  =  I  Ahau, 

1,352,400  =  I  Ahau, 

1,364,360  =  I  Ahau, 

1,366,560  =  IV  Ahau, 

1,414,280  =  I  Ahau. 

Here  we  have  again,  as  examination  of  page  24  showed, 
the  difference  11,960  between  the  second  and  third  numbers, 
while  there  is  no  longer  any  connection  with  the  periods  of 
37,960  days. 


188 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


Of  the  left  halves  of  the  pages  we  have  now  examined  all 
except  the  twenty  hieroglyphs  of  the  gods.  I  shall  mention 
them  according  to  the  upper  place  in  line  16;  the  lower  in  line 
19,  where  the  hieroglyphs  move  forward  only  one  place,  is  only 
referred  to  when  the  two  signs  differ.  They  offer  many  prob¬ 
lems  still  unsolved. 

The  first  sign  on  page  46  is  an  unknown  sign,  which,  how¬ 
ever,  is  repeated  several  times  on  the  right  side  of  the  pages; 
the  second  is  probably  an  Ahau  (i.  e.,  D)  with  a  prefix  suggest¬ 
ing  the  snail,  the  symbol  of  birth;  the  third  is  a  head  also  occur¬ 
ring  elsewhere,  which  I  have  not  yet  determined;  the  fourth  is  A; 
compare  page  24,  hieroglyph  25. 

Page  47.  The  first  sign  is  probably  K;  compare  the  third 
picture  on  page  7a  with  its  hieroglyph;  the  second  is  C’s  hiero¬ 
glyph  with  an  Akbal  appropriate  to  it;  the  third  sign  is  Moan 
with  the  13  belonging  to  it;  the  fourth  sign  is  N’s  with  a  pre¬ 
fixed  4;  the  year-sign  in  the  lower  series  is  replaced  by  Zac, 
which  agrees  equally  well;  compare  page  24,  hieroglyph  21. 

Page  48.  The  first  sign  is  Kin  with  the  Ben-Ik  superfix, 
perhaps  denoting  G;  the  second  is  a  figure  similar  to  the  year- 
sign  with  a  prefixed  6.  This  same  sign  in  the  line  below  has  a 

6,  but  is  very  different  in  other  respects;  the  third  is  an  Akbal 
with  superfix  and  prefix,  perhaps  denoting  D;  the  fourth  is  a 
head  which  might  easily  be  F’s;  compare  page  24,  hieroglyph  22. 

Page  49.  The  first  sign  is  B’s;  the  second,  A’s;  the  3d,  K’s; 
compare  page  24,  hieroglyph  38;  the  fourth  is  H’s  with  a  pre¬ 
fixed  1 ;  compare  page  24,  hieroglyphs  23  and  perhaps  37. 

Page  50.  The  first  sign  is  E’s;  compare  page  24,  hieroglyph 
38;  the  second  is  L,  the  black  deity;  compare  page  24,  hiero¬ 
glyph  32;  the  third  is  an  unknown  hieroglyph  with  a  prefixed 

7,  which  also  occurs  on  page  5a  and  19b;  the  fourth  is  the  bat-god; 
compare  page  24,  hieroglyph  24. 

I  find  it  impossible  to  discover  any  relation  between  these 
hieroglyphs  and  the  periods  and  I  have  as  little  success  with 
the  hieroglyphs  apparently  belonging  to  the  same  cardinal 
point.  Perhaps  we  should  follow  Seler  here  (Quetzalcoatl  and 
Kukulcan,  p.  403),  who  thinks  these  passages  suggest  constella¬ 
tions  with  which  Venus  is  in  conjunction;  this  question,  owing 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


189 


to  the  retrogression  of  the  planet,  raises  increased  difficulties. 
It  is  curious  that  the  fourth  of  these  signs  on  page  46  is  like  the 
fourteenth  on  page  49  (A),  and  perhaps  the  two  following  refer 
to  the  same  god  K;  the  first  two  are  separated  by  1494  days 
and  the  latter  by  1508  days. 

We  come  now  to  the  right  half  of  the  pages.  Interpretation 
is  rendered  impossible  by  the  destruction  of  the  top  part.  For 
we  do  not  even  know  whether  the  upper  hieroglyphs  occupied 
three  or  four  rows  each,  the  latter  being  the  case  at  least  in 
part,  and  there  may  have  been  a  superscription  over  the  day 
signs  in  the  left  half. 

These  upper  signs  are  always  followed  by  a  picture,  then 
three  rows  of  hieroglyphs,  then  a  second  picture  and  next  two 
rows  of  hieroglyphs  and  lastly  a  third  picture. 

Let  us  first  examine  the  pictures : — 

At  the  top  of  pages  46-49  there  is  on  each  page  a  deity,  who 
with  his  right  arm  extended  is  offering  or  receiving  something. 
He  is  seated  on  astronomical  signs;  on  page  46  B’s  head  accom¬ 
panies  these  signs.  On  pages  46  and  48  the  deity  is  undoubtedly 
the  old  woman  with  tiger  claws,  who  usually  pours  streams  of 
water  from  a  jug  (compare  pages  39,  43  and  74).  I  cannot 
identify  the  personage  on  pages  47  and  49.  The  object  in  the 
deity’s  hand  seems  invariably  to  be  a  cup  of  foaming  pulque. 
On  page  49  another  object  is  placed  above  the  cup,  which  I  am 
unable  to  determine.  The  fifth,  page  50,  differs  from  the 
other  four  and  forms  the  connecting  link,  as  it  were,  between 
the  upper  row  of  pictures  and  the  middle  and  lower  ones.  Here, 
too,  a  personage  is  represented  sitting  on  astronomical  signs  and 
exhibiting  symptoms  of  violent  anger  toward  a  second  person 
opposite  him  holding  the  cup  in  his  hands.  Both  personages 
are  painted  as  warriors. 

The  middle  pictures  on  all  the  pages  represent  a  warrior 
in  a  half-kneeling,  half-crouching  posture,  holding  spears  or  a 
shield  in  the  right  hand  and  brandishing  a  hatchet  in  the  left. 
The  shield  on  page  46  is  doubtless  a  representation  of  the  sun- 
glyph;  and  on  47  the  Venus  sign  is  combined  with  the  head 
ornament.  The  hieroglyphs  of  these  deities  occupy  the  first 
place  in  the  middle  line  of  the  three  lines  above  the  pictures. 


190 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


The  five  lower  pictures  represent  a  creature  lying  on  the 
ground,  pierced  by  arrows  and  spears.  On  page  47  it  is  a 
jaguar;  at  any  rate  it  is  the  same  animal  found  on  pages  29a, 
30c  and  45c ;  a  very  similar  creature  pierced  by  arrows  is  given 
in  the  Cod.  Vat.  B.;  compare  also  the  pictures  in  Seler’s  “Venus- 
periode,”  page  371.  On  the  other  four  pages  this  creature  is 
in  human  guise.  On  page  50  where,  differing  from  the  other 
four  pages,  this  figure  is  represented  lying  with  the  head  to  the 
right,  it  is  plainly  shedding  tears.  Seler  takes  this  figure  to  be 
E  on  page  48  and  the  tortoise  on  page  49.  The  varying  periods 
of  time  occupied  by  the  revolution  of  the  planets  is  plainly  con¬ 
ceived  of  as  contest.  But  who  is  the  victor  in  this  contest? 
The  planet  with  the  longer  or  with  the  shorter  period  of  revo¬ 
lution?  Owing  to  obliteration  only  a  small  part  of  the  hiero¬ 
glyphs  of  the  top  section  is  legible. 

On  page  46  we  see  the  Venus  sign  and  E’s  hieroglyph;  on 
page  47  the  sign  c,  which  occurs  frequently  on  these  pages,  and 
is  probably  always  connected  with  Moan  (the  Pleiades  and  thus 
with  the  year).  The  numeral  1,  prefixed  to  an  obliterated 
sign  on  page  47,  is  .still  legible,  and  we  find  it  repeated  on  the 
lower  part  of  the  same  page.  There  is  rather  more  to  be  seen 
on  page  48: — first  the  elongated  head  q  with  the  Ben-Ik  super¬ 
fix,  then  the  sign  a,  beside  it  that  for  the  west  with  a  prefix,  in 
the  line  below  an  Ahau,  next,  an  Akbal  sign  with  the  prefix 
of  the  north,  and  lastly  a  Moan  sign. 

On  page  49  we  see  sign  c  again  occupying  the  first  place, 
then  o  with  Ben-Ik,  and  in  the  lower  line  the  year  sign  with 
that  for  20  or  the  moon  as  a  superfix,  and  to  the  right  of  it  the 
head  with  the  Akbal  eye,  probably  denoting  D. 

This  top  part  of  the  page  is  best  preserved  on  page  50.  In 
the  third  line  from  the  bottom  we  see  the  Venus  sign  and  beside 
it  the  Moan  sign,  below,  a  Cauac,  then  a  Kin  with  the  Ben-Ik 
superfix,  then  a  Kan-Imix.  Finally,  in  the  first  place  in  the 
lowest  row  there  is  a  Kin  sign  and  in  the  second  place  a  sign 
resembling  the  year-sign,  both  having  the  same  superfix,  the 
next  sign  is  again  c  and  the  last  is  a  half-effaced  sign,  of  which 
only  a  Muluc  is  distinguishable. 

Our  knowledge  of  the  middle  section  of  these  pages  is  some- 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


191 


what  more  definite.  There  are  twelve- hieroglyphs  on  each 
page,  which  I  will  number  in  the  following  order: — 

12  3  4 

5  6  7  8 

9  10  11  12. 

Unquestionably  these  5  X  12  signs  refer  to  a  Venus  year, 
more  exactly  to  the  beginning  of  it,  the  period  of  the  east.  The 
first  sign,  which  is  a  hand  pointing  to  the  right,  merely  refers 
here,  as  on  the  left  side,  to  the  direction  in  which  this  is  to  be 
read;  the  second  sign  is  always  the  sign  for  the  east,  and  the 
sixth  invariably  that  for  Venus. 

Notice  should  be  taken  of  the  fact  that  the  signs  of  the  Moan 
and  screech-owl  or  death-bird  are  recurrent,  that  of  the  Moan 
appearing  on  page  46,  sign  7;  48,  3;  49, 11;  50,  11;  and  that  of 
the  death-bird  on  page  47,  sign  3;  48,11,  49,  3,  50,  3  and  7,  i.  e., 
only  in  places  3,  7  and  11,  which  indicates  that  the  12  signs  are 
divided  each  time  into  three  times  four. 

It  is  further  to  be  noted  that  the  five  gods,  who  are  repre¬ 
sented  on  page  24  by  hieroglyphs  36-40,  always  recur  in  the 
ninth  place  in  the  order  of  the  pages: —  the  god  represented  on 
page  24  by  sign  36  is  the  8th  on  page  49;  the  38th  on  the  same 
page  is  the  11th  on  page  46  and  the  12th  on  page  50;  the  39th 
is  the  12th  on  page  47,  and  the  40th  may  be  the  5th  on  page  49, 
though  this  is  hardly  possible.  On  page  49  the  9th  hieroglyph 
seems  to  be  the  39th  on  page  24  joined  to  the  sign  for  the  month 
Kayab. 

Of  the  twenty  gods  on  the  left  side  of  these  pages,  I  have 
already  remarked  that  E,  who  on  page  24  occupies  the  38th 
place,  and  the  11th  on  page  46,  also  occurs  as  the  9th  on  page 
48  and  the  12th  on  page  50. 

It  is  doubtless  of  special  significance  that  the  sign  of  the 
first  of  the  twenty  deities  on  the  left  side  of  page  46  is  repeated 
on  the  right  as  the  tenth  sign  on  all  the  pages  (on  page  47  also 
in  the  eleventh  place  where  it  has  a  prefixed  3).  It  seems  as 
if  this  sign,  which  is  otherwise  quite  unfamiliar,  might  be  con¬ 
nected  with  the  sun  and  regarded  as  a  contrast  to  the  Venus 
sign  in  the  sixth  place. 

Also  the  9th  deitjr  of  the  left  side,  the  1st  of  page  48,  re- 


192 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


appears  in  the  4th  place  on  page  49;  the  10th  deity,  the  2nd  on 
page  48,  in  the  12th  on  page  49;  the  15th  deity,  the  3d  on  page 
49,  in  the  9th  on  page  46  and  the  8th  on  page  49  (as  already 
stated);  the  18th,  the  2nd  on  page  50,  in  the  5th  on  page  46. 

The  2nd  of  these  deities  is  suggested  by  the  8th  on  page 

47,  perhaps  also  by  the  5th  on  page  50;  the  3d  and  13th  seem 
to  be  A  and  to  recur  in  the  3d  place  on  page  46. 

On  the  other  hand  C,  the  god  who,  as  I  believe  I  have  proved, 
is  connected  with  the  day-sign  Chuen,  does  not  appear  on  the 
left  side.  Now  the  4th  sign  on  page  46  contains  a  Chuen,  which 
in  the  12th  sign  on  page  48  is  probably  combined  with  a  Muluc, 
in  the  12th  on  page  49  with  Yax  and  a  prefixed  6,  and  in  the 
4th  sign  on  page  50  with  C’s  sign,  i.e.,  as  a  rule  Chuen  stands  in 
the  4th  place  in  a  line. 

As  the  gods  E  and  K  already  mentioned  also  appear  on 
pages  25-28  in  connection  with  the  change  of  the  year,  so  we 
find  the  tiger  on  the  top  of  page  26,  and  I  believe  this  animal 
occurs  again  in  the  7th  sign  on  page  47. 

Of  the  day-signs  I  take  the  4th  on  page  47  to  be  Kan,  the 
7th  on  page  48  to  be  Caban,  and  the  next  sign,  the  8th  on  page 

48,  to  be  Muluc.  Now  if  we  take  into  consideration  the  fact, 
that  of  the  three  periods  of  the  month  signs  on  the  left  side  of 
these  pages,  the  18th  (the  middle)  line  is  the  most  important, 
owing  to  its  ending,  18  Kavab,  alone,  if  for  no  other  reason; 
furthermore,  that  in  this  middle  period  the  second  Venus  year 
always  ends  with  a  Kan  year  and  the  third  with  a  Muluc  year, 
one  is  naturally  led  to  suppose  that  the  illegible  sign  12  on  page 
46  is  an  lx  (for  thus  the  first  Venus  year  ends)  and  that  the 
days  Cauac  and  Kan  might  have  been  found  among  the  oblit¬ 
erated  day-signs  on  pages  49  and  50. 

I  shall  examine  the  remaining  signs  in  the  order  of  the  pages. 

Sign  8  on  page  46  is  the  same  compound  of  Yax  and  Kin 
having  as  a  superfix  the  sign  assumed  b}^  me  to  be  the  numeral 
18,  which  occurs  again  in  the  lower  group  on  page  50  and  also 
on  page  27. 

In  the  number  11  prefixed  to  the  fifth  sign  on  page  47,  the  1 
seems  to  be  indistinct  and  may  not  belong  here.  If  we  correctly 
assume  that  this  number  is  10,  then  the  sign  is  the  same  as 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


193 


the  34th  on  page  24,  to  the  discussion  of  which  I  beg  to  refer 
my  readers. 

Sign  8  on  page  47  is  an  indistinct  compound,  the  first  part 
of  which  I  supposed  above  to  be  the  sign  of  the  second  deity 
on  page  46. 

I  cannot  explain  4  and  5  on  page  48. 

As  yet  I  do  not  understand  sign  5  on  page  49,  which  we 

(seem  to  have  met  before  on  page  22c. 

Sign  7  on  page  49  is  the  moon,  which  is  very  curious  here. 

I  would  like  to  call  special  attention  to  signs  5  to  8  on  page 
50.  I  interpret  the  passage  thus: — At  the  time  of  the  summer 
solstice  after  the  reappearance  of  the  Pleiades,  the  change  of 
the  Venus  year  takes  place  (this  time).  I  have  already  dis¬ 
cussed  the  Venus  sign  in  the  sixth  place  and  the  screech-owl  so 
closely  connected  with  the  Moan  (Pleiades)  in  the  seventh  place. 
Sign  5  connects  the  sun  (Kin)  with  the  Ahau  (lord)  and  the 
cross-hatching  on  the  left  of  it,  which  I  have  assigned  to  the 
tortoise  and  thus  to  the  summer  solstice  (Zur  Entzifferung 
III,  3).  Sign  8  is  recognized  as  very  appropriate  to  the  change 
of  year;  compare  the  first  sign  of  the  middle  section  on  pages  25- 
28.  All  this  points  to  the  day  18  Kayab,  of  one  of  the  Kan 
years,  if,  as  I  stated  above,  we  base  our  computation  on  the 
middle  series  of  dates. 

Now  we  have  yet  to  examine  the  eight  signs  of  the  lower 
group,  which  we  will  do  in  the  following  order: — 

12  3  4 
5  6  7  8 

Regarding  the  beginnings  of  these  groups,  I  will  venture  a 
bold  surmise,  which  will,  I  hope,  be  improved  upon  by  some 
one  else.  It  concerns  the  first  sign  of  four  of  these  five  groups, 
which  seem  to  me  to  refer  to  the  end  of  the  Venus  year,  as  those 
above  refer  to  the  beginning.  This  sign  has  the  following  form : — 


iv  13 


194 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


I  see  in  this  the  term  of  73  days,  which  is  the  fifth  part  of 
the  365  days  of  the  solar  year  and  the  eight  h  part  of  the  584  days 
of  the  Venus  year: — 

It  is  combined  with  Chuen  in  all  four  cases  (pages  46,  48, 
49  and  50).  But  I  attribute  the  meaning  of  eight  days  to  this 
Chuen  sign,  as  I  did  on  pages  25-28  and  42e-45c,  though  I  am 
doubtful  in  these  as  in  other  cases. 

Page  46  contains  the  sign  for  73  with  a  Chuen  under  it,  and 
a  1  prefixed  to  each  sign;  i.  e.,  1  X  8  X  73  =  expiration  of  the 
first  Venus  year. 

On  page  48  Chuen  follows  the  sign  for  73  and  each  sign 
has  a  3  prefixed  to  it;  i.  e.,  3  X  8  X  73,  expiration  of  the 
third  Venus  year. 

On  page  49  the  two  signs  again  stand  side  by  side,  but  the 
prefix  is  a  7  instead  of  the  expected  4.  By  an  error  this  4  has 
been  added  to  the  3  of  the  preceding  page,  but,  for  a  wholly 
unintelligible  reason,  prefixed  to  the  crouching  person  below 
the  Chuen,  as  if  to  correct  the  7. 

Page  50  again  has  the  sign  for  73  above  and  the  Chuen 
below.  A  prefixed  5  would  seem  to  be  in  order;  instead  of  it, 
there  is  a  10,  one  5  for  the  73  and  another  5  for  the  8  days.  In 
this  connection  let  me  say  that  I  believe  I  have  found  on  page 
27,  top  left,  the  year  of  365  days  divided  into  5  X  73. 

Page  47  differs  from  the  others.  Above  two  oval  bodies 
appears  the  cross-hatched  figure  resembling  a  clamp,  like  the 
one  in  the  middle  group  of  page  50  in  the  fifth  place,  which  I 
ventured  to  refer  to  the  summer  solstice.  There  is  a  1  prefixed 
to  it.  Is  this  equivalent  to  a  union  of  two  Venus  revolutions? 

Next  we  repeatedly  meet  here,  as  we  did  in  the  middle  groups, 
with  the  Moan  sign  and  that  of  the  screech-owl  belonging  with 
it;  the  former  is  the  6th  sign  on  page  46  and  page  50,  and  the 
latter  is  the  3d  and  7th  on  page  47,  the  7th  on  page  49  and 
finally  the  2nd  and  4th  on  page  50. 

The  moon  is  represented  in  the  5th  sign  on  page  48  and  in 
the  3d  on  page  49  and  indistinctly  in  the  4th  on  page  48. 

The  cardinal  points  occur  here  several  times.  The  3d  and 
7th  signs  on  page  46  have  at  least  the  superfix  of  the  south  as  a 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


195 


prefix;  the  8th  on  page  47  apparently  has  the  east,  but  with  the 
familiar  cross-hatched  sign  prefixed;  the  7th  on  page  48  plainly 
has  the  east,  the  3d  on  page  50  the  prefix  of  the  north  prefixed 
to  the  cross  b,  and  the  8th  on  page  50  the  west,  thus  approxi¬ 
mating  the  usual  order  and  distribution. 

Of  the  gods  I  note  the  Akbal  head,  perhaps  intended  for  D, 
in  the  4th  place  on  page  46,  also  in  the  3d  on  page  48,  and  lastly 
in  the  5th  on  page  49,  the  first  two  times  with  the  Ben-Ik  super¬ 
fix,  and  in  the  2nd  place  on  page  47  the  sign  for  A. 

In  the  4th  place  on  page  47  we  have  the  tortoise  as  the  sign 
of  the  month  Kayab  or  of  the  summer  solstice,  in  the  6th  on 
page,  47  the  lightning-beast  or  the  month  Kankin  with  a 
Ben-Ik  superfix;  the  beast  itself  is  pictured  below,  and  the 
same  hieroglyph  also  with  the  Ben-Ik  superfix  is  the  8th  sign  on 
page  49. 

It  is  hard  to  decide  whether  the  sign  4  on  page  49  represents 
the  god  F  owing  to  the  line  through  the  eye,  or  a  female  by 
reason  of  the  prefixed  lock. 

Sign  7  on  page  50  represents  the  deity  whose  sign  began  the 
series  of  twenty  gods  on  the  left  of  page  46  and  which  we  have 
already  met  with  several  times  in  the  centre  of  the  right  side. 
We  recognize  the  prefix  as  having  occurred  in  the  middle  group 
of  the  same  page. 

Sign  6  on  page  48  is  a  Kin  combined  with  an  unfamiliar  sign. 
Sign  5  on  page  50  contains  a  Kin  with  a  Yax  and  probably  with 
18  as  a  superfix  (as  on  pages  27  and  46  middle). 

Sign  6  on  page  49  contains  a  crouching  person  with  a  4 
which  is  probably  out  of  place  here  and  to  be  regarded  as  a  cor¬ 
rection  of  the  7  above  it. 

Sign  5  on  page  46  contains  a  Mac  denoting  the  thirteenth 
Uinal  or  a  Tonal amatl,  and  having  the  sign  p  as  a  superfix  and 
a  double  Ik  as  a  prefix. 

Sign  3  on  page  46  merits  special  attention,  because  it  con¬ 
tains  the  duplication  of  the  sign,  which,  at  the  end  of  the  first 
part  of  the  Manuscript,  pages  29-41,  always  began  the  groups 
of  hieroglyphs  on  the  lower  third  of  the  pages. 

I  do  not  understand  the  second  hieroglyph  on  page  46  and 
the  5th  on  page  47. 


196 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


In  conclusion  I  would  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  the 
last  hieroglyph  on  page  48  is  very  peculiar.  As  on  pages  51,  52, 
61  and  69  it  has  the  meaning  of  18,980  days  and  consists  of  an 
Imix  with  a  comprehensive  superfix;  its  prefix  is  a  7. 

But  what  is  the  meaning  here  of  7  X  18,980  =  132,860? 
When  we  recall  the  statement  made  above  that  the  whole  sec¬ 
tion  of  pages  46-50  embraces  130,  520  days,  or,  according  to  an¬ 
other  calculation  135,200  days,  it  is  a  striking  fact  that  132,860 
is  exactly  the  mean  of  the  two  numbers,  being  separated  from 
each  by  2340  days  =  9  X  260.  Can  it  be  an  accident  that  on 
the  next  page  (page  49)  the  fourth  Venus  revolution  is  reached, 
for  4  X  584  =  2336,  i.  e.,  almost  2340?  The  hieroglyph  dis¬ 
cussed  here  would  not  be  so  extraordinary  on  page  50.  I  will  not 
venture  to  assert  as  to  the  511  in  132,860  =  511  X  260,  that 
it  is  connected  with  the  511  which  will  appear  as  the  difference  on 
page 58. 

Before  leaving  these  pages,  I  will  give  a  brief  survey  of  the 
two  signs  of  the  screech-owl  and  the  Moan  (hieroglyph  c  and 
the  lower  part  of  d)  which  occur  on  these  pages  with  such  marked 
frequency. 

In  spite  of  obliteration,  the  first  of  these  two  signs  is 
distinguishable  in  the  top  groups  on  pages  47,  49  and  50,  in 
the  middle  groups  on  pages  47,  48,  49  and  twice  on  page 
50,  in  the  lower  groups  on  page  46,  twice  on  page  47,  once  on 
49,  twice  again  on  50,  making  14  times  in  all.  A  few  ad¬ 
ditional  cases  might  be  added  to  these  where  the  similar 
hieroglyph  of  the  moon  may  have  been  set  down  instead  of  the 
one  in  question. 

On  the  other  hand  the  second  sign,  always  provided  with 
the  same  prefix  and  suffix  as  the  first,  occurs  in  the  top  groups 
on  page  48  and  50,  in  the  middle  of  pages  46,  48,  49  and  50,  and 
in  the  lowest  on  pages  46  and  50,  8  times  in  all. 

Since  the  subject  here  is  astronomical,  it  is  suggestive  less 
of  a  deity  or  a  sacrifice  than  of  a  period  of  time  to  which  the 
allied  page  24  has  already  referred  (see  page  110  of  this  book). 
The  inner  meaning  of  these  pages  is  of  course  still  enveloped  in 
mystery. 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


197 


Pages  51a  —  §2  a. 

I  shall  begin  the  discussion  of  this  very  peculiar  section 
with  the  remarkable  fourth  column  on  page  52,  which,  very 
possibly,  the  scribe  ought  to  have  placed  at  the  beginning;  for 
it  looks  like  a  repetition  of  the  section  on  pages  46-50,  while 
everything  else  on  the  left  and  right  of  it,  apparently  belongs 
together. 

If  we  omit  the  two  hieroglyphs  at  the  top,  which  I  regard 
as  belonging  to  the  two  rows  of  hieroglyphs  extending  over 
these  two  pages,  we  shall  have  the  following  result,  according 
to  my  point  of  view: — 


1 


5 

360 

18,980. 


Chuen 

2 


Since,  as  is  frequently  the  case,  the  Chuen  will  here  have 
the  value  of  8  days  and  the  5  with  the  sign  for  360  may  be  re¬ 
garded  as  365,  this  group  might  denote  8  X  365  =  2920,  but  act¬ 
ually  be  2  X  18,980  =  37,960.  Both  numbers  are  the  basis  of 
the  section  included  on  pages  46-50.  And  in  the  same  way  the 
13  repeated  13  times  seems  to  me  to  refer  to  the  13  series  of  days 
on  those  pages,  which  begin  with  the  13th  day  of  the  Uinal. 

The  two  rows  of  hieroglyphs  are  in  the  main  destroyed.  We 
can  still  recognize  in  the  second  and  third  columns  of  page  51 
the  signs  for  end  and  beginning,  which  we  often  find  in  the 
vicinity  of  numbers;  in  the  second  and  third  columns  of  page 
52,  the  sun  and  moon;  in  the  fourth  column,  the  8  days  of  such 
significance  here  and  in  the  fifth  and  sixth,  the  normal  date 
IV  Ahau  8  Cumhu  repeated  twice. 

As  the  problem  on  pages  46-50  was  to  bring  into  accord  the 
solar  year  with  the  Venus  year  and  consequently  also  the  Tonal- 
amatl,  i.e.,  to  combine  365,  584  and  260,  so  the  aim  here  is  first 
of  all  to  bring  the  Tonalamatl  into  unison  with  the  Mercury 
year  (115).  For  this  purpose  the  number  11,960  is  employed. 
This  is  equal  to  46  X  260  =  104  X  115,  including,  therefore 
just  as  many  Mercury  years  as  there  were  solar  years  in  the  pre¬ 
ceding  section.  11,960  is  also  8  X  1495,  and  this  8  is  signifi¬ 
cant  here,  for,  as  we  shall  see  directly,  the  day  forming  the  basis 


198 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


of  this  calculation  is  XII  Lamat,  which  conies  8  clays  after  the 
normal  date  IV  Ahau. 

The  series  given  here  is  based,  therefore,  on  11,960  and  con¬ 
sists  entirely  of  multiples  of  this  number,  which,  it  is  true,  are 
recorded  with  the  usual  irregularity.  The  members  of  this 
series,  representing  the  greatest  values,  which  are  set  down  in 
red  numbers  among  the  black,  are  the  31st  and  39th  multiples 
of  11,960,  which  are  separated  from  each  other  by  8  X  11,960, 
viz: —  370,760  and  466,440.  All  these  numbers,  of  course,  de¬ 
note  the  day  IV  Ahau. 

The  day  XII  Lamat  as  the  actual  starting-point  of  the  Mer¬ 
cury  revolution  is  not  introduced  until  we  come  to  the  dates 
placed  below  the  series.  Here  we  find  the  days  XII  Lamat, 
1  Akbal,  III  Ezanab,  V  Ben  and  VII  Lamat  written  one  below 
the  other,  and  repeated  seven  times.  Each  of  these  days  is 
separated  from  the  next  by  15,  and  the  last  of  one  row  and  the 
first  of  the  next  on  the  left  are  200  days  apart,  hence  the 
whole  is  equal  to  7  X  260  =  1820  days.  From  XII  Lamat 
begins  also  the  Peresianus,  pages  21-22. 

Now  these  dates  are  connected  with  the  four  large  numbers, 
which  we  find  on  page  52,  but  between  the  third  and  fourth,  one 
number  corresponding  to  the  day  V  Ben  is  omitted  for  lack  of 
space. 

These  four  numbers,  to  which  I  have  added  the  correspond¬ 
ing  dates,  are  as  follows: — 

1,412,848  =  XII  Lamat  1  Muan  (6  Muluc). 
1,412,863  =  I  Akbal  16  Muan  (6  Muluc). 

1,412,878  =  III  Ezanab  11  Pax  (6  Muluc). 

1.434,748  =  VII  Lamat  1  Muan  (1  Muluc). 

It  is  curious  that  while  the  first  three  are  separated  from 
each  other  by  15,  between  the  3d  and  4th,  or  rather  between  the 
missing  4th  and  5th,  84  X  260  days  are  inserted  in  excess  of  the 
required  15,  i.  e.,  21.855.  This,  however,  is  not  accidental,  but 
is  due  to  the  fact  that  between  the  first  number  and  the  last 
exactly  21 ,900  =  60  X  365  days  have  elapsed.  This  number  is, 
however,  =  18,980  2920,  i.  e.,  the  sum  of  two  very  important 

numbers,  in  the  first  of  which  the  Tonalamatl  and  the  solar  year 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


199 


accord,  while  both  the  solar  and  Venus  years  occur  in  the 
second. 

I  must  here  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  four  numbers 
are  not  obtained  without  slight  corrections,  since  in  the  20-place 
of  the  third,  I  have  put  all  instead  of  10,  while  in  the  360-place 
of  the  fourth,  I  have  omitted  the  three  dots,  i.  e.,  set  down  a  5 
instead  of  the  8. 

Of  these  four  dates,  which  were  doubtless  not  far  removed 
from  the  time  of  the  scribe,  the  three  last  are  only  the  result 
of  the  first.  Day  XII  Lamat  is  the  most  important.  As  the 
beginning  of  a  Mercury  period  it  should  be  regarded  in  the  same 
way  as  I  Ahau  of  the  Venus  period  and  IV  Ahau  of  the  solar 
period ;  and  the  very  next  day,  XIII  Muluc,  will  subsequently 
be  seen  to  be  the  beginning  day  of  the  Mars  period. 

The  four  dates  XII  Lamat,  I  Akbal,  III  Ezanab  and  VII  La- 
mat  are  set  down  in  the  Manuscript  directly  below  the  numbers. 

Now  in  the  first  column  on  page  51  we  again  find  a  day  XII 
Lamat,  as  is  expressely  stated  beneath  it.  It  has  the  number 
1,578,988  and  the  corresponding  date  is  XII  Lamat  6  Cumhu 
(6  Kan).  This  day,  however,  is  separated  from  the  same  day 
on  page  52  (1,412,848  =  XII  Lamat  1  Muan  6  Muluc)  by 
166,140  days,  that  is  by  8  X  18,980+  14,300  =  639  X  260,  i.e.,  by 
8  so-called  Katuns  increased  by  55  Tonalamatls.  Here  58  X  260 
=  15,080  seems  to  have  been  added  to  252  (XII  Lamat  —  IV 
Ahau)  and  the  sum  subtracted  from  14  Ahau-Katuns=  1,594, 
320.  I  could  obtain  this  number  only  by  substituting  1  for  0 
in  the  20-place. 

In  the  Manuscript  the  sign  XII  Lamat  is  set  down  above  and 
below  this  number.  I  must  leave  undetermined  whether  the  8 
directly  above  the  number  and  combined  with  Kin  and  the  Katun 
sign  refers  only  to  the  8  Katuns  or  at  the  same  time  also  to  the 
8  days  from  IV  Ahau  to  XII  Lamat. 

It  is  also  to  be  noted  here  that  once  before  on  page  24  of  this 
Manuscript  (which  forms  the  basis  of  this  section)  8  X  18,980 
=151,840  days  was  found  to  be  the  difference  between  185,120 
and  33,280,  and  that  there,  too,  if  my  restoration  is  correct,  it 
was  the  highest  term  of  the  series  =  4  X  37,960. 

Finally,  in  the  first  column  of  page  51,  we  have  the  complete 


200 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


normal  date  4  Ahau  8  Cumhu  (9  lx).  But  below  this,  between 
red  numerals  denoting  the  1,578,988  mentioned  above,  there 
is  set  down  in  black  the  number  1 ,268,800.  This  corresponds  to 
the  date  IV  Ahau  3  Zip  (2  Cauac).  It  may  have  been  formed 
bv  adding  16,120  =  62  x260  to  11  Ahau-Katuns=  1 ,252,680. 
It  is,  however,  not  only  equal  to  4880  X  260,  but  also  to  158,600 
X  8,  therefore  also  divisible  by  the  interval  between  IV  Ahau 
XII  Lamat,  as  well  as  by  104  =  8x  13,  while  on  the  contrary  it 
is  not  as  we  should  expect  ,  divisible  by  1 1 ,960.  I  have  changed 
the  1 1,  in  the  20  x  1 1,  to  8  by  omitting  one  line  and  adding  two 
dots,  for  otherwise  the  result  would  not  be  the  one  required. 

The  magnitude  of  the  number  recalls  the  one  on  page  31, 
which  is  only  260  less,  and  that  on  page  62. 

Finally  it  should  be  noted  that  the  two  large  numbers  on 
page  51  are  separated  from  one  another  by  310,188  days=S49 
years  and  303  days,  which  corresponds  exactly  to  the  dates 
given  for  each.  One  may  be  situated  as  far  in  the  future  as  the 
other  is  in  the  past,  but  this  does  not  necessarily  mean  that  the 
present  coincides  exactly  with  1,423,894. 

Pages  51  —  58. 

Thus  far  we  have  examined  only  the  upper  halves  of  pages 
51  and  52  and  have  still  to  consider  the  lower,  but  not  until  we 
have  finished  the  upper  parts  of  pages  53-58  of  which  the  former 
are  the  continuation.  We  have  first  to  consider  the  series,  then 
the  pictures  and  lastly  the  hieroglyphs. 

As  on  page  24  we  found  multiples  of  the  number  2920 
(=8  x  365=5  X  584),  while  on  pages  46-50  it  was  divided  into 
four  unequal  parts,  so  on  pages  51-52  we  find  multiples  of  the 
number  11,960  (104  X  1 15  =  46  X  260)  while  on  pages  53-58  it  is 
divided  into  69  unequal  parts.  On  pages  51-52  it  was  the  aim 
to  combine  only  the  Mercury  course  with  the  Tonalamatl,  but 
here  we  are  confronted  with  the  additional  problem  of  bringing 
the  lunar  revolution  into  accord  with  these  two. 

The  lunar  revolution,  which  we  assume  to  be  29.53  days,  of 
course  requires  fractional  computation,  of  which  the  Mayas 
either  were  ignorant  or  which  they  timorously  avoided;  like  the 
ancient  Egyptians,  who  were  acquainted  only  with  fractions 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


201 


having  1  as  numerator,  or  beyond  these  at  most  with  §  (see 
Hultsch,  “Die  Elemente  der  agyptischen  Teilungsrechnung,” 
1895,  page  16). 

Now  the  Mayas  had  determined  the  lunar  revolution  so  ex¬ 
actly  that  they  perceived  the  incompatibility  of  the  period  of 
11,960  days  with  a  multiple  of  lunar  revolutions.  They  found 
that  405  lunar  revolutions  amounted  approximately  to  11,958 
days,  which  is,  in  fact,  the  largest  number  on  the  second  half  of 
page  58.  In  order  not  to  drop  the  significant  11,960  altogether, 
they  made  use  of  a  very  shrewd  artifice.  They  took  as  the  start¬ 
ing-point  the  day  XII  Lamat,  corresponding  to  the  number 
11,960,  and  set  down  XI  Manik  before  it  and  XIII  Muluc  after 
it.  Now  if  the  count  began  with  XIII  Muluc  and  ended  with 
XI  Manik,  it  actually  resulted  in  11,958. 

Therefore  what  the  Manuscript  presents  here  is,  in  the  first 
place,  the  series,  which  is  this  time  to  be  read  from  left  to  right. 
Below  it  are  the  three  days  belonging  to  each  member  of  the 
series  and  then  a  number  for  each  member  stating  the  interval 
between  it  and  the  preceding  one.  The  members,  the  days  and 
the  differences  must  correspond  with  one  another.  It  is,  there¬ 
fore,  no  longer  necessary  to  pay  especial  attention  to  the  two 
latter.  They  will  serve  merely  to  control  and  to  correct  the 
manifold  errors. 

The  entire  period  of  11,958  days  was  doubtless  first  divided 
into  three  equal  periods  of  3986  days.  And  in  order  still  further 
to  subdivide  these  shorter  periods,  the  term  of  177  days  was  em¬ 
ployed  as  far  as  it  would  go;  177,  however,  is  the  half  of  a  lunar 
year  of  354  days,  made  up  of  6  months  of  30  days  and  6  of  29 
days,  thus  allowing  29.5  days  in  round  numbers  for  each  month. 

Now  177  is=3  X  29+3  X  30.  The  average,  29.5,  however, 
is  too  short  for  the  length  of  the  lunar  revolution.  In  order  to 
raise  it  as  nearly  as  possible  to  the  exact  time,  two  other  num¬ 
bers  were  introduced  at  certain  points  of  the  series,  viz  : — 148= 
2X29+3X30,  178=2x29  +  4x30.  148=5  months  of  29.6 

days,  while  178=6  mont  hs  of  29  §  days.  Now  let  us  see  in  what 
'proportion  these  148  and  178  days  were  distributed  among  the 
periods  of  177. 


202 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


First  we  see  that  the  period  of  3986  days  (i.e.,  a  third  of  the 
whole)  was  divided  into  3  sections  of  1742,  1034  and  1210  days, 
as  follows: — 

1742=  8  x  177+  148+  178 
1034=  4  X  177+  148+  178 
1210=  6x177  +  148 
3986  =  18  X  177  +  3  X 148  +  2  X  178. 

This  is  equal  to  135  months  of  29.526  days  each.  Now  the 
question  arises  how  did  the  Mayas  express  this  fraction? 

Perhaps  some  time  in  the  future  it  will  be  found,  that  follow¬ 
ing  their  vigesimal  system,  they  designated  it  approximately 
thus: — 

29  +  $  +  ro  +  wo  • 

The  whole  period  of  11,958  days  was  divided  as  follows: — 
3  x  1742  =  24  X  177  +  3  X  148  +  3  X  178 
3  X  1034  =  12  x  177  +  3  X  148  +  3  X  178 
3  X  1210=  18  X  177  +  3  x  148 
3  X  3986  =  54  X  177  +  9  X  148  +  6  X  178. 

Thus  for  every  6  parts  of  177  days  there  was  consequently  1 
of  148  and  to  every  9  parts  of  177,  1  of  178. 

Since  177  and  178  include  6  months  each,  while  148  equals  5 
months,  the  entire  length  of  the  period  is  405  months,  which 
are  divided  into  69  periods. 

It  was  necessary  to  discuss  all  this  before  I  could  introduce 
the  entire  series  itself.  In  the  following  table  I  have  set  down 
the  numbers  and  added  to  them  the  differences  between  each 
number  and  the  preceding  one  (to  the  first, the  interval  between 
it  and  the  zero  point),  just  as  they  are  given  in  the  Manuscript. 
An  asterisk  is  added  to  show  that  the  number  has  been  corrected 
by  me  and  is  wrong  in  the  Manuscript,  owing  to  a  mistake  either 
in  writing  or  in  computation.  The  three  columns  correspond  to 
the  three  divisions  of  3986  days,  and  the  two  horizontal  lines 
divide  the  periods  of  1742,  1034  and  1210  days. 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


203 


Page  53a: 

24. 

4163* 

177 

47. 

8149 

177 

1. 

177 

177 

25. 

4340 

177 

48. 

8326 

177 

2. 

354* 

177 

26. 

4488 

148* 

49. 

8474 

148 

3. 

502 

148 

Page  58a: 

50. 

8651 

177* 

4. 

679* 

177 

27. 

4665 

177 

Page  55b 

5. 

856 

177 

28. 

4842 

177 

51. 

8828 

177 

6. 

1034* 

178* 

29. 

5020 

178* 

52. 

9006 

178* 

Page  54a: 

30. 

5197 

177 

53. 

9183 

177 

7. 

1211 

177 

Page  51b: 

54. 

9360 

177 

8. 

1388 

177 

31. 

5374 

177 

55. 

9537 

177 

9. 

1565 

177 

32. 

5551 

177 

56. 

9714 

177 

10. 

1742* 

177 

33. 

5728 

177 

11. 

1919 

177 

34. 

5905 

177 

57. 

9891 

177 

12. 

2096* 

177 

35. 

6082 

177 

58. 

10068* 

177* 

13. 

2244* 

148 

36. 

6230 

148 

Page  56b 

Page  55a: 

Page  52b: 

59. 

10216 

148* 

14. 

2422* 

178 

37. 

6408 

178* 

60. 

10394 

178* 

15. 

2599* 

177 

38. 

6585 

177 

61. 

10571 

177 

16. 

2776 

177 

39. 

6762 

177 

62. 

10748 

177 

17. 

2953 

177 

40. 

6939 

177 

Page  57b 

* 

18. 

3130 

177 

Page  53b: 

63. 

10925 

177 

Page  56a: 

41. 

7116 

177 

64. 

11102 

177 

19. 

3278 

148 

42. 

7264 

148 

65. 

11250 

148 

20. 

3455 

177 

43. 

7441 

177 

66. 

11427 

177 

21. 

3632 

177 

44. 

7618 

177 

67. 

11604 

177 

22. 

3809 

177 

45. 

7795 

177 

Page  58b 

Page  57a: 

Page  54b: 

68. 

11781 

177 

23. 

3986 

177* 

46. 

7972 

177 

69. 

11958 

177 

No  one  acquianted  with  the  cursoriness  of  the  Maya  Manu¬ 
scripts  will  be  surprised  that  among  138  numbers  I  have  de¬ 
clared  21  to  be  wrong.  Furthermore  the  21  errors  are  lessened 
by  the  fact  that  six  of  them  are  really  only  one,  for  in  all  6  cases 
where  the  difference  is  178,  the  scribe  has  overlooked  this  and 
written  down  the  usual  177,  although  the  numbers  and  the  days 
of  the  series  very  correctly  indicate  178.  Again  the  three  errors 
in  groups  58  and  59  are  also  only  one,  for  the  author  had  confused 


204 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


the  differences  177  and  148  and  had,  therefore,  to  write  down 
10,039  instead  of  10,068.  In  group  4  the  error  is  merely  the 
omission  of  a  line  meaning  5.  The  scribe  must  have  been  at  the 
same  time  the  computer  and  therefore  the  actual  author  of  the 
Manuscript. 

Furthermore  I  must  call  attention  to  the  regular  position  of 
the  differences  178  and  148.  In  the  three  periods  of  1742  days 
the  178  always  occupies  the  6th  place  and  in  the  periods  of  1034 
it  is  always  in  the  4th  place.  This  difference  appears,  therefore, 
in  groups  6,  14,  29,  37,  52  and  60,  i.  e.,  8,  15,  8,  15  and  8  groups 
apart;  but  it  is  entirely  lacking  in  the  periods  of  1210  days. 
And  in  all  nine  sections  the  148  occupies  the  third  place,  i.  e., 
directly  in  front  of  the  pictures,  which  will  be  discussed  imme¬ 
diately,  therefore  in  groups  3,  13,  19,2  6,  36,  42,  49,  59,  65,  i.  e., 
at  intervals  of  10,  6,  7,  10,  6,  7,  10  and  6  groups.  But  I  must 
point  out  an  error  fraught  with  consequences.  Groups  22  and 
23  quite  correctly  have  the  difference  177,  but  in  this  single 
instance  the  scribe  has  written  down  178  and  hence  has  com¬ 
puted  the  three  days  belonging  to  it  as  VII  lx,  VIII  Men  and 
IX  Cib  instead  of  VI  Ben,  VII  lx  and  VIII  Men,  and  from  here 
on  to  the  close  he  is  always  one  day  in  advance,  so  that  on  page 
58  group  69  ends  with  the  days  X  Cimi,  XI  Manik  and  XII 
Lamat,  while  it  ought  to  have  ended  with  IX  Chicchan,X  Cimi 
and  XI  Manik. 

So  much  for  the  series.  Vid.  on  this  series  my  paper  ‘  ‘  Zwei 
Hieroglyphenreihen  in  der  Dresdener  Mayahandschrift”  (Zeit- 
schrift  fur  Ethnologie,  1905,  numbers  2  and  3).  Let  us  turn 
next  to  the  ten  pictures  which  are  inserted  in  this  series,  three 
of  which  appear  at  the  end  of  each  period  of  2920  days  as  on 
pages  46-50.  Let  us  attempt  to  advance  a  step  further  in  the 
darkness  which  still  surrounds  us  here. 

One  of  these  pictures,  the  8th,  which  is  on  page  56b,  is  in 
the  wrong  place,  owing  to  the  error  in  computation  in  Groups 
58  and  59  to  which  I  called  attention  above.  It  belongs  not 
before  but  after  group  59,  the  first  on  page  56b.  This  is  indi¬ 
cated  in  the  Manuscript  itself.  For  in  group  59  the  two  hiero¬ 
glyphs,  usually  placed  above  each  group,  are  missing  and  we 
find  instead  of  them  the  sign  resembling  a  snail,  which  is  doubt- 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


205 


less  a  very  much  emphasized  zero  (compare  my  “Erlauterun- 
gen,”  page  29),  which  indicates  that  the  section  designated  by 
a  picture  closes  with  this  group. 

Haying  corrected  this  error  we  see  that  the  ten  pictures  are 
on  the  following  pages  and  come  after  the  following  numbers  of 
the  series: — 


1. 

53a 

502 

2. 

55a 

2244 

3. 

56a 

3278 

4. 

57a 

4488 

5. 

52b 

6230 

6. 

53b 

7264 

7. 

54b 

8474 

8. 

56b 

10216 

9. 

57b 

11250 

10. 

58b 

11958. 

From  this  it  follows  that  a  picture  is  assigned  to  each  of  the 
nine  sections  composing  the  series.  They  are  placed,  however, 
not  at  the  beginning  or  end  of  the  section,  but  always  after  the 
expiration  of  502  (~  2  X  177  -f-  148)  days.  The  pictures  are 
thus  separated  from  one  another  by  1742,  1034  and  1210  days, 
which  intervals  correspond  exactly  to  the  length  of  the  nine 
sections.  But  the  last  picture  is  separated  from  the  preceding 
one  by  708  days,  and  as  it  has  a  character  quite  its  own,  it 
must  be  discussed  separately.  But  these  708  days  with  the  502 
days  of  the  beginning  quite  regularly  amount  to  1210  days,  and 
the  series  is  therefore  to  be  considered  as  a  recurring  one. 

Now  these  nine  pictures  might  very  easily  be  regarded  as 
forming  a  new  series,  which  is  inserted  in  the  original  one  and 
which  has  the  day  502  as  its  zero-point.  In  that  case,  we  shall 
have  to  subtract  502  every  time  from  the  days  set  down  in  the 
Manuscript.  This  new  series  may  be  represented  thus: — 

1.  53a  0 

2.  55a  1742 

3.  56a  2776 

4.  57a  3986 

5.  52b  5728 


206 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


6.  53b  6762 

7.  54b  7972 

S.  56b  9714 

9.  57b  10748. 

It  is  certainly  remarkable  that  the  last  number,  10748,  cor¬ 
responds  so  closely  to  the  time  of  the  revolution  of  Saturn,  which 
is  computed  at  10753  days.  For  owing  to  the  slowness  of  its 
progress,  the  Mayas  may  have  known  not  only  the  apparent  but 
also  the  actual  revolution  of  Saturn.  Besides  the  apparent  revo¬ 
lution  of  Saturn  (378  days  from  one  superior  conjunction  to  the 
next)  could  not  be  made  to  coincide  very  well  with  the  length 
of  the  solar  year.  I  will  immediately  present  a  further  con¬ 
firmation  of  my  theory. 

All  these  pictures  have  rectangles  above  them,  of  which  I 
have  spoken  in  my  “  Erlauterungen,  ”  page  16,  and  which  al¬ 
ways  enclosed  two  or  three  hieroglyphs  in  which,  with  due 
hesitation,  I  assumed  to  be  the  signs  of  the  sun,  moon,  and 
planets.  This  theory  has  as  yet  called  forth  no  serious 
opposition. 

Now  in  the  passages  just  mentioned,  I  indicated  the  follow¬ 
ing  figures  as  the  signs  of  Saturn: — 


These  figures  actually  occur  in  all  the  nine  pictures  with  the 
exception  of  the  first,  which  has  no  rectangle  at  all,  and  where 
in  true  Maya  fashion,  the  zero-point  is  concealed. 

I  go  still  further  in  my  bold  hypothesis.  The  time  of  the 
apparent  revolution  of  Jupiter  has  been  placed  at  397  days.  The 
Mayas,  I  think,  computed  it  at  398  days.  In  the  passage  al¬ 
luded  to  I  regarded  the  following  as  the  sign  for  Jupiter: — 


aAa, 


We  find  these  signs  in  pictures  4,  6,  7  and  9.  The  corre¬ 
sponding  numbers  reduced  for  the  revolution  of  Saturn  are 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


207 


3986,  6762,  7972  and  10,748.  I  assume  that  the  third  picture, 
i.e.,  the  number  2776,  is  another  zero-point,  in  consequence  of 
which  the  sign  is  here  suppressed,  and  that  still  another  is  the 
tenth  picture  with  the  number  11,958,  which  has  no  relation  to 
the  revolution  of  Saturn. 

If  we  compare  these  numbers  with  the  398,  i.e.,  the  apparent 
revolution  of  Jupiter,  we  have  the  following: — 

3.  2776=  7  x  398  —  10 

4.  3986  =  10  X  398  +  6 

6.  6762=  17  x  398—4 

7.  7972  =  20  X  398  +  12 

9.  10748  =  27  X  398+  2 

10.  11958  =  30  x  398+  18 

The  differences  10,  6,  4,  12,  2  and  18  are  so  small  in  com¬ 
parison  with  398,  that  the  numbers  2776,  etc.,  might  very  well 
have  been  regarded  as  approximate  multiples  of  the  revolution 
of  Jupiter.  And  the  remainders  in  the  seventh  and  tenth 
pictures  could  be  still  further  reduced.  In  the  seventh  picture, 
the  first  sign  is  very  unusual  and  one  which  I  do  not  remember 
having  met  with  elsewhere.  If  it  should  be  possible  to  regard 
it  as  the  number  of  the  thirteen  week  days,  then  it  would  follow 
(the  Saturn  sign  being  regarded  as  unimportant)  that  the  con¬ 
tents  of  the  rectangle  meant: —  13  +  a  multiple  of  398,  by 
which  this  remainder  would  be  reduced  to  — 1. 

The  tenth  picture  has  the  cross  b  as  the  beginning  of  the 
rectangle.  This  is  the  sign  for  union,  very  often  denoting  es¬ 
pecially  the  union  of  all  the  twenty  days.  Thus  we  have  here 
(aside  from  the  middle  sign  to  be  discussed  later)  the  formula:— 
20  +  30  X  398  — 2  =  11,958,  or  even  20  +  30  X  398  =  11,960. 

The  regular  progression  from  the  7th  multiple  to  the  10th, 
17th,  20th,  27th,  and  30th  multiples  in  the  above  six  equations 
is  also  somewhat  in  favor  of  my  theory,  while  the  four  rect¬ 
angles  without  the  Jupiter  sign  are  by  no  means  multiples  of 
the  Jupiter  revolution: — 

1.  502  =  398  +  104 

2.  1742  =  4  X  398  +  150 

5.  5728  =  14  X  398  +  156 

8.  9714=  24  x  398+  162. 


208 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


Let  us  now  try  to  interpret  the  meaning  of  the  remaining 
rectangles  (a)ways  omitting  the  Saturn  sign  as  a  matter  of 
course.) 

In  pictures  2  and  8  the  rectangle  also  contains  the  sign  of  the 
moon  or  of  the  twenty  days.  Beside  it  in  picture  2  is  the  sign, 
which  in  my  “  Erlauterungen,  ”  page  16,  I  regarded  as  the  sign 
for  Mercury.  Hence  we  have  here  20  +  15  X  115  =  1745, 
i.e.,  only  3  units  more  than  the  required  1742. 

The  rectangle  with  the  eighth  picture  contains  in  addition  to 
the  moon  a  sign  which  looks  as  if  it  were  intended  for  a  whole 
divided  into  four  parts.  Until  something  better  (perhaps  the 
the  sign  of  Venus)  is  proposed,  I  will  assume  that  it  is  the  quarter 
of  the  Tonalamatl,  i.e.,  65,  and  I  take  the  required  number  to 
be  9714  in  the  form  of  20  149  X  65  -|-  9. 

Above  the  third  picture  I  see  a  Mercury  and  a  Venus  sign 
and  I  read  584  +  19  X  115  =  2769,  which  is  only  7  units  less 
than  the  required  2776. 

The  fifth  picture  still  remains  to  be  discussed,  but  I  do  not 
know  how  to  unite  the  Mercury  revolution  here  with  the  5728. 
For  the  present,  however,  I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  there  is 
a  mistake  in  this  passage. 

We  pass  now  from  the  obscure  contents  of  the  rectangles  to 
the  equally  mysterious  pictures  themselves. 

Aside  from  the  tenth  picture,  I  find  human  forms  in  four 
pictures. 

Picture  1,  page  53a,  is  the  death-god  (A)  seated  and  point¬ 
ing  upward,  an  appropriate  representation  for  the  zero-point  of 
the  Saturn  series,  i.e.,  for  the  end  of  the  preceding  revolution. 

Picture  2,  page  55a,  contains  the  head  of  a  deity,  probably 
D’s  with  the  suggestion  of  a  beard  and  the  sun-sign  on  his  fore¬ 
head.  The  head  is  surrounded  by  a  ring  striped  black  and 
white. 

Picture  3,  page  56a,  is  the  head  of  B,  again  with  a  beard  and 
with  the  sign  Kin  (sun)  above.  The  head  is  surrounded  by  a 
design,  the  left  part  of  which  is  black  and  the  right  white. 

Picture  6,  page  53b,  represents  a  hanged  woman,  which 
Schellhas,“Gottergestalten,”  pagell,  takes  to  be  the  Maya  god¬ 
dess  Ixtab,  the  goddess  of  the  halter,  i.e.,  of  the  hanged. 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


209 


The  centre  of  picture  4  on  page  57a,  contains  the  suggestion 
of  a  face,  perhaps  in  place  of  the  Ahau  sign,  and  on  either  side 
of  it  is  a  black  and  white  surface. 

It  is  further  important  to  note  that  four  times  in  this  section 
Kin  (sun)  forms  the  centre  of  the  picture,  viz:—  pictures  5,  7, 
8  and  9,  pages  52b,  54b,  56b  and  57b.  In  all  four  cases  there 
is  on  either  side  of  Kin  a  black  and  white  surface,  such  as  we 
have  already  seen  in  picture  4  and  similar  to  that  in  picture  3. 
Pictures  8  and  9  are  vomited  up,  as  it  were,  by  a  serpent  placed 
below  them,  in  the  same  way  as  B  is  represented  on  pages  34b 
and  35b.  In  pictures  5  and  8,  four  objects  suggesting  arrows 
extend  from  the  Kin  in  four  directions  and  probably  denote 
the  four  cardinal  points  or  the  four  Bacabs,  of  which  we  shall 
have  more  to  say  presently.  Two  of  these  arrow-like  signs  also 
appear  in  picture  7,  page  54b,  but  only  on  the  black  and  not  on 
the  white  surface. 

I  will  postpone  discussing  picture  1 0  until  later  and  pass  on 
to  the  hieroglyphs  above  the  first  nine  pictures,  about  which  it  is 
true  I  have  nothing  satisfactory  to  say.  There  are  always 
properly  speaking  ten  of  these  hieroglyphs,  among  them  the 
two  signs  for  the  sun  and  moon.  But  the  scribe  introduced  the 
latter  only  in  pictures  1-4,  and  also  with  the  more  elaborate 
last  picture  10.  With  pictures  5  and  9  he  omitted  these  signs 
in  order  to  represent  the  other  eight  larger  and  with  greater 
distinctness  of  detail.  Among  these  hieroglyphs  are  several 
of  gods,  especially  that  of  A  with  pictures  1,  5  and  9,  and  H 
with  picture  5,  and  with  pictures  1,3, 5, 7, 8  and  9  there  are  other 
heads,  some  of  them  bird-heads,  regarding  which  I  am  uncertain. 

The  Ben-Ik  sign,  to  which  I  have  assigned  the  meaning  of  a 
lunar  month,  belongs  with  pictures  4,  8  and  9  and  occurs  twice 
each  with  pictures  1  and  10. 

I  am  inclined  to  see  the  sign  for  Mercury  in  the  crouching 
figure  belonging  to  pictures  9  and  10,  which  is  drawn  upside 
down  and  combined  with  the  half  Venus  sign  (11958  =  104  X 
115—2). 

Hands  grasping  a  hieroglyph  (a  sign  for  20  days?)  are  rep¬ 
resented  in  pictures  1,  7,  8  and  10. 

The  enigmatical  numbers,  prefixed  to  the  hieroglyphs,  occur 
rv  14 


210 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


several  times,  thus  a  1  with  pictures  1  and  10,  and  a  4  twice 
with  picture  8  and  a  6  with  picture  3. 

Now  let  us  examine  picture  10  somewhat  in  detail  and  also 
the  signs  standing  above  it,  since  both  are  of  special  significance 
here.  This  representation  treats  of  t  he  period  of  1 1 ,960  days  in 
which  the  Mercury  and  lunar  revolutions  meet.  And  this  is 
proved  by  the  ten  hieroglyphs,  which  I  will  number  as  follows: — 

1  6 

2  7 

3  8 

4  9 

5  10. 

1  can  omit  Signs  3  and  8,  sun  and  moon,  since  they  refer  to  a 
period  of  time  only  in  a  general  way.  Sign  1  seems  to  me,  as  I 
have  already  stated,  to  have  reference  to  the  revolutions  of  Mer¬ 
cury.  Then  follows  sign  2,  the  upper  part  of  which  is  a  mat 
and  the  lower  the  Muluc  sign.  I  believe  this  sign  is  intended  to 
denote  that  the  beginning  of  this  period  is  in  a  Muluc  year.  In¬ 
deed,  our  examination  of  pages  51-52  showed  that  it  was  the 
year  6  Muluc.  The  mat  (Pop)  is  very  properly  the  symbol  of 
beginning,  since  the  first  month  of  the  year  was  likewise  called 
Pop.  Sign  7,  it  seems  to  me,  indicates  that  this  period  should 
be  divided  into  lunar  months  (denoted  by  Ben-Ik),  and,  as  I 
have  already  demonstrated  in  my  examination  of  page  24,  the 
length  of  the  period  is  stated  here  by  Signs  4,  5,  6  and  9,  but  the 
dot  before  the  fifth  should  be  placed  before  the  fourth,  as  is 
actually  the  case  on  page  24.  Therefore: — 

4  =  21 

5  =  7200 

6  =  4680 

9  =  59 

11960. 

It  is  perhaps  not  accidental  that  the  ninth  sign  is  that  of  the 
fourteenth  month,  which  signifies  the  expiration  of  the  preced¬ 
ing  lunar  month,  for  here  the  month  begins  with  the  first  day  of 
the  fifteenth  month. 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


211 


Sign  10  is  doubtless  Xul  =  end,  as  it  so  often  is,  for  ex¬ 
ample,  on  pages  61-62  below.  But  I  have  not  solved  the  mean¬ 
ing  of  the  two  prefixes.  The  end  would  be  XII  Lamat  16  Yax 
(13  lx). 

The  picture  represents  a  human  form,  which  has  in  place  of 
a  head  a  design  somewhat  resembling  the  head  of  a  lance.  It 
is  sitting  with  legs  spread  apart,  and  in  this  respect  may  be 
compared  with  god  B  of  Cort.  9,  who  is  represented  in  the  same 
way.  In  the  picture  before  us,  the  figure  holds  in  its  upraised 
hands  the  sun  and  moon  signs,  which  are  constantly  repeated 
throughout  the  series.  The  Venus  sign  is  placed  between  the 
outspread  legs.  In  the  rectangle  above  the  figure,  this  sign  is 
repeated  in  a  more  concise  form,  while  on  the  left  the  cross  b 
appears  as  the  sign  of  union  or  multiplication,  and  on  the  right 
that  of  Jupiter,  whose  period  of  revolution  is  here  multiplied  by 
30  (30  X  398  =  11,940).  And  the  two  Venus  signs  can  mean 
nothing  more  than  that  this  period  of  11,960  also  serves  the  pur¬ 
pose  of  filling  up  the  gap  between  the  two  large  Venus-solar 
periods  of  37,960  days,  like  the  similar  process  which  we  saw  on 
pages  46-50. 

We  have  examined  first  the  series  and  then  the  pictures 
with  the  hieroglyphs  belonging  to  them.  Let  us  pass  now,  as 
the  third  step,  to  the  examination  of  the  two  rows  of  hieroglyphs 
extending  above  the  numbers  throughout  the  whole  section. 
First  of  all,  I  will  again  set  down  here  the  position  of  each  of  the 
sixty-nine  groups: — 


Page  51. 

52. 

53. 

54. 

31.32.33.34. 

35.  36. 

37.  38.  39.  40. 

1.  2.  3.  4.  5.  6. 

7.  8.  9.  10.  11.  12.  13. 

41.  42.  43.  44.  45. 

46.  47.  48.  49.  50. 

Page  55. 

56. 

57. 

14.  15.  16.  17.  18. 

19.  20.  21.  22. 

23.  24.  25.  26. 

51.  52.  53.  54.  56.  57.  58. 

59.  60.  61.  62. 

63.  64.  65.  66.  67. 

58. 

27.  28.  29.  30. 
68.  69. 


Since  each  group  contains  two  hieroglyphs,  this  makes  138. 
in  all.  Of  these,  however,  about  24  on  the  upper  halves  of  the 
pages,  are  wholly  or  almost  wholly  effaced  which  very  mater¬ 
ially  hinders  the  trustworthy  determination  of  the  context 
Furthermore  group  59  is  entirely  lacking  or  rather  group 
58,  in  the  place  of  which  the  59th  has  been  set  down.  The  eighth 


212 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


picture  was  probably  already  drawn,  when  the  artist  saw  that 
there  was  not  room  enough  left  for  the  58th  and  59th  groups. 
Hence  he  omitted  the  58th,  setting  down  in  place  of  it  the  59th 
and  in  the  place  of  the  latter  he  set  down  the  zero  mentioned 
above. 

The  question  now  arises: —  Are  these  hieroglyphs  dependent 
upon  the  days  and  numbers  of  the  series  and  upon  the  pictures, 
or  are  they  entirely  independent  of  them? 

I  find  but  one  point  in  favor  of  the  first  possibility,  viz : —  the 
Venus  sign  in  group  4b  (I  will  designate  the  upper  hieroglyphs 
by  a  and  the  lower  by  b).  It  is  placed  in  the  period  indicated 
in  which  502-679  days  elapse,  and  in  which,  therefore,  Venus 
has  finished  a  revolution  of  584  days.  It  may  be,  that  by  way 
of  exception,  this  significant  date  was  intentionally  recorded. 

On  the  other  hand,  there  are  many  things,  winch  favor  an 
entirely  different  interpretation  of  these  hieroglyphs.  Thus  I 
am  of  the  opinion  that  the  ritual  year  of  364  days  with  its  four 
Bacab  periods  of  91  days  each  is  referred  to  here,  as  we  have 
already  found  it  referred  to  on  pages  31a-32a  and  on  page  45a, 
and  shall  find  it  again  on  pages  65-69  and  71-73.  In  that  case 
the  single  groups  would  be  separated  from  one  another  by  one 
Maya  week  =  13  days. 

I  will  now  arrange  the  sixty-nine  groups  in  the  following 


order  (the 

reason 

for  v 

•hich 

will 

become 

clear 

directly) 

I 

4 

11 

18 

25 

32 

39 

46 

53 

60 

67 

II 

5 

12 

19 

26 

33 

40 

47 

54 

61 

68 

III 

6 

13 

20 

27 

34 

41 

48 

55 

62 

69 

IV 

7 

14 

21 

28 

35 

42 

49 

56 

63 

1 

V 

8 

15 

22 

29 

36 

43 

50 

57 

64 

2 

VI 

9 

16 

23 

30 

37 

44 

51 

58 

65 

3 

VII 

10 

17 

24 

31 

38 

45 

52 

59 

66. 

The  groups  in  a  horizontal  row  are  separated  from  one 
another  by  7  or  a  multiple  of  7.  If  now  a  hieroglyph  is  repeated 
in  those  places,  which  are  in  the  same  horizontal  row,  then  this 
is  a  confirmation  of  the  supposition  that  Bacab  periods  are 
meant  to  be  represented  here.  Hence  I  will  examine  each  row 
in  turn.  These  rows  extend  over  the  long  period  of  69  X  13 
days  probably  merely  for  the  purpose  of  filling  up  the  space. 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


213 


I.  In  39b,  46b,  53b  and  60b,  i.e.,  after  every  seven  groups, 
perhaps  also  in  18b,  we  find  the  following  sign,  which  I  identified 
as  that  of  a  Bacab,  in  Globus,  Vol.  LXXI : — 


Hence  this  denotes  the  beginning  of  the  Bacab  period.  In 
4b  the  sign  is  replaced  bv  that  for  Venus.  In  lib,  25b,  32b  and 
67b  we  find  other  signs,  it  is  true,  nevertheless  the  regularity 
stated  above  cannot  be  accidental.  The  upper  signs  of  groups 
39a,  46a,  53a  and  60a  contain  an  Infix  and  corroborate  the 
connection. 

II.  5b  and  26b  (after  3  X  91  days)  contain  a  head  very 
like  the  preceding,  which  readily  suggests  the  idea  that  it  is 
merely  a  Bacab  sign  pushed  one  group  ahead,  but  it  also  appears 
in  13b,  50b  and  52b. 

Then  12b,  54b  and  61b  correspond,  i.e.,  after  six  groups  of 
91  days  and  one  more  of  the  same  length,  but  the  same  sign 
appears  also  in  34b,  48b  and  56b. 

III.  41b  and  69a  are  Xul  =  end  and  are  therefore  sepa¬ 

rated  by  28  X  13  =  4  X  91  days,  i.e.,  the  length  of  a  year. 
It  is  singular  that  both  signs  of  41  are  like  those  of  47;  if  we 
assume  that  47  was  set  down  one  group  too  soon,  it  would  be 
in  excellent  keeping  with  the  rest.  The  Xul  also  appears  in  lib 
and  28b.  34b  and  48b  correspond  after  2  x  91  days,  as  al¬ 

ready  mentioned  under  II. 

IV.  42a  and  49b  both  contain  the  sign  for  the  sun  between 
clouds. 

V.  36b  and  57b  agree  after  3  X  91  days;  the  same  sign  ap¬ 
pears  again  in  10b  and  20b. 

15a  and  36a  correspond  after  3  X  91  days;  we  shall  continue 
the  examination  of  this  sign  under  pages  71-73. 

VI.  37a  and  65a  agree,  i.e.,  after  4  X  91  days  =  a  year. 
The  sign  contains  a  human  figure  stretching  both  arms  aloft. 
The  passing  of  a  year  was  likewise  indicated  in  III,  but  a  year 
coming  52  days  later  than  this. 


214 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


VII.  10a  and  31a  agree,  i.e.,  after  3  X  91  days.  The  sign 
is  composed  of  the  crouching  figure  prefixed  to  the  cross,  which 
we  also  find  in  12b,  35a  and  65b;  it  is  prefixed  to  a  different 
hieroglyph  in  30a.  In  38b,  52b  and  59b  (58  in  the  Manuscript) 
we  see  bird-like  heads  resembling  the  Bacab  sign.  We  should 
expect  to  find  a  familiar  sign  in  45.  which  is  drawn  between 
these,  but  a  Moan  appears  there  instead.  These  signs  seem  to 
indicate  the  end  of  the  Bacab  period.  Does  the  Moan  sign  here, 
too,  suggest  the  end  of  the  year? 

In  38a,  52a  and  59a  we  again  see  an  Imix,  and  I  consider  it 
a  corroboration  of  my  theory  that  all  the  four  signs  of  groups  38 
and  39  are  repeated  in  52  and  53  after  2  x  91  da}rs. 

I  belie ve  a  further  corroboration  is  the  fact  that  though 
many  of  these  hieroglyphs  have  no  connection  with  these  periods 
of  7  X  13,  f.e.,  with  the  divisions  of  the  ritual  year,  they  do 
correspond  with  the  usual  divisions  of  the  Tonalamatl,  i.e., 
4  x  13  and  5  x  13  days. 

After  4  X  13  or  a  multiple  of  it  the  signs  recur  in  20b,  24b, 
40b,  44b- 12b,  48b.  56b-16b,  32b,  64b-26b,  50b-10a,  30a-37a, 
65a-15b,  51b-llb  and  47b. 

As  examples  of  5  x  13  I  would  mention  3b,  63b-10a,  20a, 
30a-5b,  50b-24b,  29b-35b,  65b-15b,  20b, 40b. 

Finally,  I  must  mention  two  more  hieroglyphs,  which  are 
limited  almost  entirely  to  these  pages: — 


In  the  first  sign,  which  occurred  on  page  10a,  I  thought  1 
recognized  the  lunar  month  of  28  days.  It  occurs  in  this  section 
in  connection  with  the  third  picture  on  page  56,  and  besides  in 
the  following  groups  of  hieroglyphs:  —  16b,  32b  and  64b, 
always  combined  with  a  Yax.  The  regularity  of  the  intervals  is 
striking,  but  as  yet  I  can  neither  explain  that,  nor  the  crouching 
personage  (Mercury?)  in  the  10th,  20th  and  30th  groups  and 
again  in  the  next,  the  31st. 

The  second  sign  is  found  only  on  these  pages  and  here 
not  less  than  eleven  times,  possibly  with  the  addition  of  the 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


215 


effaced  sign  in  6b  and  27b  which  may  have  been  the  same  hiero¬ 
glyph.  The  eleven  places  in  which  it  occurs  are  as  follows: — • 
3b,  15b,  17b,  23b,  24b,  29b,  40b,  44b,  49a,  51b  and  63b.  Two 
different  prefixes  are  added  to  it;  one  in  the  first  two  and  the 
last  two  places  and  also  in  the  last  but  two  joined  with  Kin, 
and  the  other  in  the  six  middle  places.  Of  the  eleven  groups, 
17  and  24,  44  and  51  are  7  groups  apart,  3  and  17,  15  and  29, 
49  and  63  are  14  groups  apart,  23  and  44  are  21  groups  apart, 
and  hence  23  and  51  are  separated  by  28  groups  or  1  year. 
Group  40  alone  is  not  concerned  with  these  intervals  of  seven  or 
multiples  of  seven. 

Now,  how  far  may  all  these  periods  of  time  be  due  to  acci¬ 
dent  and  how  far  to  design?  Accident  alone  is  quite  out  of  the 
question.  The  frequent  repetition  of  the  sun-sign  in  groups 
49,  50  and  51  on  pages  54b  and  55b,  seems  to  me  to  refer  to  the 
conjunctions  of  the  sun  with  certain  stars,  which  occur  at  inter¬ 
vals  of  thirteen  days. 

Pages  58  —  59. 

This  section  is  also  based  on  a  series  occupying  the  whole 
of  page  59,  which  contains  nothing  but  number  and  day  signs. 
This  series  has  the  difference  78,  which  we  found  once  before  on 
page  44.  There  the  starting-point  was  III  Lamat,  here  it  is  the 
day  XIII  Muluc,  probably  coming  in  the  year  XIII  Muluc, 
as  in  Cort.  40b,  as  I  shall  have  occasion  to  suggest  later.  The 
series  extends,  with  the  usual  errors  and  variations,  in  four  divi¬ 
sions  from  top  to  bottom.  The  days,  which  are  always  two  days 
behindhand,  owing  to  the  number  78,  in  780  again  reach  the  day 
XIII  Muluc,  at  which  point  the  succeeding  members  remain  sta¬ 
tionary,  since  from  here  on  the  difference  is  always  780  or  a  mul¬ 
tiple  of  it.  780  days  are,  however,  the  apparent  time  of  the  revo¬ 
lution  of  Mars,  which  is  the  only  planet  now  left  to  be  discussed, 
the  subject  of  pages  46-50  having  been  Venus  and  the  sun,  and 
of  pages  51-58,  Mercury  and  the  moon  with  incidental  treatment 
of  Saturn  and  Jupiter.  With  780  as  its  difference,  the  series 
ascends  to  19  X  780  =  14,820,  and  then  continues  with  this 
large  number  as  its  difference  until  the  series  is  lost  in  the  effaced 
passages. 


216 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


Curiously  enough,  however,  directly  under  the  line  contain¬ 
ing  the  14,820,  there  is  a  new  series  composed  of  nine  members, 
or  ten  counting  the  suppressed  starting-point.  But  this  start¬ 
ing-point  is  again  the  day  IX  Ik,  the  difference,  as  proved  by  the 
annexed  days,  is  again  78  and  the  series  ends  with  780.  Thus 
the  starting-point  is  the  only  difference  between  the  two  series. 
The  principal  series  contains  all  the  even  and  the  secondary 
series  all  the  uneven  days.  Can  the  starting-point  of  the  revo¬ 
lution  of  Mars  have  been  determined  according  to  different 
principles?  Is  it  possible  that  in  one  case  the  beginning  of 
the  planet’s  retrogression  was  adopted  as  the  starting-point,  and 
in  the  other  case  the  date  on  which  the  planet,  after  completing 
its  retrograde  course,  again  reached  the  degree  of  right  ascen¬ 
sion  at  which  it  had  begun  its  retrogression?  This  is  a  difficult 
matter  to  decide,  since  the  period  of  the  retrogression  of  Mars 
fluctuates  between  62  and  81  days.  The  interval  from  IX  Ik 
to  XIII  Muluc  is  147  and  in  reversed  order  113  days. 

It  can  hardly  be  assumed  that  the  19  of  the  IX  19  or  IX  Ik 
is  connected  with  the  19  x  780  mentioned  above  or  with  the 
19  — (—  1 9  — f-  19  -\-  21  into  which  the  78  is  divided  on  pages  44-45, 
or  finally  with  the  19,  which  four  times  forms  the  principal  part 
of  the  sub-divisions  of  65  on  pages  33-34. 

Numbers  amounting  to  millions  accompany  this  series  in  the 
usual  way.  Two  of  these  are  on  page  58,  viz:  — 1,426,360  and 

I, 386,580;  but  with  the  sign  of  the  sixth  day,  which  is  important 
here,  between  them.  Below  these  numbers,  however,  are  two 
month  dates: —  first  the  normal  date  IV  Ahau  8  Cumhu  and, 
if  I  have  correctly  restored  the  effaced  number  before  the 
month  sign,  which  in  its  turn  is  indistinct,  the  second  is  XIII 
Muluc  2  Zac,  which  would  fall  in  the  year  VIII  Muluc.  The 
encircled  numbers  also  occur  here.  They  are  set  down  beside 
the  lower  number  of  seven  figures.  We  find  here  a  red  12  with  a 
black  1  inserted,  below  this  a  black  7  and  below  this  again,  en¬ 
closed  in  a  red  band,  a  black  11,  which  I  regard  as  also  repre¬ 
senting  the  value  of  a  red  number.  We  shall  find  a  similar  in¬ 
stance  among  the  serpent  numerals.  Then  we  have  here  1.  7. 

II.  =  511  and  12.  11.  =  251.  But  511  =260  -f  251  and  251 
is  the  interval  between  XIII  Muluc  and  IV  Ahau. 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


217 


With  the  day  XIII  Muluc  and  the  interval  9  between  IY 
Ahau  and  XIII  Muluc,  numbers  for  XIII  Muluc  have  been 
formed  amounting  to  millions,  which,  however,  have  been  sup¬ 
pressed  in  the  Manuscript,  just  as  they  were  on  page  31  where, 
in  like  manner,  numbers  were  first  formed  for  day  XIII  Akbal. 

I  assume  that  to  begin  with,  76  Tonalamatls  (=  19,760)  were 
added  to  this  9  and  then  228  Tonalamatls  (=  59,280),  the  228 
being  =  3  X  76  and  the  59,280  including  76  revolutions  of  Mars. 

The  result  in  one  case  was  19,769  and  in  the  other  59,289. 
If  the  12  Ahau-Katuns,  which  are  specified  as  1,366,560  on  page 
24b  be  added  here,  we  have  the  following  numbers:— 

1,386,329  =  XIII  Muluc  2  Mol  (3  Muluc), 

1,425,849  =  XIII  Muluc  2  Zip  (12  Muluc), 
and  if  the  two  encircled  numbers  of  the  Manuscript: —  251  and 
511  be  added,  the  sums  are  1,386,580  and  1,426,360,  i.  e.,  the 
two  large  numbers  of  the  Manuscript. 

The  dates  corresponding  to  these  numbers  are  as  follows : — 
1,386,580  =  IV  Ahau  13  Muan  (12  Muluc), 

1,426,360  =  IV  Ahau  8  Muan  (4  lx). 

If  we  compare  the  two  numbers  with  the  normal  date,  the 
curious  result  follows  that : — 

1)  1,386,580  —  1,366,560  =  20,020. 

This  number  is  equal  to  55  X  364,  including  therefore  the 
ritual  year  of  364  days. 

2)  1,426,360  —  1,366,560  =  59,800. 

This  number  is  five  times  11,960  days,  which  is  assumed  to 
be  the  time  in  which  the  lunar  and  Mercury  revolutions  accord. 
This  59,800  was  found  once  before  on  page  24  as  the  suppressed 
difference  between  68,900  and  9,100. 

Thus  the  separate  sections  (of  the  book)  are  very  closely 
connected. 

If  the  two  large  numbers  be  compared  with  one  another  their 
difference  will  be  found  to  be  39,780.  This  is  equal  first  to  51 
Mars  revolutions  of  780  days,  and  second  to  4420  X  9,  i.  e., 
a  multiple  of  the  interval  between  IV  Ahau  and  XIII  Muluc. 

Now  we  must  direct  our  attention  to  the  seventeen  hiero¬ 
glyphs,  which  we  find  in  the  two  columns  on  page  58,  apart  from 
the  matter-of-course  calendar  date  at  the  top,  which  is  repeated 


218 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


at  the  bottom.  One  column  contains  11  hieroglyphs  and  the 
other  6.  I  will  here  advance  the  following  theory  in  regard 
to  these  hieroglyphs,  which  may  serve  until  a  better  is  found: — 
Since,  as  a  rule,  the  Tonalamatl  is  divided  into  5  X  52  days, 
I  believe  that  each  group  of  three  Tonalamatls  treated  of  on 
page  59,  is  divided  into  15  of  these  parts;  that  each  hieroglyph, 
therefore,  denotes  52  days  and  that  the  first  three  parts  are 
separated  from  the  others  by  the  signs  of  beginning  and  end 
in  the  first  and  fifth  places,  so  that  three  of  these  parts,  which 
equal  156  days,  always  form  a  separate  group.  156  is  the  5th 
part  of  780.  With  the  omission  of  the  first  and  fifth  signs,  the 
passage,  I  think,  stands  thus: — 

0  XIII  Muluc  2  Ivankin  (13  Muluc). 

1)  0 — 52  XIII  Imix  14  Pax. 


2)  53 — 104  XIII  Ben  1  Pop  (1  lx). 


3) 

105—156 

XIII 

Chicchan 

13  Zip. 

4) 

157—208 

XIII 

Caban 

5  Xul. 

5) 

209—260 

XIII 

Muluc 

17  Mol. 

6) 

261—312 

XIII 

Imix 

9  Zac. 

7) 

313—364 

XIII 

Ben 

1  Ivankin. 

8) 

365 — -416 

XIII 

Chicchan 

13  Pax. 

9) 

417 — 168 

XIII 

Caban 

25  Cumhu. 

10) 

469—520 

XIII 

Muluc 

12'  Zip  (2  Cauac) 

11) 

521—572 

XIII 

Imix 

4  Xul. 

12) 

573—624 

XIII 

Ben 

16  Mol. 

13) 

625 — 676 

XIII 

Chicchan 

8  Zac. 

14) 

677— 72S 

XIII 

Caban 

20  Mac. 

15) 

729— 7S0 

XIII 

Muluc 

12  Pax. 

If  we  adopt  this  arrangement  for  the  present  we  cannot 
fail  to  see  that  the  author  had  an  aim  in  view,  when  we  con¬ 
sider  the  following: — 

1.  The  zero-point  lies  15.609  days  later  than  the  normal 
date  IV  Ahau  8  Cumhu  (9  lx).  This  is  equal  to  20  X  780  or 
60  X  260  increased  by  the  interval  between  IV  Ahau  and  XIII 
Muluc  =  9.  There  are  86  days  between  2  Ivankin  and  8  Cumhu 
i.  e.,  15,609  =  43  X  365  —  86,  and  from  9  lx  to  13  Muluc  it  is 
43  years. 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


219 


2.  The  same  zero-point,  13  Muluc,  lies  in  the  year  with 
the  same  name,  that  is,  the  very  point  where  a  Tonalamatl  of 
the  year  ends. 

3.  In  this  arrangement  the  first  as  well  as  the  last  day  of 
the  year  1  lx  is  exactly  reached  in  the  second  and  ninth  groups. 
While  the  meaning  of  the  second  is  as  yet  unintelligible  to  me, 
the  end  of  the  year  is  appropriately  indicated  by  the  ninth 
with  its  compound  of  Kin  and  the  year-sign,  above  which  there 
may  be  an  lx  as  a  superfix,  but  misshapen  for  want  of  room. 

4.  Also  the  fact  that  it  is  the  first  of  the  two  columns, 
which  closes  with  this  year-end,  seems  to  show  a  purpose. 

5.  Several  instances  of  similarity  appear  among  the  hiero¬ 
glyphs  in  these  groups  of  three :  —  an  Akbal  sign  in  1  and  4  sug¬ 
gests  the  god  D,  the  superfix  and  prefix  of  2  and  14  the  god  K 
and  5  and  11  the  screech-owl  and  therefore  A. 

Little  else  is  to  be  said  of  these  hieroglyphs. 

C  might  be  denoted  by  3  (13  Zip)  and  10  (12  Zip).  Group 
8,  the  central  point  of  the  series,  has  on  the  left  and  right  the 
signs  for  the  north  and  south  as  if  the  time  between  the  north 
(Muluc)  years  and  the  south  (Cauac)  years  were  meant  to  be 
indicated  here. 

I  am  inclined  to  consider  the  crouching  personage  in  12  as 
the  revolution  of  Mercury,  which  requires  115  days:  —  573  is 
5  X  114  +  3  or  5  X  115  —  2. 

Is  7  a  sign,  as  yet  unknown,  for  the  year  of  364  days? 

15  looks  like  two  signs  for  the  month  Mac,  placed  back  to 
back,  which  here  designates  the  Tonalamatl  as  it  does  on  page 
24.  The  superfix  of  three  parts  might  denote  three  Tona- 
lamatls  =  780  days.  The  familiar  sign  in  the  fifth  place  in  con¬ 
nection  with  the  expiration  of  the  first  Tonalamatl  is  striking; 
it  is  the  one  usually  identified  as  that  of  the  screech-owl  or 
death-bird. 

Page  60. 

This  is  the  last  page  of  the  front  of  the  second  part  and  is 
divided  into  four  sections:  —  at  the  top  we  find  hieroglyphs, 
below  these  a  picture,  then  hieroglyphs  again  and  in  the  lowest 
section  another  picture. 


220 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


The  upper  picture  contains  first  a  rectangular  elevation  like 
a  platform.  Enclosed  in  this  rectangle  is  the  picture  of  the 
animal  resembling  a  dog  lying  down,  which  we  have  often  met 
with,  the  last  time  on  page  47.  In  front  of  the  dog  is  a  hiero¬ 
glyph,  which,  I  regret  to  say,  is  still  unknown  and  which  oc¬ 
curred  six  times  as  a  heading  on  page  23b.  On  the  platform 
two  personages  are  fighting;  one  is  in  war-dress  holding  in  Ins 
left  hand  the  throwing-stick  or  atlatl,  and  in  his  right  probably 
arrows;  the  other  figure,  whose  back  is  somewhat  indistinct 
owing  to  obliteration,  is  apparently  unarmed  and  is  making 
a  defensive  gesture  with  one  hand.  Beside  the  platform,  and 
therefore  on  a  lower  level,  is  a  second  person  walking  behind 
the  armed  person  as  if  to  help  him.  He  too  is  in  war-dress  and 
likewise  holds  an  atlatl.  A  black  3  is  set  down  between  the 
two  combatants,  and  there  may  also  have  been  a  red  2,  which 
is  indistinct  owing  to  the  red  background  of  the  picture. 

Let  us  next  examine  the  lower  picture.  A  blindfolded 
personage  is  kneeling  on  the  left.  A  serpent’s  head  rises  from 
the  ground  in  front  of  him.  A  second  serpent  rises  in  several 
coils  on  the  shoulders  of  the  blindfolded  personage  and  on  the 
serpent’s  neck  sits  enthroned  another  personage,  who  is  rather 
indistinct,  holding  a  spear  and  a  shield.  On  the  right,  oppo¬ 
site  this  group  and  facing  it,  is  a  second.  A  personage  with 
arms  bound  and  bowed  head  is  sitting  on  the  ground.  There 
is  a  black  ring  around  his  eye.  Behind  him  stands  the  victor  in 
war-dress  and  again  equipped  with  spear  and  shield.  There  is 
a  red  11  and  a  black  2  between  the  two  groups. 

We  see  that  the  reference  here  is  to  combat,  just  as  it  was 
on  the  right  side  of  pages  46-50.  And  since  the  subject  of  these 
pages  like  that  of  46-59  is  confined  to  the  revolutions  of  the 
planets,  it  is  natural  that  the  pursuit  of  one  by  the  other,  their 
periodical  disappearance,  the  crossing  of  their  orbits  and  the 
variation  in  the  length  of  their  revolutions  should  be  looked  upon 
as  a  contest.  Therefore,  since  the  sun,  the  moon  and  the  five 
planets  have  hitherto  been  treated  of  on  these  pages,  I  look  for 
these  seven  heavenly  bodies  in  the  seven  personages  pictured 
here  on  page  60.  I  will  attempt  to  explain  them,  hoping  that 
my  interpretation  may  be  replaced  by  a  better  one. 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


221 


The  sun  and  moon  stand  on  the  platform  in  the  upper  pic¬ 
ture;  their  combat  is  equivalent  to  the  eclipses  to  which  they 
at  times  succumb.  The  moon  is  the  assailant  and  the  sun 
makes  only  a  proud  defensive  gesture.  The  person  behind  the 
moon  must  be  Mars.  The  animal  under  the  two  persons  is  the 
embodiment  of  the  eclipses,  which  the  Aztecs  interpreted  as 
the  act  of  being  devoured  by  the  jaguar.  The  hieroglyph  in 
front  looks  very  much  like  the  meeting  of  two  circles.  Does  it 
refer  to  the  day  Lamat  (Aztec  tochtli  =  rabbit)  ? 

At  the  left,  bottom,  the  powerful  Venus  triumphs  over  the 
weak  Mercury.  The  two  planets  are  real  chronometers  by 
reason  of  the  regular  alternation  of  their  appearance  as  morning 
and  evening  stars,  and  also  by  their  disappearance  twice  in  each 
revolution  and  finally  even  in  the  variation  in  the  length  of  the 
two  periods  of  invisibility.  Hence  they  are  each  accompanied 
by  a  serpent  as  the  usual  symbol  of  time. 

On  the  right,  on  the  other  hand,  Jupiter  as  the  stronger  has 
vanquished  Saturn,  whose  bound  arms  symbolize  his  slowness 
of  motion  and  the  fact  that  he  is  confined  to  the  same  region  of 
the  sky.  Should  not  the  ring  around  his  eye  have  a  very  special 
meaning?  But  we  must  guard  against  an  excess  of  imagination. 
Jupiter  and  Saturn  are  the  last  to  be  represented,  as  they  were 
of  but  secondary  importance,  on  pages  51-58  and  perhaps  also 
in  the  2200  on  page  24. 

I  will  not  deny  that  yet  anothei  interpretation  of  this  page 
is  possible.  The  top  picture  may  be  Venus  and  the  moon 
opposing  one  another,  and  the  bottom  picture  may  represent 
the  sun  as  victor  over  Mercury.  There  are  some  things  in  favor 
of  this  point  of  view. 

The  correct  order  of  the  twenty-four  hieroglyphs  is  the 
following,  in  my  opinion,  which  is  borne  out  by  the  different 
colors  of  the  four  groups: — 


1 

2 

7 

8 

3 

4 

9 

10 

5 

6 

11 

12 

13 

14 

19 

20 

15 

16 

21 

22 

17 

18 

23 

24 

222 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


These  signs  can  have  no  relation  to  mythology.  There  is 
not  a  hieroglyph  of  a  god  among  them,  for  if  sign  6  could  be 
taken  for  B’s  hieroglyph,  the  resemblance  to  the  sign  of  the  fist, 
familiar  from  the  inscriptions,  as  well  as  the  Imix  and  the  cross- 
hatching  as  a  prefix,  makes  this  doubtful.  The  latter  com¬ 
ponent  would  rather  suggest  the  summer  solstice.  If  sign  12 
were  intended  to  denote  the  Bacab,  then  it  would  refer 
to  chronology  rather  than  to  mythology.  Also  the  Cimi 
in  17  might  equally  well  mean  the  day  as  the  god.  Indeed 
several  things  refer  here  to  chronology  and  astronomy,  among 
them  the  unmistakable  union  of  numbers  and  month 
signs,  which  occur  here  repeatedly.  Thus  from  what  remains 
of  the  almost  obliterated  signs  1  and  2,  they  might  denote  the 
normal  date  IV  Ahau  8  Cumhu,  which  always  occupies  the  first 
place.  Signs  7  and  20  are  plainly  the  same,  9  Xul  (sixth  month) 
and  sign  14  is  10  Yaxkin  (seventh  month).  Sign  5  might  be 
Caban  combined  with  Uo  (second  month)  and  a  ten.  In  sign 
19  we  again  see  Yaxkin  without  a  number.  Signs  9  and  23  are 
Zee  (fifth  month)  and  signs  21  and  22  may  be  Kankin  (four¬ 
teenth  month).  The  days  occur  in  the  same  manner  as  the 
months.  It  is  true  that  Kin  is  only  a  part  of  hieroglyph  10,  the 
rest  of  which  is  effaced,  but  the  familiar  compound  of  Caban  and 
Muluc  appears  in  18  and  24  and  Cimi  is  in  17,  as  we  have  seen. 
In  sign  13,  Ahau  is  combined  with  a  red  number,  which  must 
lie  between  X  and  XV.  But  this  should  not  be  regarded  as 
forming  a  calendar  date  with  the  10  Yaxkin  near  by,  for  Ahau 
is  never  the  tenth  day  of  a  month.  Can  16  be  the  sign  of  the 
twelfth  month,  Cell,  combined  with  that  for  7200?  Hieroglyphs 
3  and  8  are  effaced  and  T  do  not  understand  4,  11  and  15. 

There  are  no  parallels  in  the  kindred  passages  46-50,  unless 
it  be  7  Zee  on  the  bottom  of  page  49  and  here  in  signs  9  and  23, 
but  without  a  number.  Cf.  my  paper  on  this  page  60  in  the 
“Weltall,”  year  6,  pages  251-257. 

Page  61  —  64. 

On  examining  the  reverse  of  the  second  part  of  our  Manu¬ 
script,  i.e..  pages  61-74,  we  find  an  empty  page  on  the  left,  the 
back  of  which  is  occupied  by  page  60.  This  may  be  explained 
by  assuming  that  the  scribe  wrote  pages  61-64  and  possibly 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


223 


even  pages  61-74  from  right  to  left,  the  great  series  having 
occasioned  such  a  proceeding,  and  that  his  material  came  to  an 
end  when  he  had  finished  page  61.  Nevertheless,  it  is  advisable 
to  continue  with  the  original  numbering  in  order  to  avoid  con¬ 
fusion. 

Aside  from  the  concluding  (or  beginning)  page  74,  this  whole 
section  of  pages  61-74  consists  of  three  parts:  —  61-64,  65-69 
and  70-73.  Let  us  first  consider  the  first  section,  which  I  have 
already  discussed  in  my  treatise  ‘  ‘  Zur  Erlauterung  der  Maya- 
handschriften  II.  ’  ’ 

The  basis  of  this  section  is  a  series,  the  beginning  of  which  is 
on  the  bottom,  right,  of  page  64.  Its  primary  difference  is  al¬ 
ways  that  which  we  found  on  pages  31-32,  viz:  —  the  Bacab 
period  of  91  days,  the  quarter  of  the  ritual  year  of  364  days  =  7 
weeks  of  13  days  each.  It  ascends  by  91  until  it  reaches  1820, 
which  number  is  a  multiple  of  both  364  and  260  and  is  also 
divisible  by  28,  the  number  of  weeks  in  a  year.  Just  as  on  page 
32  the  series  continues  with  the  new  difference  1820  as  far 
as  7280,  its  fourth  multiple,  which  then  becomes  the  third 
difference.  Indeed,  I  believe  that  even  the  partially  effaced 
numbers  could  be  so  restored  as  to  carry  the  series  to  the  num¬ 
ber  36,400  =  400  X  91,  which  would  then  become  the  fourth 
difference  and  the  series  would  close  at  the  top  of  page  63  with 
145,600  =  160,0  X  91,  i.e.,  with  the  numbers  1.  0.  4.  8.  0.  of 
which  the  1  is  entirely  and  the  0  half  effaced.  The  series  on 
pages  31-32,  however,  closed  with  29,120  =  320  X  91,  but 
there  is  still  room  for  a  higher  series. 

Under  this  largest  number  (1600  X  91)  there  is  on  page  63 
a  large  red  number  consisting  of  19.  0.  4.  4.  which  is  crowded 
into  a  very  small  space  between  the  figures  of  1820.  I  can 
only  understand  it  by  replacing  the  first  4  by  a  3,  for  then  it 
is  136,864  =  1504  X  91  or  by  addition  of  a  zero.  We  shall  re¬ 
turn  to  this  number  in  the  examination  of  the  serpent  numerals. 

The  series  is  accompanied  in  the  regular  way  by  five  days. 
At  the  beginning  of  this  series,  page  64,  right  bottom,  are  the 
days  III  Cib,  III  Men,  III  Chicchan,  III  Caban  and  XIII  lx; 
the  III  is  set  down  only  with  the  first  of  these  days  and  is  to  be 


224 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


supplied  with  the  next  three.  Hence  the  actual  zero  point  is  to 
be  found  91  days  back  in  the  days  III  Chicchan,  III  Kan,  III  lx, 
III  Cimi  and  XIII  Akbal,  the  last  of  which  is  also  the  beginning 
of  the  corresponding  series  on  page  32.  From  1820  on,  these 
last-named  days,  of  course  unchanged,  accompany  the  numbers. 
The  most  important  of  these  days  are  the  first  and  last,  but  we 
shall  see  later  in  connection  with  the  serpent  numbers  that  the 
other  three,  which  are  separated  from  one  another  by  39, 130  and 
52,  i.e.,  3  x  13,  10  x  13  and  4  x  13,  are  likewise  not  set  down 
here  by  mere  accident. 

We  come  now  to  the  five  columns,  three  on  page  63  and  two 
on  page  62,  which  join  this  series  on  the  left.  They  contain  the 
large  numbers,  which  invariably  accompany  these  series.  Here 
there  are  six  numbers,  four  of  which,  in  my  opinion,  refer  to  the 
past  and  two  to  the  future.  Two  of  these  numbers,  the  two 
largest,  are  set  down  together  in  the  third  column  on  page  63, 
one  with  red  numbers  and  the  other  with  black.  Of  these  black 
numbers,  I  take  the  second  from  the  top  to  be  not  8  but  13, 
assuming  that  a  line  is  omitted.  The  normal  date  IV  Ahau 
8  Cumhu  from  which,  as  the  starting-point,  all  these  numbers 
are  to  be  computed,  is  set  down  below  at  the  end  of  each  of  the 
five  columns. 

I  now  give  the  six  numbers,  first  the  two  highest,  then  the 
other  four  from  right  to  left,  adding  in  each  case  the  calendar 
date  and  the  year  in  which  they  should  be  situated: — 

1,538,342;  IV  Ik  15  Zac  (12  Muluc). 

1,535,004;  VII  Kan  2  Chen  (3  Kan). 

1,268,540;  IV  Ahau  8  Mol  (1  lx). 

1,234,220;  IV  Ahau  18  Kajrab  (11  Kan). 

1,272,544;  IV  Kan  17  Yaxkin  (12  Muluc)  . 

1,272,921 ;  IV  Imix  9  Mol  (13  lx). 

The  first,  third  and  fifth  numbers  are  already  known  from 
page  31a,  and  hence  they  need  no  further  discussion  here. 

As  these  three  numbers  depend  on  the  day  XIII  Akbal,  so 
the  other  three  all  proceed  from  the  day  III  Chicchan  in  the 
following  positions,  which  are  again  suppressed  in  the  Manu¬ 
script  : — 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


225 


1,483,585  =  III  Chiechan  8  Zac  (5  Cauac). 

1,233,985  =  III  Chiechan  8  Kankin  (10  Cauac). 

1,272,465  =  III  Chiechan  18  Zip  (12  Muluc). 

The  second  date  in  the  manuscript  is  13  Kankin  and  the 
third  is  13  Zip;  hence  there  is  one  line  too  many  in  the  former 
number  and  one  too  few  in  the  latter.  While  on  page  31a  the 
origin  of  the  numbers  belonging  to  the  day  XIII  Akbal  seems 
to  be  quite  clear,  here  their  relation  to  one  another  is  entirely 
concealed.  I  must,  therefore,  refrain  from  expressing  any  con¬ 
jecture  in  regard  to  them. 

Now  the  numbers  set  down  in  the  Manuscript  are  formed 
only  by  the  addition  of  the  encircled  numbers  also  found  there. 
The  encircled  number  for  the  first  expressed  number  is  51,419, 
which  is  the  same  number  we  found  with  the  corresponding 
day  XIII  Akbal;  the  second  has  235  and  the  third  456  =  260  -f- 
196.  The  51,419  was  197  X  260  199;  but  199  is  the  interval 

from  III  Chiechan  to  VII  Kan,  just  as  it  is  from  XIII  Akbal  to 
IV  Ik.  The  235  is  the  interval  between  III  Chiechan  and  IV 
Ahau  and  the  196  that  from  III  Chiechan  and  IV  Imix. 

By  the  addition  of  these  differences,  the  numbers  written 
out  in  the  Manuscript  are  obtained : — 

1,483,585  +  51,419  =  1,535,004  (VII  Kan). 

1,233,985  +  235  =  1,234,220  (IV  Ahau). 

1,272,465  +  456  =  1,272,921  (IV  Imix). 

Keeping  in  mind  what  was  said  in  reference  to  page  31a, 
let  us  now  examine  the  six  numbers  and  dates  collectively. 

The  fact  that  the  days  IV  Ahau  and  XIII  Akbal  occur  here 
and  consequently  also  III  Chiechan  is  not  surprising.  Nor  is 
the  choice  of  VII  Kan  and  IV  Ik  an  accident,  for  the  interval 
between  these  days  is  exactly  the  same  as  that  between  III 
Chiechan  and  XIII  Akbal,  viz: —  218  days. 

Hence  the  distance  from  III  Chiechan  to  VII  Kan  is  also 
exactly  equal  to  that  between  XIII  Akbal  to  IV  Ik,  viz: — 199 
days. 

Finally,  the  distance  from  VII  Kan  to  III  Chiechan  is  exactly 
equal  to  that  between  IV  Ik  and  XIII  Akbal,  viz: —  61  days. 

IV  Imix  and  IV  Kan  are  separated  from  the  normal  date 
IV  Ahau  by  3  X  13  =  39  and  8x13  =  104  days, 
iv  15 


226 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


Regarding  the  encircled  numbers,  so  far  as  they  are  inde¬ 
pendent  of  260,  I  would  note  the  following: — 

17  =  XIII  Akbal  to  IV  Ahau. 

121  =  XIII  Akbal  to  IV  Kan. 

196  =  III  Chicchan  to  IV  Imix. 

199  =  III  Chicchan  to  VII  Kan  and  XIII  Akbal  to  IV  Ik. 

235  =  III  Chicchan  to  IV  Ahau. 

In  addition  let  me  remark  that  36  =  VII  Kan  to  IV  Ahau, 
39  =  IV  Imix  to  IV  Ahau  and  104  =  IV  Ahau  to  IV  Kan. 

The  following  arrangement  will  prove  that  these  numbers 
were  as  usual  also  employed  to  form  the  large  numbers  by  mul¬ 
tiplication: — 

17  X  74,620  =  1,268,540  (IV  Ahau), 

235  X  5,252  =  1 ,234,220  (IV  Ahau), 

36  X  42,639  =  1,535,004  (VII  Kan), 

39  X  32,639  =  1,272,921  (IV  Imix), 

104  X  12.236  =  1,272,544  (IV  Kan). 

But  the  highest  number,  1,538,342,  was  formed  in  a  differ¬ 
ent  way;  it  =  59,167  x  26;  but  the  interval  from  IV  Ahau 
to  IV  Ik  =  182  =  7  X  26,  and  from  IV  Ik  to  IV  Ahau  =  78  = 
3  X  26. 

If  in  conclusion,  we  now  examine  the  twelve  numbers  of 
seven  figures  given  in  this  section,  we  will  clearly  see  that  by 
twos  and  twos  they  plainly  belong  together  in  pairs: — 

The  three  pairs  of  numbers  found  by  computation  are  as 
follows : — 

1,486,923,  XIII  Akbal. 

1,483,585,  III  Chicchan. 

Difference  3338  =  12  X  260  +  218  (VII  Kan  to  IV  Ik,  III 
Chicchan  to  XIII  Akbal). 

1,268,523,  XIII  Akbal. 

1,233,985,  III  Chicchan. 

Difference  34,538  =  132  X  260  +  218  (as  above). 

1,272,423,  XIII  Akbal. 

1,272,465,  III  Chicchan. 

Difference  42  (which  is  260  —  218) ;  42  =  IV  Kan  to  IV  Imix. 

On  the  other  hand  the  three  pairs  specified  in  the  Manu¬ 
script  are  as  follows: — 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


227 


1,538,342,  IV  Ik. 

1,535,004,  VII  Kan. 

Difference  3338  =  12  x  260  -j-  218  as  above,  by  reason  of 
the  encircled  number  51,419  which  is  common  to  both  numbers. 

1,268,540,  IV  Ahau. 

1,234,220,  IV  Ahau. 

Difference  34,320  =  132  X  260,  on  account  of  the  same  day. 

1,272,544,  IV  Kan. 

1.272.921,  IV  Imix. 

Difference  117  =  IV  Kan  to  IV  Imix ;  strictly  speaking  377  = 
260  +  117. 

The  upper  part  of  the  five  columns  just  now  under  discus¬ 
sion  still  remains  to  be  examined.  Here  are  five  vertical  rows 
of  hierogtyphs,  the  first  four  each  containing  seven,  and  the  fifth 
only  six  owing  to  lack  of  space. 

The  two  rows  at  the  top  are  as  usual  much  obliterated,  which 
is  the  more  to  be  deplored  since  they  consisted  of  five  calendar 
dates,  which  would  have  contributed  materially  to  the  com¬ 
prehension  of  the  entire  section.  Fortunately,  however,  one  of 
these  dates  is  preserved  complete,  and  we  are  able  to  see  in  what 
relation  it  stands  to  the  rest.  Thus  we  find  in  the  third  column 
of  page  63  the  date  XIII  Imix  9  Uo.  It  comes  in  the  year  12 
lx  and  represents  the  number  1,523,921  (or  a  number  separated 
from  it  by  a  multiple  of  18,980).  Now  1,523,921  =  4175  X  365 
-j-  46  and  =  5861  X  260  -)-  61 .  This  agrees  with  the  lower  num¬ 
ber  inserted  in  red:  —  1,538,342  =  IV  Ik  15  Zac  (12  Muluc), 
which  comes  later  by  14,421  —  39  X  365  -f- 186  and  =  55  X  260 
-f-  121.  121,  however,  is  the  difference  between  both  XIII  Imix 

and  IV  Ik  and  the  days  XIII  Akbal  and  IV  Kan  in  the  last 
column  of  page  62.  If  we  set  down  with  these  two  numbers, 
those  of  the  normal  date  just  preceding  and  the  normal  date  next 
following,  we  have 

1,518,400  =  80  X  18980. 

1.523.921, 

1,538,342, 

1,556,360.  =  82  x  18980. 

This  is  a  period  of  37,960  =  2  x  18,980  days.  It  is  possible 
that  at  some  future  time  an  indication  of  such  a  transition  from 


228 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


one  Katun  to  the  other  will  be  found  in  the  writings.  Now  these 
two  top  lines  contain  two  dates;  on  page  62  we  find  13  Ceh.  and 
on  page  63,  13  Xul,  but  nothing  further  is  to  be  learned  from 
this  than  that  one  or  the  other  of  the  day-signs,  2,7,12,17,  must 
have  been  set  dowm  in  the  effaced  indication  of  the  position  in 
the  Tonalamatl.  All  else  is  obliterated.  From  the  third  to  the 
seventh  row  of  these  five  columns  it  is  all  extremely  simple. 
The  third  row  consists  only  of  five  signs  for  beginning,  the  fourth, 
of  five  for  end,  the  sixth  of  B’s  sign  five  times  and  the  seventh 
of  the  elongated  head  q  four  times.  But  in  the  fifth,  two  deities 
alternate,  one  is  apparently  male  and  the»other  female;  the  god 
is  in  columns  1,  3  and  5  and  the  goddess  in  2  and  4;thegod  prob¬ 
ably  belonging  to  the  days  III  Chicchan  and  the  goddess  to 
XIII  Akbal. 

If  we  look  upon  this  series  as  the  first  story  of  a  structure  and 
the  large  numbers  just  now  discussed  as  the  second,  then  we  find 
the  third  st  ory  here,  as  we  shall  find  it  again  on  page  69.  In  the 
passage  on  page  31,  which  is  so  closely  related  to  the  present  one, 
a  timid  attempt  has  already  been  made  with  the  number 
2,804,100  to  erect  a  third  story  of  this  kind,  which  however 
barely  attained  to  a  quarter  of  the  height  of  the  one  which  now 
engages  our  attention.  If  the  numbers  hitherto  examined  re¬ 
fer  to  a  time  not  very  far  from  the  present  ,  we  now  come  to  num¬ 
bers  which  lie  in  so  remote  a  future  that  they  can  hardly  suggest 
anything  else  than  the  destruction  of  the  world  or  a  sort  of  twi¬ 
light  of  the  gods.  Nevertheless  the  starting-point  of  the  whole, 
the  series,  which  is  built  up  with  the  number  91,  i.e.,  the  Bacab 
period  or  the  quarter  of  a  ritual  year,  continually  comes  to  view. 
Indeed,  the  number  of  serpents  is  suggestive  of  this. 

There  are  four  large  serpents,  which  fill  most  of  the  space  on 
the  left  half  of  page  62  and  the  right  of  page  61.  The  two  outer 
ones  are  bluish  and  the  two  inner  ones  white.  They  rise  in 
several  coils,  their  tails  below  and  their  heads  above.  A  deity 
is  represented  above  the  gaping  jaws  of  each  of  the  four  serpents, 
having  apparently  been  vomited  up.  Above  the  first  and  third 
serpents  B  is  represented  in  a  fashion  very  similar  to  that  which 
we  have  already  seen  on  pages  33-35.  Above  the  first  serpent 
B  has  the  pouch  hanging  from  his  neck  and  his  hatchet  is  held 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


229 


downward;  above  the  third  he  wears  the  pouch  and  the  gala 
mantle  and  his  hatchet  is  raised.  Above  the  second  and  fourth 
serpents,  on  the  other  hand,  there  are  four-footed  animals,  but 
of  a  species  not  represented  elsewhere.  They  might  suggest  a 
(four-footed?)  walrus  and  a  bear.  We  have  here  a  double  con¬ 
trast,  apparently  referring  to  the  four  cardinal  points. 

The  veil  enveloping  this  representation  would  be  lifted  to  a 
considerable  extent,  if  all  the  eight  hieroglyphs  written  above 
each  serpent,  were  still  legible.  But,  unfortunately,  the  second 
group  is  wholly  and  the  third  almost  wholly  effaced,  while  the 
first  is  partially  effaced  and  only  the  fourth  is  preserved  in  its 
entirety.  I  read  these  groups  in  the  following  order: — 

1  2 

3  4 

5  6 

7  8. 

Of  these  7  and  8  in  the  first  and  fourth  groups  form  the  date 
IX  Kan  12  Kayab,  which  is  in  the  year  4  lx;  this  same  date 
probably  occurred  also  in  the  other  two  groups.  That  it  is  of 
special  importance  here,  is  shown  by  the  two  columns  of  hiero¬ 
glyphs  on  the  left  side  of  page  61,  where  this  date  occurs  again 
in  the  lowest  place.  The  last  three  large  numbers  are  not  com¬ 
puted  from  the  normal  date  IV  Ahau  8  Oumhu,  but  from  this 
very  date  and  the  other  five  from  a  similar  one.  The  sixth  hiero¬ 
glyph  in  the  first  group  seems  to  correspond  to  the  fifth  in  the 
fourth,  since  both  contain  the  elongated  head  q,  though  with 
different  accompaniments. 

In  the  first  group  the  fourth  hieroglyph  is  the  Bacab  sign 
familiar  to  us  from  pages  51-58,  suggesting  that  the  series  here 
is  closely  connected  with  the  one  which  had  the  difference  91. 
The  fifth  sign  of  the  same  group  is  that  for  beginning,  probably 
to  confirm  the  fact  that  this  section  begins  here.  The  third  sign  of 
the  first  group  is  probably  an  Imix,  as  it  is  in  the  first  and  fourth 
of  the  fourth  group,  combined  here  with  the  woman’s  head, 
which  we  saw  repeated  on  pages  62  and  63  at  the  top;  and  over 
it  in  the  second  place  of  the  fourth  group  is  B’s  hieroglyph,  which 


230 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


is  also  repeated  on  pages  62  and  63  at  the  top.  The  third  place 
ot'  the  fourth  group  is  occupied  by  a  head,  which  may  be  C’s  and 
which  is  distinguished  by  the  same  kind  of  circle  which  on  page 
Ob  surrounded  the  Ahau. 

Eight  complete  dates  are  set  down  below  the  serpents,  among 
which  are  the  XIII  Akbal  already  found  with  the  previous  large 
numbers,  and  III  Chicchan  (repeated  three  times),  and  then  III 
Kan  (twice),  forming  the  beginning  and  end  of  the  series  (page 
64),  and  also  III  Cimi  and  III  lx.  As  we  shall  see  directly  these 
are  the  end  dates  of  the  large  numbers,  and  Xul  =  end  repeated 
eight  times  at  the  extreme  bottom  corresponds  with  this.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  starting-points  must  be  found  by  compu¬ 
tation,  with  the  exception  of  the  date  I  X  Kan  12  ETayab,  which 
is  actually  written  down  and  is  the  point  of  departure  for  three 
of  the  numbers. 

I  will  designate  the  black  numbers  by  a  and  the  red  by  b. 
Seven  of  the  eight  numbers  are  undoubtedly  absolutely  correct; 
but  1  must  alter  the  number  lb,  the  red  number  belonging  to 
the  first  serpent.  I  assume  that  a  line  is  wanting  in  the  lowest 
figure,  i.  e.,  it  should  be  8  instead  of  3,  and  that  the  conspicu¬ 
ously  large  1  further  down  on  the  page  serves  also  as  the  red 
number,  which  belongs  here.  Only  one  slight  change  is  neces¬ 
sary  in  the  dates  on  the  bottom  of  the  pages,  which  were  men¬ 
tioned  above.  To  the  16  in  the  date  4b  I  add  a  dot,  and  read 
it  17. 

I  will  now  give  a  table  of  the  numbers,  the  starting-points 
of  the  periods  obtained  by  computation,  and  the  ends  of  the 
latter  which  are  indicated  below  the  serpents: — 

la:  12,489,781 ;  XI  Kan  12  Kankin  (1  lx);  III  Chicchan  18Xul  (4Muluc). 
lb:  12,388,121;  XI  Kan  12  Muan  (7  lx) ;  III  Chicchan  13  Pax  (4  lx). 

2a:  12,454,761 :  IX  Kan  7  Kankin  (4  Cauac) ;  III  Chicchan  13  Yaxkin  (2 
lx). 

2b:  12,394,740;  IX  Kan  2  Chen  (5  Kan);  III  Kan  12Ceh  (7  lx). 

3a:  12,438.810;  IX  Kan  12  Xul  (3  Ixl ;  III  lx  7  Zee  (9  Muluc). 

3b:  12,466.942;  IX  Kan  12  Kavab  (4  lx);  III  Cimi  14  Kayab  (9  lx). 

4a:  12.454,4.59;IX  Kan  12 Kayab (4 lx) ; XIII  Akbal  1  Kankin(l  Kan). 

4b:  12.394.740 ;  IX  Kan  12  Kayab  (4  lx) ;  III  Kan  17  Uo  (7  Muluc). 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


231 


See  my  treatise,  "Die  Sehlangenzahlen  in  der  Dresdener  Maya- 
handserift”  (Weltall,  year  5,  pages  199-203). 

Several  details  show  how  this  number-structure  forms  a 
definite,  closely  connected  whole. 

1.  The  beginning  day  in  each  case  is  the  day  Kan,  which 
thereby  indicates  its  position  as  the  first. 

2.  The  last  three  starting-points  are  the  same;  the  first 
three  end  dates,  at  least,  are  the  same  in  the  Tonalamatl,  though 
not  in  the  year. 

3.  The  two  numbers  2b  and  4b  are  exactly  the  same. 

4.  The  first  three  numbers  are  each  divisible  without  a 
remainder  by  17,  the  interval  from  XIII  Akbal  to  IV  Ahau, 
which  was  true  also  of  the  1,268,540  in  the  second  column  on 
page  63,  although  only  this  last  number  has  anything  to  do 
with  these  important  days,  of  which  the  other  three  numbers 
are  independent. 

On  the  other  hand,  a  notable  difference  between  the  first 
serpent  and  the  other  three  is,  that  the  day  XI  Kan  is  the 
starting-point  of  the  first  and  IX  Kan  of  the  others.  There 
are,  however,  80  days  between  IX  Kan  and  XI  Kan.  Hence 
the  numbers  2a  and  lb  are  separated  from  each  other  by  66,640 
=  256  X  260  -f-  80,  although  they  have  the  same  end  III  Chic- 
chan. 

Further  it  is  to  be  noted  that  the  largest  of  the  eight  num¬ 
bers,  12,489,781,  is  separated  from  the  lowest,  12,388,121, 
i.e.,  the  black  number  from  the  red  one  of  the  first  serpent,  by 
only  101,660,  i.e.,  by  not  a  full  one  per  cent  of  the  entire  magni¬ 
tude.  101,660  =  5  X  18,980  -{-  26  X  260  or  391  X  260  or 
7820  X  13. 

It  is  to  be  noted  also  that  the  differences  between  the  black 
and  red  numbers  in  the  second  and  third  serpents  (60,021  and 
28,132)  are  divisible  by  13  (4617  X  13  and  2164  X  13). 
They  must  be,  since  all  six  numbers  refer  to  the  day  III. 

Finally  the  question  naturally  arises,  how  did  the  computer 
obtain  these  values,  i.e.,  how  was  the  whole  structure  built  up? 
On  page  63  we  found  a  136,864  (not  136,884)  set  down  in  strik- 


232 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


ingly  small  characters  and  crowded  between  the  other  numbers, 
which  would  remain  a  mystery  unless  one  assumed  that  it  was 
reserved  there  for  this  structure;  it  is  91  x  1504.  At  first  I 
thought  it  possible  that  this  136,864  had  been  again  multiplied 
by  91,  the  real  basal  number  of  this  section;  for  we  had  found  a 
second  power  once  before  (on  pages  46-50)  by  computation, 
viz: —  2  x  260  X  260.  The  result  of  multiplication  in  this  case 
would  be  12,454,624,  and  the  differences  between  the  eight 
numbers  in  the  serpents  would  be  as  follows: —  la  -)-  35,157, 
lb  —  66,503,  2a  +  137,  2b  and  4b  —  60,884,  3a  —  17,814, 
3b  -f-  12,318,  4a  —  165.  But  these  differences  are  doubtful, 
inasmuch  as  they  bear  no  relation  to  the  dates  beginning  and 
ending  the  serpent  numbers. 

On  the  other  hand,  another  number  contains  the  desired 
properties.  I  refer  to  the  12,412,920,  i.e.,  it  is  109  times  the 
so-called  Ahau- Katun  of  113,880  days,  and  I  believe  I  have 
found  that  the  Ahau-Katun  and  its  multiples  were  mostly  used 
in  the  formation  of  the  large  numbers.  In  the  following  table  I 
have  placed  this  number  beside  each  of  the  serpent  numbers, 
have  then  found  the  difference  between  the  two  and  have 
added  to  it  the  interval  between  the  first  and  last  day  of  each 
serpent  number: — 

la)  12,489,781  lb)  12,388,121 


12,412,920  12,412,920 


76,861  =  295  X  260  4- 1 61 

—  24,799  =  95  X  260  4-  99 

XI  Kan  —  III  Cliicchan  =  161 

III  Cliicchan — XI  Kan  =99. 

2  a) 

12,454,761 

2  b) 

12,394,740 

12,412,920 

12.412,920 

41,841  =160  X  260  4-241 

—  18,180  =  69  X  260  4-240 

IX  Kan  —  III  Cliicchan  =  241 

III  Kan  —  IX  Kan  =  240. 

3  a) 

12.438,810 

3  b) 

12,466,942 

12,412,920 

12,412.920 

25.890  =  99  X  260  4~  1  50 

54.022  =  207  X  260  4-  202 

IX  Kan  —  III  Ix  =  150. 

IX  Kan  — III  Cimi  =  202. 

4  a) 

12,454,459 

4  b)  = 

2b 

12.412.920 

41 .539  =  159  X  260  +  199 
IX  Kan  —XIII  Akbal  =  199. 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


233 


Where  the  serpent  number  is  less  than  12,412,920,  I  have 
had  to  place  the  last  day  before  the  initial  day. 

The  work  of  the  Indian  computer  was,  therefore,  as  follows: — 

He  took  the  days  for  granted.  First  he  determined  the 
differences  between  them;  then  he  added  to  each  difference  a 
multiple  of  260;  and  the  choice  of  the  multiple  seems  to  have 
been  quite  arbitrary.  The  number  thus  obtained  he  added  to 
1 2,412,920,  unless  it  was  the  smaller,  in  which  case  he  subtracted 
it  from  12,412,920,  and  the  result  he  wrote  down  in  the  ser¬ 
pents. 

We  shall  find  the  same  process,  only  somewhat  amplified, 
with  the  serpent  on  page  69. 

Are  the  seven  numbers  intended  to  denote  the  destruction 
of  the  seven  planets?  I  hope  this  question  will  be  answered  in 
the  near  future. 

There  now  remains  of  the  contents  of  these  pages  only  the 
two  columns  on  the  left  of  page  61,  which  we  will  now  examine 
and  at  the  same  time  compare  them  with  the  corresponding 
column  of  page  69,  the  upper  part  of  which  is  exactly  the  same, 
and  the  lower  very  nearly  so.  Each  column  consists  of  18  hiero¬ 
glyphs,  which  I  count  from  the  top  downward,  designating  those 
of  the  first  column  by  a  and  those  of  the  second  by  b. 

At  the  first  glance  these  double  columns  remind  one  of  the 
inscriptions  in  the  temples  and  on  the  stelae,  especially  of  their 
beginnings,  the  so-called  initial  series.  Here,  in  the  second 
column,  we  find  the  statement  of  the  usual  periods:  — 144,000, 
7200,  360,  20,  1,  but  in  the  first  column  we  find  faces  belonging 
to  them.  In  his  work  “The  Archaic  Maya  Inscriptions,”  1897, 
which,  on  the  whole,  contains  more  of  imagination  than  of 
science,  J.  T.  Goodman  unqualifiedly  declares  these  faces  to  be 
numbers  by  which  the  periods  indicated  beside  them  are  to  be 
multiplied,  and  this  theory  has  already  found  considerable  recog¬ 
nition;  we  will  therefore  try  to  follow  where  he  leads. 

la  and  lb  are  effaced  on  page  61;  they  probably  contained 
a  sort  of  superscription  as  on  the  inscriptions.  2a  is  effaced 
on  page  61,  but  the  sign  may  be  recognized  from  page  69  as  that 
with  which  on  page  46  the  series  of  the  twenty  deities  begins 
after  236  (4  X  59)  days.  On  pages  61  and  69  it  takes  the  place 


234 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


of  a  face,  to  which  I  am  inclined  to  assign  the  numerical  value 
4.  In  2b,  which  is  C’s  head,  I  am  inclined  to  look  for  the  value 
2,880,000  =  20  x  20  X  20  X  360  days,  which  is  not  at  all  inap¬ 
propriate  for  C,  as  the  sign  of  the  north  pole  around  which 
everything  revolves.  I  therefore  propose  to  read  2ab  as  4  X 
2,880,000  =  11,520,000.  3b,  it  seems  to  me,  resembles  the  sign 

for  144,000,  which  I  found  in  the  inscriptions  and  which  is 
repeated  in  12a.  It  must,  however,  be  left  undecided  by  what 
this  same  number  in  3a  is  to  be  multiplied;  3a  is  repeated  be¬ 
sides  in  8a  and  13b.  4a  contains  the  head  of  E,  and  4b  that  of 
the  Moan.  4a  seems  to  refer  to  5a,  and  4b  to  5b.  But  5a  and 
5b  are  the  same  sign,  which,  inserted  between  the  144,000  and 
the  7200,  can  scarcely  mean  anything  else  than  the  so-called 
Ahau-Katun  of  6  x  18,980  =  113,880  days.  Have  we  two 
such  periods  here?  Were  they  designated  by  consecutive  num¬ 
bers?  Now  comes  the  7200  in  6a,  and  the  number  8  with  E’s 
head  and  the  inserted  sign  for  360  days  in  6b  (on  page  69  with¬ 
out  E’s  head),  therefore  S  X  360  =  2S80.  Seler  also  thinks  7a 
has  the  numerical  value  16  (Einiges  mehr  iiber  die  Monu¬ 
ments  von  Copan,  etc.,  page  217);  7b  belongs  to  7a.  7b,  a 

Kin  with  a  1  and  a  suffix  and  a  leaf-shaped  prefix,  is  inserted 
between  the  360  and  20.  What  can  it  mean?  Hardly  the  260, 
for  this  is  represented  elsewhere  (e.  <?.,  page  24)  by  the  thirteenth 
month  Mac.  Or  can  it  possibly  refer  to  the  month  Yaxkin 
(days  120-140)? 

8b  is  a  Chuen  sign,  which,  with  its  prefix  (superfix  on  page 
69)  always  denotes  twenty  days  in  the  inscriptions.  It  is 
multiplied  with  the  same  unknown  head  in  8a,  which  we  have 
already  met  with  in  3a.  9a  contains  H’s  head,  and  9b  is  an 
unknown  head  with  inserted  Kin;  the  two  signs  must  of  neces¬ 
sity  indicate  the  single  days  still  to  be  added  to  the  period, 
though  as  yet  we  do  not  know  how. 

The  normal  date  IV  Ahau  8  C'umhu  then  follows  in  lOab. 
If  it  refers  to  the  signs  just  now  discussed,  then  they  must  de¬ 
note  a  number  of  about  the  same  magnitude  as  the  serpent  num¬ 
bers.  653  or  654  times  18,980  seems  to  suggest  itself,  but  we 
shall  have  more  to  say  later  on  this  subject.  My  efforts  to 
reach  a  definite  result  here  have  failed. 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


235 


Nor  does  the  lower  part  of  the  two  columns  lead  me  to  the 
desired  goal.  As  it  seems  to  consist  of  several  groups,  I  will 
first  combine  llab  and  12ab.  I  look  upon  11a  as  denoting 
20,  and  with  regard  to  lib  I  have  already  expressed  the  surmise 
in  the  Zeitschrift  fur  Ethnologie  XXIII,  page  153,  that  it  may 
mean  8760  =  24  X  365,  i.  e.,  three  Venus-solar  periods.  That 
would  be  20  X  8760  =  480  X  365  =  175,200.  The  Moan  in 
12a  may  have  the  value  13,  for  this  number  is  so  often  combined 
with  the  Moan.  As  we  saw  under  page  51,  12b  is  =  18,980; 
13  X  18,980  =  246,740.  Accordingly  the  four  signs  taken  to¬ 
gether  may  mean  421,940  =  1156  X  365. 

The  second  group,  from  13a  to  15b,  refers,  on  the  other  hand, 
to  the  year  of  360  days.  First  13a  =  144,000,  having  in  13b 
the  unknown  multiplier,  which  we  have  already  seen  in  3a  and 
8a.  Then  follows  in  14a,  15  X  7200  =  108,000;  in  14b,  9  X  360 
=  3240;  in  15a,  a  20  with  a  prefixed  1  (21?);  and  in  15b,  three 
days.  It  would  be  more  correct  to  place  the  1  beside  the  follow¬ 
ing  3.  The  whole  sum  would  then  end  with  the  number  4, 
which  would  agree  with  the  day  Kan,  the  date  specified  below. 

In  the  third  group  the  16a  =  19  X  18,980  =  360,620,  re¬ 
mains  a  mystery;  an  empty  outline  of  a  sign  is  added  in  16b. 

17ab  also  forms  a  group  by  itself.  17a  contains  a  sign, 
which  rather  suggests  the  Bacab,  upon  whose  period  of  91  days 
the  series  belonging  here  is  based.  The  Imix  in  17b  with  a  super¬ 
fix  is  still  unintelligible. 

The  columns  end  in  18  with  the  date  IX  Kan  XII  Kayab, 
the  starting-point  of  the  serpent  numbers. 

Pages  65  —  69. 

I  think  it  very  likely  that  this  section  bears  the  same  relation 
to  pages  61-64  as  pages  46-50  do  to  24  and  as  53-58  to  51-52. 
For  here,  too,  a  period  of  time  forming  the  basis  of  the  earlier 
section  seems  to  be  divided  into  smaller  parts.  On  page  64  we 
recognize  as  the  basis  of  the  series  the  number  91,  the  quarter  of 
the  ritual  year  of  364  days;  here  we  have  to  do  with  the  four¬ 
fold  division  of  91  into  13  unequal  parts.  And  the  real  starting- 
points  on  these  pages,  as  on  the  previous  ones,  are  the  days  III 
Chicchan  and  XIII  Akbal. 


236 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


The  four  series  of  numbers,  the  top  one  of  which  I  have 
probably  correctly  restored  from  what  still  remains,  are  as 
follows: — 

9  XII,  5  IV,  1  V,  10  II,  6  VIII,  2  X,  11  VIII,  7  II,  3  V,  12  IV, 
8  XII,  4  III,  13  III. 

]  1  I,  13  I,  1 1  XII,  1  XIII,  8  VIII,  6  I,  4  V,  2  VII,  13  VII,  6  XIII, 
6  VI,  8  I,  2  III. 

1 1  XI,  13  XI,  1 1  IX,  1  X,  8  V,  6  XI,  4  II,  2  IV.  13  IV,  6  X, 
6  III,  8  XI,  2  XIII. 

9  IX,  5  I,  1  II,  10  XII,  6  V.  2  VII,  11  V,  7  XII,  3  II.  12  I,  8  IX, 
4  XIII,  13  XIII. 

The  first  two  lines,  forming  together  a  single  period  of  182 
days,  refer  to  a  day  III,  as  we  see  by  the  ending,  and  the  last 
two  to  XIII,  which  undoubtedly  refers  to  the  III  Chicchan  and 
XIII  Akbal,  the  days  so  significant  in  the  preceding  section. 
Hence  an  interval  of  218  days  (III  Chicchan  to  XIII  Akbal)  is 
to  be  assumed  between  the  second  and  third  lines,  with  the 
addition  of  which  interval  each  of  the  two  periods  extends  over 
400  days. 

The  first  and  fourth  series  have  the  same  difference;  and  the 
second  and  third  correspond  with  one  another  in  this  respect.  In 
the  first  and  fourth  the  differences  follow  a  rule,  viz: — as  if  one 
were  walking  in  a  ring  having  on  its  edge  the  numbers  1  to  13, 
and  kept  stepping  backward  four  numbers.  The  differences 
of  the  second  and  third  series  apparently  do  not  follow  any  rule. 
Hence  I  think  that  the  fourth  series  follows  the  third  by  mistake 
and  ought  rightfully  to  precede  it.  Only  the  fifth  member  in  the 
first  and  second  series  has  the  same  day  VIII  and  the  day  V  in 
the  third  and  forth  series,  otherwise  the  week-days  of  each  series 
differ  from  those  of  the  others. 

As  I  regard  III  Chicchan  and  XIII  Akbal  as  unquestionably 
the  starting-points,  I  will  here  give  a  table  of  the  days  on  which 
each  of  the  twenty-six  members  of  each  series  must  fall  and  at 
the  same  time  I  will  indicate  for  each  day  its  number  from  the 
beginning  of  the  series.  Accordingly  the  first  182  days  present 
the  following  appearance: — 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


237 


Ill 

2. 

1. 

9. 

XII  lx 

14. 

102. 

I  Manik 

2. 

14. 

IV  Cauac 

15. 

115. 

I  Ahau 

3. 

15. 

V  Ahau 

16. 

126. 

XII  Chuen 

4. 

25. 

II  Oc 

17. 

127. 

XIII  Eb. 

5. 

31. 

VIII  Cib 

18. 

135. 

VIII  Ahau 

6. 

33. 

X  Eznab 

19. 

141. 

I  Cimi 

7. 

44. 

VIII  Muluc 

20. 

145. 

V  Oc 

8. 

51. 

II  Cib 

21. 

147. 

VII  Eb 

9. 

54. 

V  Cauac 

22. 

160. 

VII  Chicchan 

10. 

66. 

IV  Chuen 

23. 

166. 

XIII  Chuen 

11. 

74. 

XII  Cauac 

24. 

172. 

V  Caban 

12. 

78. 

III  Akbal 

25. 

180. 

I  Chicchan 

13. 

91. 

III  Cib 

26. 

182. 

III  Manik 

In  the  same  way  I  will  tabulate  the  second  group  of  182 
days,  but  in  this  case  I  shall  place  the  fourth  line  before  the 
third,  which  is  probably  correct,  and  which  shows  for  the  first 
time  parallelism  of  the  two  rows: — 


XIII  20. 


1. 

9. 

IX  Eb 

14. 

102. 

XI  Chicchan 

2. 

14. 

I  Caban 

15. 

115. 

XI  Ezanab 

3. 

15. 

II  Ezanab 

16. 

126. 

IX  Muluc 

4. 

25. 

XII  Lamat 

17. 

127. 

X  Oc 

5. 

31. 

V  lx 

18. 

135. 

V  Ezanab 

6. 

33. 

VII  Cib 

19. 

141. 

XI  Kan 

7. 

44. 

V  Manik 

20. 

145. 

II  Lamat 

8. 

51. 

XII  lx 

21. 

147. 

IV  Oc 

9. 

54. 

II  Caban 

22. 

160. 

IV  Akbal 

10. 

66. 

I  Muluc 

23. 

166. 

X  Muluc 

11. 

74. 

IX  Caban 

24. 

172. 

III  Men 

12. 

78. 

XIII  Imix 

25. 

180. 

XI  Akbal 

13. 

91. 

XIII  lx 

26. 

182. 

XIII  Chicchan 

It  would  be  very  essential  now  to  know  what  place  these 
days  occupy  in  the  year,  and  what  year  is  meant;  the  answer  to 
one  of  these  questions  would  at  the  same  time  solve  the  other. 

Now  I  think  I  come  nearer  to  the  solution  of  this  problem  by 
assuming  that  the  pictures  and  hieroglyphs  refer  here  only  to 


238 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


the  more  important  of  the  two  days,  XIII  Akbal,  and  that  III 
Chicchan  is  represented  only  by  the  numbers  of  the  series. 
Thus  both  the  pictures  and  the  hieroglyphs  of  the  two  sections 
connect  without  the  interval  of  218  days,  which  must  be  as¬ 
sumed  in  the  case  of  the  numbers. 

Here,  as  is  usually  the  case  of  series,  we  have  to  begin  at  the 
bottom.  Now  the  first  group  of  the  lower  half  of  page  65  con¬ 
tains  the  sign  9  Kan.  If,  as  it  seems,  this  actually  denotes  the 
year,  then  the  day  XIII  Akbal  must  be  the  first  of  the  eleventh 
month,  i.  e.,  the  201st  day  of  the  year.  Hence  I  will  again  set 
down  the  twenty-six  dates,  but  add  to  them  the  position  in  the 
year. 


0. 

XIII  Akbal  1  Zac  (9  Kan) 

14. 

1 02.  XI  Chicchan  3  Pax 

1. 

9. 

IX  Eh  10  Zac 

15. 

115.  XI  Ezanab  16  Pax 

2. 

14. 

I  Caban  15  Zac 

16. 

126.  IX  Muluc  7  Kavab 

3. 

15. 

II  Ezanab  16  Zac 

17. 

127.  X  Oc  8  Kayab 

4. 

25. 

XII  Lamat  6  Cell 

18. 

135.  V  Ezanab  16  Kayab 

5. 

31. 

V  lx  12  Cell 

19. 

141.  XI  Kan2Cumhu 

fi. 

33. 

VII  Cib  14  Ceh 

20. 

145.  II  Lamat  6  Cumhu 

- 

44. 

V  Manik  5  Mac 

21. 

147.  IV  Oc  8  Cumhu 

s. 

51. 

XII  lx  12  Mac 

22. 

160.  IV  Akbal  21  Cumhu 

0. 

54. 

II  Caban  15  Mac 

23. 

166.  X  Muluc  2  Pop  (10  Muluc) 

10. 

66. 

I  Muluc  7  Kankin 

24. 

172.  Ill  Men  8  Pop 

11. 

74. 

IX  Caban  15  Kankin 

2.5. 

ISO.  XI  Akbal  16  Pop 

12. 

7S. 

XIII  Imix  19  Kankin 

26. 

182.  XIII  Chicchan  18  Pop 

13. 

91. 

XIII  lx  12  Muan 

Let 

us  now  prove  the  correctne? 

s  of  my  theory  by  an  exam- 

ination  of  groups  22  and  23.  In  22  the  160th  day  of  this  period, 
the  361st  day  of  the  year  is  reached,  i.e.,  the  first  of  the  five 
Uaveyab  days.  The  year  9  Kan  is  ended  and  the  year  10  Mu- 
luc  is  not  yet  reached.  In  the  corresponding  picture  we  see  B 
occupied  in  conveying  in  a  bag  the  image  of  God  K  to  whom  be¬ 
longs  the  next  year.  B  is  armed  with  the  official  staff  and  the 
bag  also  contains  water  (rain).  In  the  23d  group  the  166th  day 
has  passed  and  the  second  of  the  year  10  Muluc  is  reached, 
which  gives  the  name  to  this  year.  The  first  hieroglyph  shows 
two  personages  sitting  back  to  back.  This  representation  is  re¬ 
peated  on  a  larger  scale  below  in  the  Janus  picture  of  B  who  is 
sitting  on  signs  of  planets.  The  second  hieroglyph,  with  equal 
fitness,  represents  a  clamp,  which  is  intended  for  fastening  two 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


239 


objects  together,  and  which  is  repeated  twice  over  the  Janus 
picture,  black  in  one  case  and  white  in  the  other.  Rain  is  pour¬ 
ing  over  the  second  half  of  the  picture,  for  it  has  long  been  known 
that  Muluc  and  rain  belong  together,  and  in  our  examination 
of  page  7a  we  saw  that  K  is  the  ruler  of  the  day  Muluc  (6). 

Now,  before  I  begin  the  examination  of  the  separate  pictures 
and  the  groups  of  six  hieroglyphs  belonging  to  each  picture, 
I  wish  to  mention  three  things  which  are  often  repeated  here. 

First,  B’s  picture,  which  appears  in  all  the  twenty-six  pict¬ 
ures  with  the  exception  of  20,  24  and  25,  and  represents  the 
god  in  the  most  varied  positions  and  activities.  These  pictures 
are  very  similar  to  those  on  pages  29-46  and  we  shall  therefore 
make  frequent  reference  to  the  section  there  represented. 

Second,  the  first  hieroglyph  in  groups  1  to  13,  strange  to 
say,  is  not  found  in  the  second  half.  It  is  hieroglyph  /,  which 
appears  in  exactly  the  same  way  in  close  combination  with  B 
in  two  sections,  which  differ  from  each  other  but  are  placed 
side  by  side  on  pages  30e-39c.  In  the  present  passage  it  has  a 
distinct  prefix  resembling  the  beak  of  a  bird  or  tortoise,  but 
in  the  former  passage  it  has  rather  a  stunted  appearance.  It 
seems  to  refer  to  the  eagle  in  B’s  hands  in  group  13. 

Third,  the  head  with  no  underjaw,  which  is  the  sixth  hiero¬ 
glyph  in  groups  1  to  13,  but  does  not  occur  in  groups  14  to  26. 
It  is  repeated  in  a  very  similar  fashion  in  the  last  hieroglyph 
but  one  on  page  23b.  I  propose  to  attribute  to  it  the  meaning 
of  fasting. 

Now  for  the  single  groups: — 

1.  B  is  seated  rowing  in  a  boat,  as  he  is  represented  also  on 
pages  29c,  36b,  40c  and  43c.  A  creature  is  swimming  beneath 
him,  which  may  be  a  crocodile.  The  fifth  hieroglyph  is  the 
important  9  Kan  already  discussed,  the  fourth  is  a  and  the 
second  the  cross  b  combined  with  Caban.  The  day  is  the  210th 
of  the  year. 

2.  B  is  walking  with  the  atlatl  in  his  hand,  and  armed  with 

javelins.  Hieroglyph  5,  Manik,  denotes  the  chase,  but  has  a 
prefix,  which  often  seems  to  have  the  meaning  of  20.  2  is  the 

elongated  head  q  with  the  prefix  of  the  east  belonging  to  the  Kan 
years.  4  is  a  Moan  sign  ( c )  with  the  leaf-shaped  prefix.  Does 


240 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


this  perhaps  denote  the  slaying  of  game  in  the  forest?  It  is  re¬ 
markable  that  B’s  feet  are  hidden,  as  if  he  were  walking  in  sand 
or  in  a  bog. 

3.  B  is  walking,  carrying  a  large  stick  like  that  for  tilling 
the  field,  as  on  pages  38b  and  39b,  and  he  bears  a  carrying- 
frame;  there  are  footprints  below  him.  Hieroglyph  2  is  the 
compound  of  the  signs  for  south  and  east,  4  (r)  may  denote  rain, 
and  5  is  two  elongated  heads  with  an  unknown  prefix. 

4.  B,  is  seated  on  astronomical  signs  as  on  page  37c. 
The  copal  pouch  is  hanging  from  his  neck  and  he  is  brandish¬ 
ing  his  hatchet.  Sign  2  is  b,  4  is  a  and  5  is  r,  but  all  three 
signs  have  unusual  prefixes;  the  first  of  these  prefixes  appears 
again  in  the  tenth  group,  41  days  later. 

5.  B  is  seated  on  a  head,  probably  that  of  D,  which,  how¬ 
ever,  is  peculiar  owing  to  the  ornaments  resembling  bunches  of 
grapes  in  place  of  both  the  eye  and  the  ear  (compare  pages  39c 
and  41a).  I  do  not  venture  to  decide  what  he  holds  in  his  hand 
nor  what  are  the  other  objects  which  he  carries.  Sign  2  is  r 
with  a  prefix,  4  is  Imix  perhaps  with  a  knife  as  a  prefix,  5  is  the 
skeleton  -which  sometimes  belongs  to  the  lightning  beast,  but 
also  to  the  14th  month;  its  prefix  is  unknown. 

6.  B  is  seated  on  a  support,  which  contains  two  cross-bones; 
down  to  which  he  points  with  his  right  hand,  while  his  left  hand 
holds  the  hatchet  on  his  knee.  Sign  2  is  the  crouching  naked 
personage,  with  the  cross  b  prefixed,  4  is  the  elongated  head 
with  a  prefixed  Yax,  and  5  is  Kan  with  a  vessel  as  a  prefix 
(instead  of  Imix)  from  w^hich  steam  or  froth  is  rising.  The 
day  is  the  234th  of  the  year,  i.e.,  the  end  of  a  week  of  18  X  13 
days. 

7.  B  is  sitting  on  a  tree  at  the  root  of  which  his  own  head 
appears  (compare  with  this  the  representations  on  pages  31c, 
33c,  and  especially  40a,  and  also  41b  and  42b).  The  second  sign 
is  Yax  with  a  prefix;  4  is  Kin  within  which  there  is  a  1,  as  is 
several  times  the  case,  for  example,  on  pages  61  and  69.  The 
fifth  sign  is  still  a  mystery  to  me.  The  day  here  is  Y  Manik.  Do 
the  hieroglyphs  suggest  that  the  interval  from  the  day  IX  Kan, 
which  gives  the  name  to  the  year,  to  V  Manik  is  exact!}'  the  same 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


241 


as  that  from  the  normal  date  IVAhau  to  the  true  starting-point 
of  our  passage,  the  day  XIII  Akbal?  Both  intervals  are  243. 

8.  B  is  seated  in  a  house,  on  the  roof,  wall  and  floor  of  which 
are  several  Caban  signs,  just  as  on  page  30a;  he  seems  to  be 
pointing  forward.  Sign  2  is  Caban  with  a  prefix,  the  4th  and 
also  the  5th  is  Kan  with  two  unusual  prefixes. 

9.  Water  is  pictured  at  the  bottom  of  this  picture,  and  in 

it  are  a  fish,  a  mussel  and  a  snail  (possibly  page  37b  may  be 
compared  with  this).  There  seems  to  be  a  suggestion  of  foot¬ 
prints  on  the  margin  of  the  wrater,  back  of  which  B  is  walking, 
his  legs  hidden  as  far  as  the  knees.  He  holds  the  hatchet  up¬ 
lifted  in  his  left  hand  and  his  right  holds  what  may  be  a  long¬ 
stemmed  aquatic  plant  (compare  page  42b).  Sign  2  is  composed 
of  b,  Imix,  the  mouth  and  nose  of  C  and  the  object  which  ap¬ 
parently  is  a  beak,  previously  met  with  in  sign  1.  4  is  Kan- 

Imix,  and  5  is  Kan  with  prefix  and  suffix. 

10.  B  is  seated  in  an  expectant  attitude,  his  hands  resting 
on  his  knees.  We  see  a  very  similar  representation  of  him  on 
page  38a,  where  he  faces  himself,  and  in  general  the  remaining 
pictures  of  that  passage  furnish  a  striking  parallel  to  the  present 
one.  Sign  2  is  a  head  (E’s?)  with  a  call  seemingly  issuing  from 
its  mouth.  4  is  the  elongated  head  q  with  the  Ben-Ik  superfix 
and  an  unusual  prefix,  which  we  found  on  page  66c  prefixed  to 
the  cross  b;  5  is  Kan  with  the  same  prefix,  which  I  regarded  as 
denoting  a  call  in  sign  2,  and  which  is  probably  answered  here 
by  an  affirmative  cry. 

11.  The  expectation  has  been  fulfilled.  B  is  seated  on  a 

mat  holding  a  woman  in  the  same  position  as  on  page  38a. 
Sign  2  is  the  cross  b  with  the  prefixed  beak  as  in  1,  and  also 
with  another  prefix,  which  seems  sometimes  to  denote  the  num¬ 
ber  20.  4  is  exactly  the  same  Kin  with  1  and  the  leaf-shaped 

prefix,  which  occurred  in  the  same  place  with  the  seventh  picture. 
5  contains  the  sign  for  73  days;  a  new  period  of  this  length  begins 
here  on  the  74th  day. 

12.  As  in  the  parallel  passage  on  page  38  B  seems  to  be 

offering  a  Kan,  so  here  his  gift  consists  of  a  kind  of  wreath,  like 
the  one  in  the  fifth  picture;  he  is  seated  on  astronomical  signs, 
which  contain  the  cross  b  twice  as  does  also  hieroglyph  2.  4  is 

iv  16 


242 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


Kin-Akbal,  and  5  is  a  Kan  with  the  prefix  which  generally  be¬ 
longs  to  the  south  as  a  superfix. 

13.  B  is  seated  on  the  elongated  head  q  with  a  superfix  and 
a  prefix,  exactly  as  on  pages  37c  and  40a,  and  this  sign  is  re¬ 
peated  in  the  hieroglyphs  (in  2)  just  as  it  is  in  the  two  former 
places.  He  holds  the  eagle  on  his  lap  and  we  see  him  connected 
with  the  same  bird  in  a  different  way  on  page  43c.  Is  B 
represented  here  as  the  preventer  of  evil?  Hieroglyph  4  is  a, 
while  5  is  Kan,  apparently  with  the  sign  of  the  south  as  a  prefix. 
A  Bacab  period  of  91  days  ends  here.  We  come  now  to  the 
upper  series  of  pictures. 

14.  B  is  walking  in  the  rain,  with  the  copal  pouch  around 
his  neck  and  the  hatchet  uplifted  in  his  left  hand.  An  un¬ 
known  object  ,  possibly  held  in  his  right  hand,  is  hanging  in  front 
of  his  legs.  Hieroglyphs  1  and  3  are  effaced,  2  is  indistinct,  5 
seems  to  be  a  Xul  (end,  close)  and  6  is  E’s  head. 

15.  B  is  walking,  brandishing  the  hatchet  in  his  left  hand, 
and  holding  in  his  right  an  object  resembling  a  cornucopia  filled 
with  fruit;  below  this  hangs  what  appears  to  be  a  flower.  The 
god  wears  the  copal  pouch.  Hieroglyph  1  is  a  hand  holding 
K’s  head;  it  is  curious  that  this  sign  should  also  occur  in  the 
next  group  as  an  indication  of  the  approaching  Muluc  year.  3 
is  a  sign  still  undetermined ;  but  the  prefix  is  the  crouching  naked 
personage  with  dots  suggesting  stars  around  its  head.  I  have 
often  thought  that  similar  figures  represented  Mercury;  it  is  re¬ 
markable  that  exactly  the  115th  day  of  this  section  is  reached 
here,  corresponding  with  the  apparent  revolution  of  Mercury 
=  115  days.  Similarly  sign  2  invites  computation;  it  is  a  face 
resembling  an  Ahau  sign,  with  a  3  as  a  superfix  and  a  9  as  a 
prefix;  compare  the  other  places  containing  the  same  face, 
with  33c.  After  the  fashion  of  the  inscriptions  this  would  denote 
9  -f-  3  X  20  =  69,  which  by  the  way  is  three  fifths  of  the 
Mercury  revolution.  5  is  a  compound  of  Akbal  and  Imix  and 
6  a  compound  of  a  Moan  sign  (c)  with  a. 

16.  B  is  in  a  half  sitting  position  and  holds  a  strange  object 
before  himself.  On  top  of  his  own  head  is  K’s,  which  is  re¬ 
peated  in  sign  2.  I  do  not  know  how  to  explain  1,  unless  it  is  the 
bat-god;  3  is  a  Xul  =  end  (but  of  what?)  combined  with  Imix, 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


243 

.  Si  £ 

and  5  is  the  usual  Kan-Imix.  6  is  a  Kin  with  an  8  back  of  it 
(as  36b,  37b,  67a,  68a)  and  over  it  is  a  hand  pointing  to  the 
right,  just  like  those  in  groups  20  and  25.  This  looks  as  if 
we  ought  to  count  forward  8  days,  but  what  can  be  the  purpose 
of  doing  so? 

17.  B  is  walking  armed  with  spear  and  shield.  Sign  1  is 
b,  2  the  face  resembling  an  Ahau,  which  occupied  the  second 
place  in  group  15,  3  is  probably  Xul  again,  but  with  an  effaced 
prefix;  of  5  also  only  an  Imix  remains;  while  6  is  the  usual  com¬ 
pound  of  Muluc-Caban. 

18.  We  have  now  reached  the  day  16  Kayab,  a  day  very 
close  to  the  day  18  Kayab,  which  on  page  24  we  recognized  as 
an  especially  important  day,  while  in  my  article  ‘  ‘  Zur  Entziff- 
erung  III”  I  regarded  it  as  the  day  of  the  summer  solstice. 
Computed  from  the  normal  date  IV  Ahau  8  Cumhu  it  may  also 
have  denoted  the  end  of  a  lunar  year,  as  on  pages  51-58  where 
it  is  the  basis  of  the  series.  The  picture  here  agrees  with  this. 
B  is  sitting  in  the  pouring  rain  of  the  rainy  season  and  gazing 
upward  at  the  planets,  as  on  page  36c  and  particularly  on  39c; 
the  sun  and  moon  are  also  represented,  but  below  the  planets. 
The  hieroglyphs  likewise  contain  the  sun  and  moon  in  1  and  2, 
in  3,  Ahau  and  Xul  with  a  prefix,  as  if  this  were  the  end  of  the 
increase  of  the  sun’s  power;  5  is  Kin-Akbal,  day  and  night,  and 
6  is  Caban  with  the  cross  b. 

19.  B  is  walking  armed  with  hatchet  and  shield.  He 

holds  a  serpent  in  his  hand  as  on  page  40c,  but  here  with  the 
head  downward.  Hieroglyphs  1  and  2  are  destroyed,  3  is  the 
cross  b  with  a  suffix  and  the  horse-shoe  prefix  e,  known  to  us 
from  pages  5  and  6.  5  is  Imix  combined  with  Chuen  and 

probably  with  Yax,  and  6  is  E’s  head. 

20.  This  is  the  old  red  woman  with  the  tiger  claws,  whom 
we  saw  on  pages  39b  and  43b  and  shall  see  again  on  page  74; 
she  reinforces  the  water  falling  from  the  planets  by  pouring  a 
stream  from  her  jug.  The  first  three  hieroglyphs  are  effaced,  4 
is  the  elongated  head  q,  5  is  Kin-Akbal,  6,  as  in  group  16,  is 
again  the  enigmatical  8  with  a  hand  pointing  to  the  right. 

21.  B  is  walking  and  bears  pouch,  spear  and  shield.  Hiero- 


244 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


glyph  1  is  a  hand  holding  the  sign  of  the  rising  Moan,  just  as  in 
15  a  hand  holds  the  head  of  K;  2  is  again  Iv,  whose  sign  is  prob¬ 
ably  effaced  several  times  in  the  last  groups  of  this  series.  3 
is  E  with  the  sign  of  the  east;  5  is  compounded  of  Imix,  Chuen 
and  b,  and  6  is  Kin  with  the  sign  of  the  north.  Here  the  day 
of  the  normal  date  is1  reached,  but  this  may  be  significant  only 
for  the  year  9  lx. 

22.  We  come  now  to  the  representation  of  the  change  of 
the  year,  which  we  have  already  mentioned.  Hieroglyph  1  is 
curious,  consisting  of  the  moon  with  a  stripe  running  around  it 
like  a  strap;  3  and  5  are  not  clear  to  me  and  are  doubtless  closely 
connected  with  one  another;  3  also  contains  a  trace  of  K  and 
is  perhaps  a  determinative  of  the  same.  6  is  again  E,  and 
suggests  the  tilling  of  the  fields. 

23.  This  picture  as  well  as  the  first  two  hieroglyphs  have 
already  been  discussed  above.  The  crouching  personage,  re¬ 
peated  again  in  3  as  a  prefix  to  the  cross  b,  is  curious.  5  is 
again  E  and  6  is  Imix,  referring  to  grain  and  honey. 

24.  The  picture  and  three  of  the  hieroglyphs  plainly  cor¬ 
respond.  The  grain  deity  E  holds  food  and  drink  in  his  hand. 
Rain  is  pouring  from  the  planets,  and  the  wind-beast  plunges 
down,  as  on  pages  44  and  45.  Sign  3  is  E’s  hieroglyph,  6  is  Kan- 
Imix  and  2  is  the  wind-beast.  B  is  superfluously  added  in  4 
and  the  same  is  true  of  the  cross  b  in  1,  while  Kin-Akbal  in  5 
seems  to  fit  almost  everywhere.  Pages  29a,  30a  and  45c  show 
the  lightning-beast  in  a  different  form. 

25.  As  is  usually  the  case,  rain  is  pouring  from  the  stars 
and  below  them  are  the  sun  and  moon  as  before.  This  time 
C  is  sitting  in  the  rain,  clad  in  the  gala  mantle  and  holding  Kan. 
Hieroglyphs  1,  2  and  4,  the  latter  apparently  representing  C, 
are  effaced.  The  other  three  are  enigmatical,  3  is  again  Xul 
with  a  prefixed  9,  5  a  Caban,  but  with  an  unintelligible  prefix, 
and  6  is  again  the  mysterious  8. 

26.  B  is  sitting  on  a  tree  or  sacrificial  stone,  which  is  colored 
half  blue  and  half  red,  and  may  denote  the  ceasing  of  the  rainy 
season;  he  is  brandishing  his  hatchet.  Hieroglyphs  1,  2  and  3 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


245 


are  effaced;  4  is  B’s  sign,  5  might  be  Xul  and  6  is  a  with  c  added 
and  thus  referring  to  the  Moan.  And  here  the  half  of  the  ritual 
year  ends  with  the- 182nd  day,  which  is  XIII  Chicchan  18  Pop 
(10  Muluc);  and  it  is  left  to  the  reader  to  imagine  or  to  find 
hieroglyphs  and  pictures  for  the  other  two  series  of  numeral 
signs. 

I  am  troubled  about  the  five  naked  crouching  figures  of  this 
section,  which  I  am  inclined  to  regard  as  the  sign  for  Mercury 
with  it's  apparent  revolution  of  115  days,  which,  however,  seems 
sometimes  (as  on  pages  54,  56  and  58  in  the  upper  sections)  to 
be  raised  to  the  value  of  half  a  Tonalamatl  =  130  days.  This 
may  be  explained  by  the  fact  that  it  is  difficult  to  determine 
exactly  the  length  of  the  revolution  of  Mercury.  In  group  15 
this  figure  appears  exactly  on  the  115th  day  of  this  section,  but 
in  group  6  on  the  234th  day  of  the  year,  i.  e.,  approximately 
at  the  expiration  of  two  Mercury  periods  after  the  beginning 
of  the  year.  But  now  for  group  23.  Here  there  are  three  of 
these  crouching  figures.  The  two  upper  ones  leaning  back  to 
back  must  serve  the  purpose  of  indicating  the  change  in  the 
year.  But  they  woidd  hardly  do  so,  if  the  third  personage 
were  not  added,  which  may  indicate  that  the  solar  year  con¬ 
sists  approximately  of  three  Mercury  periods.  I  look  upon 
this  view  of  the  matter  merely  as  the  first  attempt  at  an  ex¬ 
planation. 

Pages  69  —  73. 

The  chief  subject  of  the  last  great  section  of  this  Manuscript 
is  two  of  the  usual  series,  from  which  large  numbers  are  de¬ 
veloped  in  the  usual  way  and  the  largest  of  all  is  finally  recorded 
in  a  serpent.  This  section  thus  forms  a  parallel  to  the  contents 
of  pages  61-64,  but  is  somewhat  more  composite. 

Before  I  begin  the  discussion  of  these  series,  I  wish  to  ex¬ 
amine  two  passages,  which  I  think  are  not  connected  with  these 
series,  but  are  independent,  like  the  instance  on  pages  51-58, 
where  the  hieroglyphs  were  found  to  be  quite  independent  of 
the  numerals.  The  Mayas  took  advantage  of  space  wherever  it 
presented  itself,  which  is  admissible  in  ideographic  writing. 

The  first  of  these  two  passages  is  at  the  top  of  pages  71-73. 


246 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


Here  there  are  four  horizontal  rows  of  twelve  hieroglyphs  each. 
Since,  however,  the  top  row  is  entirely  effaced  and  none  of  the 
other  three  are  perfectly  preserved,  it  is  quite  impossible  at 
present  to  judge  of  the  interconnection  of  the  whole.  But  1 
must  point  out  a  certain  resemblance  to  the  passage  on  pages 
44b-45b,  where  a  period  of  78  days  is  considered  with  reference 
to  the  wind-deities.  The  first  and  sixth  columns  of  pages  71-72 
likewise  contain  the  signs  for  wind  and  the  pierced  ears.  The 
fact  that  the  Bacab  sign  occurs  in  the  eighth  column,  and  in  no 
other,  must  attract 'attention;  if  we  knew  it  to  be  effaced  in  the 
first  column,  then  each  column  might  refer  to  13  days,  though 
12  x  13,  it  is  true,  does  not  form  a  natural  whole.  C’s  sign  is 
the  only  hieroglyph  of  a  god  to  be  found  in  both  passages. 
E  also  occurs  on  pages  44b-45b  and  may  be  one  of  the  effaced 
signs  on  pages  71-72.  There  is  no  trace  left  of  the  others. 
The  fact  that  some  hieroglyphs  occur  in  both  the  passages 
referred  to  proves  nothing  with  regard  to  signs  in  frequent  use 
and  I  can  find  no  cases  of  correspondence  among  those  occurring 
more  rarely.  Hence  this  passage  must  be  left  for  the  present 
as  an  almost  complete  mystery. 

I  have  discussed  the  second  passage  in  detail  in  my  article 
“  Zur  Entzifferung  der  Mayahandschriften  V,”  of  the  year 
1895,  and  from  it  I  will  borrow  the  following.  This  second 
passage  fills  the  middle  and  lower  thirds  of  pages  71-73,  occupy¬ 
ing  the  same  space  as  the  first  passage  in  the  upper  third,  and 
offering  far  more  reliable  material  than  the  latter. 

That  these  hieroglyphs  are  not  connected  with  the  numerals 
above  and  below,  can  be  deduced  from  the  fact  that  the  numbers 
follow  one  another  from  right  to  left  and  the  hieroglyphs  in  the 
reversed  order.  This  is  proved  by  the  hand  pointing  to  the 
right,  which  occurs  here  at  least  eight  times  like  the  one  oc¬ 
curring  twenty  times  on  pages  46-50. 

But  the  scribe,  misled  by  the  direction  of  the  numeral 
series,  began  on  page  71  to  write  the  first  of  these  hieroglyphs 
from  the  right  instead  of  from  the  left,  but  after  the  first  four 
groups  he  corrected  his  mistake.  Hence  I  read  the  groups  of 
three  hieroglyphs  each,  in  the  following  order: — 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


247 


Page  71  Page  72.  Page  73. 

2  1  5  6  7  8  9  10  11  |  19  20  21  22  23 

43  12  13  14  15  16  17  18  |  24  25  26  27  28 

The  number  28  shows  that  we  have  to  do  here  with  28  weeks 
of  13  days  each,  i.e.,  with  a  ritual  year  of  364  days,  as  was  the 
case  on  pages  31-32,  63-64  and  65-69.  This  year,  however, 

is  divided  into  four  parts  of  7  X  13  =  91  days,  i.e.,  into  four 

so-called  Bacab  periods.  This  is  very  plainly  indicated  here, 
for  groups  4, 11, 18  and  25,  i.e.,  those  separated  by  seven  groups 
each,  are  exactly  alike,  but  in  group  4b  (I  will  designate  the 
three  hieroglyphs  of  each  group  from  top  to  bottom  by  a,  b  and 
c)  there  is  a  prefixed  4  which  refers  to  the  four  Bacabs  as  does 
the  same  4  prefixed  to  the  Bacab  sign  at  the  top  of  page  72. 

Now  the  question  arises  as  to  when  this  ritual  year  began. 
Undoubtedly  its  beginning  day  was  very  different  from  that  of 
the  civil  year  (360  days)  and  from  that  of  the  astronomical 
year  (365  days). 

In  this  matter  I  follow  Mrs.  Zelia  Nuttall,  who  has  rendered 
such  estimable  service  to  Aztec  science.  At  the  Congress  of 
Americanists  at  Stockholm  in  1894,  she  submitted  an  article 
entitled  ‘  ‘  Note  on  the  Ancient  Mexican  Calendar  System,  ’  ’  in 
which  with  keen  discernment  she  pointed  out  a  year  beginning 
with  the  spring  equinox  and  including  in  its  centre  the  sacred 
Tonalamatl,  i.e.,  260  days,  which  were  preceded  and  followed 
by  52  days.  I  recognize  this  ritual  year  also  in  the  present 
passage  of  the  “Dresdensis,”  as  the  one  current  in  the  Maya 
country.  It  probably  began  about  the  10th  of  March,  at  that 
period  about  the  time  of  the  vernal  equinox,  according  to  the 
Julian  Calendar. 

Beginning  with  this  date,  I  will  now  attempt  to  tabulate 
the  chronology  of  this  passage.  In  the  first  column  I  will  place 
the  number  of  the  group  of  hieroglyphs  in  question,  in  the 
second  I  will  set  down  to  what  day  of  the  Maya  year  each  group 
refers;  in  the  third,  the  corresponding  day  of  our  year,  and 
finally  in  the  fourth,  the  20-day  periods  which  agree  in  general 
with  the  dates. 


248 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


1. 

1-1 3 

March  10-22 

2 

14-26 

March  23-April  5 

3. 

27-39 

April  6-18 

4. 

40-52 

April  19-May  1 

5. 

53-65 

May  2-14 

6. 

66-78 

May  15-27, 

7. 

79-91 

May  28-June  9 

8. 

92-104 

June  10-22 

9. 

105-117 

June  23-Julv  5 

10. 

1 18-130 

July  6-18 

11. 

131-143 

July  19-31 

12. 

144-156 

August  1-13 

13. 

157-169 

August  14-26 

14. 

170-182 

August  27-September  8 

15. 

183-195 

September  9-21 

1G. 

196-208 

September  22-October  4, 

17. 

209-221 

October  5-17 

18. 

222-234 

October  18-30 

19. 

235-247 

October  31-November  12 

20. 

248-260 

November  13-25 

21. 

261-273 

November  26-December  S 

22 

274-286 

December  9-21 

23. 

287-299 

December  22-January  3 

24. 

300-312 

January  4-16 

25. 

313-325 

January  17-29 

26. 

326-338 

January  30-February  11 

27. 

339-351 

February  12-24 

2S. 

352-364 

February  25-March  8 

Ceh. 

Mac. 

Kankin. 

Moan. 

Pax. 

Kayab. 


Pop. 

Uo. 

Zip. 


Zee. 

|  Xul. 

Yaxkin. 
|  Mol. 

|  Chen. 

Yax. 

|  Zac. 
Ceh. 


In  the  following  I  will  call  attention  to  a  few  points  by 
which  this  arrangement  is  justified. 

Hieroglyph  la  admits  of  explanation.  It  consists  of  four 
parts:  —  the  left  top  is  Kin,  meaning  sun  or  day,  the  right  top 
is  the  sign  of  the  year,  the  right  bottom  is  the  knife  as  symbol 
of  separation  or  division,  and  the  left  bottom,  which  is  especially 
decisive,  is  the  month  Ceh.  Hence  I  read  la  thus:  —  the  day 
of  the  change  of  year  in  the  month  Ceh.  The  sign  lb  is  the 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


249 


familiar  Kin-Akbal  signifying  either  the  beginning  day  or  the 
day  Akbal.  If  the  year  should  be  named  from  this  sign,  then 
this  would  mean  a  Kan  year,  as  in  the  preceding  section  the 
beginning  lay  in  the  year  9  Kan.  If  the  year  in  the  latter 
section  had  been  as  equally  divided  as  the  one  in  question  here, 
it  would  have  furnished  us  with  some  very  remarkable  parallels. 

Again  the  four  groups:  —  4,  11,  18  and  25,  which  are  alike, 
are  important.  The  cross  in  sign  a,  combined  with  the  three 
dotted  lines  passing  from  top  to  bottom,  may  refer  to  the  wind 
and  this  meaning  is  further  confirmed  by  the  Ik  sign  (wind)  in 
c.  Further  the  sign  b  between  them  is  that  for  the  Bacab,  the 
wind  deity  itself. 

The  most  important  events  of  the  year  are  obviously  the 
sowing  and  harvesting  of  the  maize  together  with  the  beginning 
and  end  of  the  rainy  season.  Now  we  find  the  first  two  in  con¬ 
nection  with  the  god  E,  the  maize-god,  who  is  represented  in  6c 
and  13c,  91  days  apart,  corresponding  to  the  end  of  May  and  the 
beginning  of  August.  Generally  speaking,  sixty  days  only  were 
reckoned  as  the  time  between  sowing  and  reaping,  but  here  a 
quarter  of  a  year  may  have  been  taken  as  a  round  number  and  it 
may  also  have  reference  to  a  more  elevated  region. 

I  am  inclined  to  think  that  the  beginning  and  end  of  the 
rainy  season  are  referred  to  in  signs  8c  and  16c,  where,  as  it 
seems  to  me,  three  lines  of  drops  are  falling  from  a  rectangle 
denoting  the  sky  (as  is  usual)  like  the  representation  of  rain 
dropping  from  a  cloud  at  the  bottom  of  page  36  (second  picture). 
The  serpent  8b  as  symbol  of  water  may  also  refer  to  the  same 
thing,  especially  as  it  is  combined  with  an  Akbal  (often  denoting 
beginning).  The  sign,  which  I  think  denotes  the  rainy  season, 
is  very  similar,  but  not  the  same  as  another  one,  which  is 
common  to  the  Dresdensis  and  Tro-Cortesianus,  the  significance 
of  which  is  certainly  very  close  to  the  idea  of  the  week  of  13  days. 

I  have  some  other  ideas  on  this  subject,  which,  however, 
are  mere  conjectures,  advanced  with  some  hesitation.  If  the 
Chuen  sign  in  7a  is  actually  a  serpent’s  jaw,  then  it  might  refer 
to  the  beginning  of  the  astronomical  year  in  May,  since  the  ser¬ 
pent  so  often  designates  that  time. 


250 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


In  9b  we  find  a  crouching  figure  with  the  sign  which  is  usually 
considered  that  of  the  death-birch  In  another  place  (Zur 
Entzifferung  IV,  12)  I  have  regarded  the  naked  human  figure 
placed  upside  down  on  page  58  as  the  sign  for  Mercury,  and  on 
page  60  at  the  bottom,  left,  I  also  regarded  the  crouching  figure 
as  representing  Mercury  vanquished  by  Venus.  But  in  9b, 
which  belongs  to  the  105th-117th  days  of  the  year,  a  115  day 
revolution  of  Mercury  is  computed.  A  crouching  figure,  like 
that  in  9b,  likewise  appears  on  page  65a  in  the  second  series  of 
91  days  after  11  +  13  =  24  days  of  this  series  have  elapsed, 
i.e.,  directly  after  the  115  days  of  the  apparent  revolution  of 
Mercury. 

In  10b,  and  it  is  the  only  place  in  this  passage,  we  find  the 
hieroglyph  of  B,  the  leading  god  of  this  Manuscript.  This 
corresponds  with  the  time  of  the  greatest  power  of  the  sun  and 
of  the  change  in  the  civil  year  (July  16th).  In  Group  12,  do  a 
and  c  mean  the  year  and  is  b  the  head  with  the  Akbal  eye,  thus 
denoting  the  beginning  of  the  civil  year?  It  ought  really  to 
have  formed  group  11,  but  there  was  no  room  for  it,  since  it  was 
necessary  that  the  signs  for  the  period  of  91  days  should  be  set 
down  there. 

Signs  14a  and  the  combined  signs  15bc  are  almost  alike  and 
suggest  la.  Is  it  intended  to  designate  here  the  ritual  year, 
the  time  of  the  autumnal  equinox  (September  10th?).  In  15a 
two  hooks,  turned  in  opposite  directions  proceed  from  one  side 
of  the  sun-glyph.  Do  they  signify  two  halves  of  the  year  and 
does  the  3  in  front  of  them  signify  the  third  quarter  of  the  year? 

20b  is  the  sign  of  the  death-god  A,  probably  not  placed 
accidentally  here  at  the  end  of  the  month  Xul,  which  denotes 
the  end;  but  the  end  of  what? 

The  hieroglyph  in  23a  is  a  black  bird,  with  two  hooks,  one 
pointing  up  and  the  other  down,  projecting  from  its  head. 
Usually  these  hooks  belong  to  K,  and  by  means  of  them  this 
bird  becomes  the  storm-bird;  the  year  symbol  is  below.  Does 
this  hieroglyph  signify  the  time  of  the  shortest  day,  when  dark¬ 
ness  predominates? 

A  peculiarity  of  this  passage  is  the  striking  frequency  of  the 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


251 


sign  looked  upon  as  that  of  the  death-bird  as  well  as  of  the 
cognate  sign,  which  is  commonly  considered  as  that  of  the  rising 
Moan.  The  first  bird  is  in  the  14th  group,  in  the  9th  it  is  com¬ 
bined  with  the  apparent  Mercury  sign,  and  in  the  17th  with  the 
year  sign.  The  second  bird  with  the  prefixed  Yax  is  in  the 
2nd  group.  But  it  is  especially  striking  that  several  times 
both  signs,  and  this  is  the  case  nowhere  else,  are  combined  into 
a  single  sign  in  groups  9,  13  and  26  and  also  probably  in  19 
where,  however,  the  Moan  sign  seems  to  be  effaced. 

This  is  all  I  have  to  say  at  the  present  time  in  reference  to 
this  calendar.  Some  of  my  statements  are  positive  and  some 
are  only  conjectures.  Compare  my  treatise  “Zwei  Hieroglyphen- 
rishen  in  der  Dresdener  Mayahandschrift”  (Zeitschrift  fur 
Ethnologie,  1905,  2  and  3). 

Having  disposed  in  this  way  of  the  two  supplementary  sub¬ 
jects  of  this  section,  I  will  now  proceed  to  consider  the  principal 
theme,  viz: — the  two  series  and  whatever  is  connected  with 
them. 

1.  The  54-Series  of  the  Day  IX  lx. 

As  with  the  other  series,  we  begin  here  at  the  right,  i.  e., 
with  page  73.  There  in  the  last  column  we  find  the  superscrip¬ 
tion  as  it  were.  It  is  true  that  nothing  positive  can  be  gathered 
from  the  top  part  consisting  of  five  hieroglyphs,  which  are 
mostly  destroyed.  The  third  hieroglyph  seems  to  be  the  sign 
in  group  2a  discussed  above.  The  fourth  is  an  Akbal  with  a 
prefixed  arm  as  on  pages  8a,  36a,  and  the  fifth  is  an  Ik  with 
a  prefix. 

Below  these  are  three  numbers: — 14,040,  702  and  54,  which 
are  in  the  proportion  of  260,  13  and  1,  so  that  the  14,040  is  a 
Tonalamatl,  as  it  were,  of  260  periods  of  54  days  each.  The  fact 
that  54  is  chosen  here  as  the  difference  of  the  following  series 
is  curious,  because  usually  only  parts  of  260  or  of  364  are 
selected.  But  54  is  probably  only  a  secondary  matter,  while 
14,040,  with  its  marvellous  property  of  divisibility  into  the  most 
varied  and  important  periods,  is  the  chief  subject. 

There  is  a  9  in  a  red  circle  under  the  three  numbers.  It  is 


252 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


meant  to  denote  the  starting-point  of  the  series,  the  day  IX  lx. 
Perhaps  these  two  as  well  as  the  54  are  connected  with  the  9 
‘  senores  de  las  noches.” 

In  passing  on  to  the  left,  I  shall  not  consider  the  hieroglyphs 
and  numbers  in  the  next  two  columns  in  the  upper  third,  since 
they  are  only  set  down  here  in  order  to  secure  space  for  them. 
They  will  be  discussed  later. 

The  series  itself  begins  in  the  upper  third  of  page  71,  in  the 
next  to  the  last  column;  it  is  continued  on  page  72  and  on  page 
73  as  far  as  the  third  column.  The  first  twelve  numbers  are 
written  from  left  to  right  contrary  to  the  usual  practice,  doubt¬ 
less  occasioned  by  the  passage  above  the  series,  which  has  al¬ 
ready  been  discussed.  And  below,  again  contrary  to  rule,  we 
find  not  the  week  and  month  days,  but  only  the  week  days  and 
they  are  in  red  circles.  If  written  in  the  usual  way,  the  series 
would  have  the  following  form  (with  the  usual  omission  of  the 
initial  day  IX  lx) : — 

54  108  162  216  270  324  378 

XI  Lamat  XIII  Ik  II  Cib  IV  Oc  VI  Kan  VIII  Ezanab  X  Eb 

432  486  540  594  648 

XII  Cimi  I  Ahau  III  lx  V  Lamat  VII  Ik. 

The  series  must  now  continue  with  the  702  already  specified 
on  page  73,  which  it  proceeds  to  do  from  right  to  left  in  the 
middle  of  page  71,  and  continues  from  there  on  with  regularly 
added  dates  and  with  the  702  itself  as  the  difference.  At  the 
same  time,  since  702=54 X  13,  the  week-days  are  forced  to  come 
to  a  standstill  on  the  IX,  while  each  of  the  month  days  ascends 
by  two  (702=35 X 20+2) .  The  4914=7x702  is  obtained  in 
the  next  to  the  last  column  of  page  70.  On  page  71  the  702  is 
incorrectly  set  down  as  1.  15.  2.  instead  of  1.  17.  2.  The  series 
continues  on  page  71  in  the  same  way  beyond  the  702,  until  in 
7020  a  number  is  obtained  which  is  also  divisible  by  260,  so  that 
now  the  accompanying  day  must  be  IX  lx.  Now  we  ought  to 
expect  to  see  here  the  double  of  7020,  the  very  14,040  above- 
mentioned,  but  it  is  omitted  just  because  it  was  set  down  on 
page  73.  Nevertheless  this  very  number  forms  the  new  differ- 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


253 


ence  with  which  the  series  returns  from  page  70  to  the  top  line  of 
page  71,  where  the  numbers  are  mostly  effaced,  but  enough 
remains  to  enable  us  to  assume  that  the  last  number  on  page  71 
is  the  10th  multiple  of  14,040,  and  this  may  be  followed  by  the 
11th  and  12th  multiples,  the  last  number  being  168,480. 

2.  The  65-Series  of  the  Day  IV  Eb. 

This  series  begins  in  the  middle  of  page  73  with  the  day  IV 
Caban,  the  zero-point  therefore  being  IV  Eb.  It  then  advances 
to  the  left  across  28  members,  until  on  page  71  it  reaches  the 
number  1820=5  years  of  364  days=7  Tonalamatls.  From 
there  on,  1820  itself  is  the  difference,  and  the  accompanying  day 
therefore  remains  IV  Eb.  Then,  in  the  two  lowest  sections  of 
pages  71  and  70,  the  fourth  multiple  of  1820,  i.e.,  7280,  is  the 
third  difference  and  thus  the  series  advances  to  15x7280= 
109,200  on  page  71,  after  which  on  page  70  the  omitted  8x7280 
=58,240  is  written  out.  Close  beside  this  number  are  the  fig¬ 
ures  1.  0.  12.  3.  and  a  0  below  the  latter,  which  was  not  success¬ 
fully  erased;  this  would  be  the  number  7443  of  which  I  can  make 
nothing  at  all. 

The  initial  dates  of  the  two  series,  IX  lx  and  IV  Eb,  are 
138  days  apart  and  reversely  122  days. 

3.  The  Groups  of  Hieroglyphs. 

The  transition,  as  it  were,  from  the  series  to  the  large  num¬ 
bers  is  formed  by  a  few  groups  of  hieroglyphs. 

The  first  of  these  groups  is  at  the  top  of  pages  69-70;  its  first 
top  line  is  completely  effaced.  The  remainder  I  will  designate 
by  the  following  numbers:  — 

1  2  5  6  9  13 

»  3  4  7  8  10  14 

11  15 

12  16. 

The  date  IX  Kan  12  Kayab,  set  down  under  3  and  4  does 
not  belong  there  but  to  the  serpent  below  and  will  be  discussed 
later. 

I  take  sign  1  to  be  that  of  a  Bacab,  2  I  do  not  understand 
and  it  is  half  obliterated;  it  seems  to  occur  again  on  page  73 


254 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


in  the  column  to  the  extreme  right.  3  and  7  are  the  elongated 
head  q  with  an  unusual  superfix,  4  and  8  correspond  with  one 
another,  but  I  cannot  explain  them.  5,  10  and  14  denote  the 
beginning,  6,  11  and  15,  the  end.  9  and  13  both  designate  the 
8th  day  of  the  month  Kayab  and  over  them  IV  Ahau  must  have 
been  set  down  twice.  12  and  16  are  two  heads  of  gods,  12  is 
probably  D’s  with  the  sign  for  west  and  16,  B’s  with  that  of  the 
east. 

On  page  70,  in  the  middle  of  the  third  and  fourth  columns, 
the  day  IX  lx  occurs  twice.  In  one  case  it  ought  to  have  been 
IV  Eb  and  the  scribe  has  really  changed  the  IX  to  IV,  but  he 
omitted  changing  the  lx  to  Eb.  Directly  below  these  dates  we 
find  the  second  group,  consisting  of  two  rows  of  four  hieroglyphs. 

I  think  these  eight  hieroglyphs  can  be  interpreted  as  fol¬ 
lows  : — 


2)  20  Pop  or  25  Cumhu 
4)  13  Yaxkin 
6)  37,960 
8)  1  Zee. 


1)  13  Pax 
3)  VIII  Ahau 
5)  10  Muan 
7)  20 


The  following  is  to  be  noted  in  this  connection: — 

3  is  really  set  down  X  Ahau,  but  an  VIII  is  written  above 
the  Ahau  by  way  of  correction.  The  day  VIII  Ahau  will  pres¬ 
ently  prove  to  be  important. 

6,  a  compound  of  Imix  and  the  superfix  denoting  multiplica¬ 
tion,  is  the  sign  for  18,980,  and  its  prefix  seems  to  me  to  denote 
duplication.  We  have  long  known  how  important  the  37,960  = 
146  X  260  =  104  X  365  is,  and,  if  my  theory  is  correct,  we  shall 
see  directly  that  it  occurs  again  here. 

8  seems  really  to  be  1  Zee,  but  the  composite  prefixes 
demand  further  examination. 

Impenetrable  darkness  still  shrouds  the  meaning  of  the 
whole  group.  Though  it  is  clear  that  in  several  cases  certain 
days  are  specified  according  to  their  position  in  the  year,  their 
distance  apart  does  not  agree  with  the  interval  between  days 
IV  Eb,  IX  lx  and  IV  Ahau  under  discussion  here. 

If  signs  3  and  4  ousht  to  he  read  together  as  VIII  Ahau 
13  Yaxkin,  then  this  date  would  come  in  the  year  7  Muluc.  In 
the  Zeitschrift  fur  Ethnologie  I  explained  the  five  hieroglyphs 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


255 


in  the  third  column  at  the  bottom  of  page  70  (the  third  group) 
as  civil  years  of  360  and  astronomical  years  of  365  days : — 

1)  8,760  =  24  X  365  =  15  X  584 

2)  2,920  =  8  X  365  =  5  X  584 

3)  7,200  =  20  X  360 

4)  18,720  =  52  X  360  =  72  x  260 

5)  360 

37,960. 

This,  it  is  true,  is  a  striking  explanation  and  certainly  a 
surprising  one ! 

Now  the  date  IX  lx  12  Kayab  is  at  the  very  bottom  of  the 
fourth  column.  This,  without  apparent  reason,  would  refer 
to  the  year  4  Kan.  Should  it  not  be  read  IX  Kan  12  Kayab 
(4  lx),  thus  indicating  that  the  entire  passage  is  only  the  prepa¬ 
ration  for  the  date  from  which  the  serpent  numbers  proceed? 
The  scribe  may  have  had  in  mind  the  IX  lx  of  the  series. 

The  fourth  and  last  group  on  page  73,  above  the  two  num¬ 
bers  83,474  and  34,732,  consists  of  four  hieroglyphs.  The  two 
upper  hieroglyphs  on  the  left  are  effaced,  and  the  top  one  on  the 
right.  I  think  it  probable  that  the  day  VIII  Ahau,  which  will 
be  discussed  later,  may  have  stood  in  the  top  line,  and  possibly 
with  a  month  date.  Of  the  two  remaining  signs  of  the  fourth 
group,  the  upper  is  the  moon  and  the  lower  Imix,  probably 
with  the  hieroglyph  of  the  east  as  a  prefix ;  but  there  is  nothing  to 
be  done  with  it  owing  to  the  obliteration  of  the  sign  above  it. 
In  the  Zeitschrift  fiir  Ethnologie,  1891,  page  153,  I  have  en¬ 
deavored  to  explain  these  three  signs  on  the  right  above  34,732, 
by  suggesting  for  them  the  values 

18,980  =  52  x  365 
8,760  =  24  X  365 
7,200  =  20  X  360 

34,940 

and  calling  special  attention  to  the  fact  that  between  IV  Eb  and 
IV  Ahau  there  are  208  days,  and  that  the  34,732  placed  below 
them  in  the  Manuscript,  increased  by  208,  is  equal  to  34,940. 


256 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


This  group  then  seems  really  to  belong  to  the  day  IV  Eb  and  to 
the  65-series,  while  manifold  problems  are  still  to  be  encoun¬ 
tered  in  interpreting  the  other  groups. 

4.  The  Large  Numbers. 

The  Manuscript  offers  material  with  which  to  work,  begin¬ 
ning  on  page  70: — 


1,394,120 

1,437,020 

1,567,332 

1,520,654 

(606) 

(1646) 

IV  Eb 

IX  lx 

IV  Ahau 

IV  Ahau 

VIII  Ahau;  13  Yaxkin  (7  Muluc). 

8  Cumhu 

8  Cumhu 

IX  lx 

IV  Eb 

1,201,200 

1,202,240 

111,554 

101,812 

(86) 

(208) 

IV  Ahau 

IV  Ahau 

8  Cumhu 

8  Cumhu 

This  is  followed  at  the  right  top  of  page  73  by 
83,474  34,732 

IX  lx  IV  Eb. 

T*vo  of  the  numbers  and  two  of  the  dates  are  conjectural : — 

I  read  the  1,202,240  as  8.  6.  19.  10.  0.  while  the  Manuscript 
has  16  instead  of  6.  I  read  the  101,812  as  14.  2.  14.  12.  the 
the  Manuscript  has  16  instead  of  the  second  14.  And  in  two 
places  in  the  third  column  of  page  70, 1  have  restored  the  day  IV 
Eb,  where  the  Manuscript  incorrectly  repeats  the  IX  lx,  and 
does  the  same  thing  on  page  73. 

Let  us  now  first  consider  the  construction  of  those  large 
numbers,  which  are  connected  with  the  day  IX  lx  and  thus 
with  the  54-series.  These  numbers  are  the  two  upper  ones  of 
columns  1  and  2  and  the  lower  one  of  column  1  on  page  70. 

174  is  the  starting-point,  the  number  of  the  day  is  IX  lx, 
which  seems  to  have  been  chosen  because  it  divides  the 
Tonalamatl  approximately  in  the  proportion  of  2  to  1.  (IV 
Ahau  —  IX  lx  =  174.) 

The  5359th,  5520th  and  4619th  multiples  of  260  have  been 
added  to  174;  why  precisely  these  multiples  were  chosen  re- 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


257 


mains  a  mystery.  In  this  way  were  obtained  the  following 
numbers,  which  the  Manuscript  suppresses.  I  will  give  them 
with  their  corresponding  dates: — 

1,393,514  =  IX  lx  12  Muan  (5  Kan). 

1,435,374  =  IX  lx  17  Chen  '(3  Cauac). 

1,201,114  =  IX  lx  7  Mac  (11  Muluc). 

When  we  add  to  the  above  the  three  encircled  numbers  606, 
1,646  and  86,  the  resulting  sums  are  the  three  numbers  found  in 
the  Manuscript: — 

1,394,120  =  IV  Ahau  8  Chen  (7  lx). 

1,437,020  —  IV  Ahau  23  Cumhu  (7  Cauac). 

1,201,200  IV  Ahau  13  Kayab  (11  Muluc). 

I  am  placing  the  first  two  not  far  from  the  present  and  the 
third  in  the  past. 

As  multiples  of  260  these  three  numbers  have  the  following 
form : — 

1,394,120  =  5362  x  260. 

1,437,020  =  5527  X  260. 

1,201,200  =  4620  X  260. 

Some  curious  facts  come  to  light  with  regard  to  their  mag¬ 
nitude  and  their  mutual  relation. 

The  two  largest  numbers  are  165  X  260  =  660  X  65  apart; 
this  recalls  the  65-series.  The  third  lowest  number  is  1 65  X  7280 
and  thus  contains  not  only  the  65  but  =  165  X  65  X  112. 

The  ritual  year  (364)  and  its  excess  over  the  Tonalamatl 
(104)  is  likewise  contained  in  these  numbers,  at  least  in  the 
first  and  third: — 

1,394,120  =  3830  X  364  =  13,405  X  104. 

1,201,200  =  3300  X  364  =  11,550  X  104. 

The  three  encircled  numbers  are  connected  with  one  another 
because  the  first  =  2  X  260  -|-  86,  the  second  =  6  X  260  86 

and  the  third  is  86  itself.  The  larger  encircled  numbers  are, 
therefore,  1040  =  4  X  260  apart,  and  this  is  also  the  interval 
between  the  two  numbers  near  the  bottom.  1040,  however, 
also  =  5  X  208,  and  208  is  the  interval  from  IV  Eb  to  IV  Ahau. 
Now  it  is  curious  that  the  two  numbers  below  are  5775  X 
iv  17 


258 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


208  and  5780  X  208,  though  the  third  belongs  to  day  IX  lx  and 
the  fourth  to  IV  Eb.  One  result  of  this  is  that  1,201,200  = 
1155  X  1040  and  1,202,240  =  1156  X  1040. 

As  these  three  numbers  relate  to  day  IX  lx  and  the  54- 
series,  so  the  fourth  relates  to  IV  Eb  and  the  65-series. 

Here  the  starting-point  is  the  number  52,  which  belongs  to 
day  IV  Eb  and  this  is  separated  from  IV  Ahau  by  208  days 
i.  e.,  it  divides  the  Tonalainatl  in  the  proportion  of  1  to  4. 

To  the  number  52  then,  for  unknown  reasons  was  added 
4623  X  260  =  1,201,980,  and  thus  the  number  1,202,032,  sup¬ 
pressed  in  the  Manuscript,  was  obtained  for  the  day  IV  Eb. 
To  this  sum  the  encircled  number  208  was  then  added  and  the 
result  was  1,202,240.  the  number  in  the  Manuscript. 

The  number  =  23,120  X  52  =  4624  X  260,  which  is  self- 
evident,  but  it  also  =  5780  X  208,  i.  e.,  it  is  a  multiple  of  the 
encircled  number.  It  consequently  also  =  11,560  X  104,  and 
thus  it  is  related  to  the  first  and  third  numbers  just  now  dis¬ 
cussed. 

The  position  of  this  number  is  IV  Ahau  18  Kankin  (1  Kan) 
and  the  position  of  the  suppressed  number  is  IV  Eb  10  Zotz 
(also  1  Kan). 

We  ought  now  to  discuss  the  last  two  numbers  of  this 
section  amounting  to  millions:  —  1,567,332  and  1,520,654, 
which  are  in  the  third  and  fourth  columns  at  the  top  of 
page  70.  But  before  going  further,  we  must  examine  four 
other  numbers,  two  of  which,  111,554  and  (with  my  correc¬ 
tion)  101,812,  are  in  column  4  on  the  lower  part,  of  page 
70,  and  the  other  two,  83,474  and  34,732,  are  on  the  top  of 
page  73.  Although  these  four  numbers  are  not  ornamented 
with  circles,  they  all  have  the  significance  of  the  numbers 
enclosed  in  circles  and  are  designations  of  differences  between 
suppressed  and  specified  numbers. 

Let  us  first  of  all  examine  their  curious  relation  to  one 
another : — 

The  Manuscript  should  have  set  down  under  these  numbers 
the  day  IX  lx  twice  and  IV  Eb  twice,  from  which  days  the 
numbers  in  question  must  be  computed ;  but  here  the  two  errors 
already  mentioned  were  made. 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


259 


111,554  —  101,812  is  9742,  the  very  same  number  which  we 
shall  afterward  find  as  the  difference  of  the  serpent  numbers 
on  page  69. 

83,474  —  34,732  =  48,742.  If  9472  be  subtracted  from 
this,  the  remainder  is  exactly  39,000  =  150  Tonalamatls  =  50 
revolutions  of  Mars.  I  have  already  found  this  number  on 
page  31a,  and  also  the  double  of  it,  78,000,  on  page  24,  and  this 
I  found  by  using  68,900  +  9100  for  my  computation. 

111,554  —  83,474  =  28,080,  i.  e.,  exactly  the  double  of  the 
important  14,040,  which  is  recorded  on  page  73. 

101,812  —  34,732  =  67,080,  i.  e,  =  258  Tonalamatls  or  86 
revolutions  of  Mars. 

111,554  —  34,732  =  76,822;  if  122,  the  interval  from  IV  Eb 
to  IX  lx  be  subtracted  from  this,  the  remainder  is  76,700 
=295  Tonalamatls. 

101,812  —  83,474  =  18,338;  if  138,  the  interval  from  IX  lx 
to  IV  Eb,  be  subtracted  from  18,338,  the  remainder  is  18,200  = 
70  Tonalamatls  =  50  ritual  years  of  364  days  each,  i.  e,.  ex¬ 
actly  the  double  of  the  9100  specified  on  page  24. 

Now  we  also  have  the  following  equations  for  the  four 
numbers : — 

111,554  =  429  X  260+  14. 

83,474  =  321  x  260+  14. 

101,812  =  391  X  260+  152. 

34,732  =  133  X  260+  152. 

A  day  VIII  Ahau  is  14  days  back  of  the  day  IX  lx,  and 
another  VIII  Ahau  is  152  days  back  of  IV  Eb. 

Thus  a  day  VIII  Ahau  hitherto  unmentioned  is  introduced 
into  the  computations.  This  day  has  no  doubt  been  chosen, 
because  it  divides  the  Tonalamatl  beginning  with  IV  Ahau  into 
two  parts  of  160  and  100  days,  which  are  in  the  proportion  of 
8  to  5,  i.e.,  the  same  proportion  as  the  Venus  year  to  the  solar 
year. 

This  day  VIII  Ahau  may  also  figure  in  the  large  numbers  of 
the  first  two  columns  on  page  70,  for  1,394,120  and  1,201,200 
are  both  divisible  by  14,  the  interval  between  VIII  Ahau  and 
IX  lx. 


260 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


Now  I  believe  that  the  large  numbers  were  constructed  in 
the  following  twofold  manner  (I  add  the  corresponding  dates) : — 

160 

1,408,940  =  5419  X  260 

1,409,100  =  VIII  Ahau  3  Yax  (9  Cauac). 
111,554 

1,520,654  =  IX  lx  7  Zip  (3  Muluc). 

160 

1,437,020  =  5527  X  260 

1,437,180  =  VIII  Ahau  18  Mol  (8  Kan). 

83,474 


1,520,654  =  IX  lx  7  Zip  (3  Muluc). 
160 

1,465,360  =  5636  X  260 


1,465,520  =  VIII  Ahau  8  Uo  (8  lx). 

101, S12 


1,567,332  =  IV  Eb  5  Pop  (1  Muluc). 
160 

1,532,440  =  5894  X  260 


1,532,600  =  VIII  Ahau  13  Pax  (9  Muluc). 

34,732 

1,567,332  =  IV  Eb  5  Pop  (1  Muluc). 

The  last  record  of  the  date  of  VIII  Ahau  seems  to  throw 
light  on  the  date  13  Pax  (page  70,  column  3),  which  is  directly 
above  the  date  VIII  Ahau,  and  which  I  have  already  mentioned 
in  the  discussion  of  the  groups  of  hieroglyphs. 

Indeed,  it  seems  as  if  a  day  VIII  Ahau  occurred  a  fifth  time 
in  that  passage,  for  in  consequence  of  the  correction  made  by 
the  scribe  we  read  here  VIII  Ahau  13  Yaxkin.  This  would 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


261 


point  to  a  year  7  Muluc,  the  position  of  which  between  the  other 
four  is,  of  course,  undetermined. 

If  the  two  large  numbers  in  the  Manuscript  were  treated  in 
the  same  way  as  the  other  large  numbers,  they  would  not  be 
recorded  at  all,  but  instead  of  them  there  would  have  been  two 
numbers  belonging  to  the  day  IV  Ahau  and  under  them  would 
have  been  the  encircled  numbers  20S  and  86,  or  these  numbers 
increased  by  a  multiple  of  260.  This  passage  would  then  read 
about  as  follows: — 

1,567,540  (IV  Ahau)  1,520.740  (IV  Ahau) 

208  (IV  Eb)  86  (IX  lx). 

These  two  numbers  for  IV  Ahau  are  equal  to  6029  and  5849 
Tonalamatls.  If  5549  X  260  be  subtracted  from  these,  the  re¬ 
mainders  are  480  and  300  Tonalamatls  respectively,  i.  e.,  124,800 
and  78,000,  and  these  are  in  the  proportion  of  8  to  5. 

Now  the  two  large  numbers  have  the  difference  46,678  —  179 
X  260  -f-  138;  the  latter  is  the  interval  from  IX  lx  to  IV  Eb. 

The  four  numbers  of  the  days  VIII  Ahau  seem  to  stand  in 
very  irregular  relation  to  one  another  and  yet  they  show  the 
following  striking  results,  if  the  first  and  third  and  also  the 
second  and  fourth  numbers  be  combined  (as  I  combined  them 
under  page  24) : — 

In  the  first  case  we  see  the  following: — 

1,465,520  —  1,409,100  =  56,420  =  3  X  18,980  —  520. 

3Yax  (9  Cauac)  to  8  Uo  (8  lx)  =  18,460  =  18,980  —  520. 

56,420  —  18,460  =  37,960  =  2  x  18,980. 

While  in  the  second  case: — 

1,532,600  —  1,437,180  =  95,420  =  5  X  18,980  —  520. 

18  Mol  (8  Kan)  to  13  Pax  (9  Muluc)  =  520. 

95,420  —  520  =  94,900  =  5  X  18,980. 

5.  The  Serpent. 

As  in  the  section  occupying  pages  61-64.  the  single  series 
is  crowned  by  four  serpents  with  eight  large  numbers,  so  in  this 
section  the  two  series  end  in  a  single  serpent  with  two  numbers, 
one  for  each  series,  but  both  bear  some  obscure  relation  to  the 
day  VIII  Ahau,  which  has  made  its  appearance  here.  The  two 


262 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


sections  also  correspond,  inasmuch  as  the  numbers  in  both  are 
computed  not  from  the  normal  date,  but  from  the  date  IX  Kan 
12  Kayab  (4  lx). 

The  serpent  pictured  here  is  different  from  the  previous 
ones,  inasmuch  as  it  is  partly  black.  The  god  B  is  sitting  on 
its  opened  jaws,  and  this  time  he,  too,  is  painted  black  (as  on 
page  31c) ;  there  is  an  animal’s  head  upon  the  god’s  head,  in 
which  we  again  recognize  that  of  the  animal  with  the  fourth 
serpent  in  the  preceding  section.  The  god  is  armed  with  spear 
and  shield  and  recalls  his  picture  at  the  bottom  of  page  74. 

There  are  eight  hieroglyphs  above  this  picture,  just  as  there 
are  over  each  of  the  first  four  serpents.  The  two  top  hiero¬ 
glyphs  are  obliterated.  Of  the  legible  hieroglyphs,  the  one  at 
the  left  top  is  the  Bacab  sign,  which  also  occurs  over  the  first 
of  the  four  serpents.  In  the  third  line  are  the  same  two  hiero¬ 
glyphs,  which  are  in  the  third  line  of  the  first  and  second  columns 
on  page  70.  The  first  of  the  two  also  occupies  the  same  place 
on  page  62  above  the  fourth  serpent.  But  here  at  the  bottom 
we  find  the  date  IX  Kan  12  Kayab  (4  lx),  the  same  date  which 
we  found  over  the  fourth  serpent,  which  is  thus  again  brought 
into  closer  connection  with  the  single  serpent. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  here  regarding  the  two  numbers  in 
the  serpents,  but  notice  should  be  taken  of  the  fact  that  the 
figure  1  is  barely  visible  in  the  red  number. 

The  black  number  here  has  the  figures  4.  5.  19.  13.  12.  8. 
and  the  red  4.  6.  I.  0.  13.  10.  The  black  is  therefore  12,381, 
728,  and  the  red  12,391,470.  The  black  number  is  some¬ 
what  less  than  the  eight  numbers  in  the  four  serpents,  and 
the  red  is  somewhat  larger  than  the  least  of  them. 

The  difference  of  the  two  is  9742  =  37  X  260  -f-  122;  but 
122  is  the  interval  between  days  IV  Eb  and  IX  lx.  Now  this 
is  the  same  9742  which  we  found  on  page  70,  as  the  difference 
between  111,554  and  101,812. 

In  order  not  merely  to  examine  these  numbers,  but  also  to 
understand  them,  we  will  again  make  use  of  109  Ahau-Katuns 
=  12,412,920,  as  we  did  in  the  first  four  serpents,  and  we  shall 
have  the  following: — 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


263 


Black 


Red 


12,381,728 

12,412,920 


12,391,470 

12,412,920 


—31,192  119  X  260  +  252  —  21,450  =  82  X  260  +  130 


IX  lx  —  IX  Kan  =  130 


IV  Eb  —  IX  Kan  =  252 


The  date  given  for  both  numbers  was  the  day  IX  Kan, 
which  was  likewise  the  starting-point  for  six  of  the  eight  num¬ 
bers  in  the  previous  serpents. 

Besides  this  the  day  IV  Eb,  the  starting-point  of  the  65- 
series,  is  given  for  the  black  number,  and  therefore  also  the  in¬ 
terval  between  IV  Eb  and  IX  Kan  =  252. 

To  this  252  was  added  a  multiple  of  260,  not  an  arbitrary 
choice,  but  one  which  combined  with  252  resulted  in  a  number 
divisible  by  8,  the  interval  from  IX  Kan  to  IV  Eb.  31,192 
=  3899  X  8  =  119  X  260  -f-  252  was  thus  obtained. 

The  subtraction  of  this  number  from  12,412,920  resulted  in 
the  serpent  number  12,381,728. 

In  addition  to  all  this  the  day  IX  lx,  the  starting-point  of 
the  54-series,  is  given  for  the  red  number;  consequently  also  the 
interval  between  IX  lx  and  IX  Kan  =  130,  which,  at  the  same 
time,  is  reversely  the  interval  from  IX  Kan  to  IX  lx. 

To  this  130  was  added  a  multiple  of  260,  which  must  in  every 
case  be  a  multiple  also  of  130.  Thus  we  obtain  the  21,450  =  82 
X  260  +  130. 

The  subtraction  of  this  number  from  12,412,920  results  in 
the  serpent  number  12,391,470. 

Reckoned  from  the  starting-point  IX  Kan  12  Kayab  (4  lx) 
the  black  number  corresponds  to  the  date  IV  Eb  5  Chen  (10 
Muluc)  and  the  red  to  IX  lx  12  Zip  (11  Kan),  and  these  two 
dates  must  certainly  have  been  under  the  serpent;  the  months 
unfortunately  are  effaced. 

It  is  self  evident  that  the  black  number  is  exactly  divisible 
by  8  and  the  red  by  130. 

The  two  events  indicated  by  the  two  numbers  must  be  to 
some  extent  coincident  with  the  beginning  of  the  seven  events 
recorded  in  the  previous  four  serpents.  These  large  numbers 
pertaining  to  the  destruction  of  the  world  are  a  reminder  of  the 


264 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE 


numbers,  which  on  page  24  we  believed  were  connected  with  the 
creation  of  the  world.  Thus  here,  too,  we  have  the  genesis  and 
the  apocalypse  of  all  the  mythologies. 

6.  The  Columns  of  Hieroglyphs. 

The  last  portion  of  this  section  is  formed  by  the  two  middle 
columns  of  hieroglyphs  on  page  69.  They  bear  an  extraordi¬ 
nary  resemblance  to  those  discussed  under  page  61  even  in  re¬ 
gard  to  the  fact  that  each  column  contains  18  signs.  Besides, 
the  upper  10  lines,  i.e.,  the  upper  20  signs,  are  exactly  alike  on 
the  two  pages,  aside  from  slight  variations,  and  differ  only  in  so 
far  as  the  passage  on  page  69  is  written  on  blue  ground  and  the 
one  on  page  61  on  white. 

But  also  the  lower  part,  with  eight  signs  in  each  column, 
shows  many  points  in  common  with  page  61.  Here  as  there  the 
whole  is  divided  into  several  groups. 

With  the  four  signs  llab  and  12ab,  which  formed  the  first 
group  there,  I  can  compose  only  the  two  signs  llab  here.  In 
the  cross  1  la,  as  on  pages  24  and  58  of  the  Manuscript,  I  see  the 
sign  for  20  with  the  prefixed  5  making  25.  In  lib  we  find  the 
sign  for  18,980  days,  which  we  have  already  met  with  several 
times.  Hence  llab  would  have  the  value  of  25  X  18,980 
=  474,500  days,  as  on  page  61  the  corresponding  four  signs 
seemed  to  form  421,940.  And  as  the  number  there  was  1156 
X  365,  so  on  page  69  we  have  1300  X  365. 

I  believe  there  is  a  disarrangement  in  what  follows,  inas¬ 
much  as  I  assume  that  the  two  signs  12b  and  13a  ought  to  be 
placed  before  and  not  after  12a.  Assuming  that  the  two  little 
crosses  on  either  side  of  the  1  are  meaningless,  we  should  assign 
the  value  of  61  to  the  3  Chuen,  1  Kin.  Here,  in  the  first  place, 
the  intention  seems  to  be  to  establish  some  connection  with  the 
two  days  YTI  Kan  and  IYIk  specified  with  their  numbers  on  page 
63,  column  3,  as  well  as  with  .the  days  most  important  there, 
III  Chicchan  and  XIII  Akbal,  i.e.,  a  connection  with  the  pre¬ 
vious  section  of  the  four  serpents  in  general;  for  the  interval 
from  VII  Kan  to  III  Chicchan,  as  well  as  that  between  IV  Ik 
and  XTII  Akbal  is  61  and  on  pages  70-73  the  two  most  impor¬ 
tant  days,  IV  Eb  and  IX  lx,  are  122  days  apart,  and  122  is  the 


DRESDEN  CODEX. 


265 


second  multiple  of  61.  I  can  now  put  the  144,000  of  12a  in  the 
place  of  the  13a.  Then,  secondly,  the  four  signs  from  13a  to 
14b  in  the  one  section  are  exactly  like  those  in  the  other  section, 
and  therefore  need  not  be  discussed  here.  Only  15ab  differs 
from  the  signs  in  the  other  passages  inasmuch  as  on  page  69  we 
find  4  X  20  4  X  1.  The  last  4  agrees  even  better  than  it  does 

there  with  the  distance  from  IV  Ahau  to  the  day  Kan  with 
which  the  serpent  numeral  begins. 

Nothing  on  page  69  corresponds  to  the  signs  in  16ab  and 
17ab  of  page  61.  On  the  contrary,  the  initial  date  of  the  serpent 
IX  Kan  12  Kayab,  which  on  page  61  does  not  appear  until 
18ab  is  set  down  in  16ab,  On  the  other  hand  on  page  69  the 
four  signs  17ab  and  18ab  are  added,  17a  being  a  sign  as  yet  un¬ 
known  with  13  as  a  superfix.  I  feel  inclined,  though  with  many 
misgivings,  to  treat  17ab  like  5a  and  b  of  page  61  and  to  assign 
to  them  the  value  of  an  Ahau-Katun  of  113,880  days.  For 
then  they  would  denote  the  13th  Ahau-Katun,  which  extends 
from  the  day  1,366,560  (page  24)  to  1,480,440  and  which  con¬ 
tains  the  two  large  numbers  on  page  70,  left,  top,  while  the  two 
lower  numbers  in  the  first  and  second  columns  of  that  page  be¬ 
long  to  the  12th  Ahau-Katun,  and  the  two  in  the  third  and  fourth 
belong  to  the  14th  Ahau-Katun.  The  13th  would  be  the  pres¬ 
ent  and  the  12th  and  14th  the  past  and  future;  but  all  this 
could  only  be  confirmed  by  further  research.  At  all  events, 
the  signs  for  beginning  in  17b  and  for  end  in  18a  refer  to  past 
and  future.  Unfortunately,  18b  is  entirely  effaced. 

Page  74.* 

Besides  the  picture,  this  page  contains  only  15  hieroglyphs 
in  three  horizontal  rows.  Only  about  six  of  these  signs  are 
decipherable.  The  second,  third  and  fourth  of  the  lower  line 
are  three  different  heads;  the  middle  is  the  familiar  head  of 
god  B,  the  on  one  the  left  has  the  Akbal  eye  and  the  abbreviated 
sign  for  the  south,  which  is  repeated  in  the  affix;  the  head  on 
the  right  has  the  sign  for  the  west  as  a  prefix.  Very  little  more 
is  to  be  said  of  the  other  hieroglyphs  than  that  the  second  and 
third  of  the  second  line  have  the  sign  for  the  east;  the  first  of  the 


*  Compare  the  Peresianus,  page  20. 


266 


COMMENTARY  ON  THE  DRESDEN  CODEX. 


second  line,  however,  was  the  one  which  we  found  on  pages 
71-73  as  the  constant  companion  of  the  Bacabs  and  which 
suggested  the  wind.  The  last  sign  of  the  second  line  must 
have  contained  that  for  north,  so  that  the  four  cardinal  points 
all  came  together  here. 

The  picture  begins  below  these  signs.  Astronomical  figures, 
apparently  Venus,  Mars,  Mercury  and  Jupiter,  end  in  the  fore 
part  of  a  crocodile.  Below  the  astronomical  signs  are  the  signs 
for  the  sun  and  moon.  Streams  of  water  are  falling  from  the 
jaws  of  the  crocodile  and  also  from  the  sun  and  moon.  And  a 
fourth  stream  is  being  poured  from  a  jug  by  the  old  woman  with 
the  tiger  claws,  and  with  the  serpent  on  her  head,  whom  we  saw 
on  pages  39,  43  and  67  engaged  in  the  same  occupation.  Cross- 
bones  are  represented  on  her  skirt  as  the  symbol  of  death.  The 
sign  of  the  ninth  day,  Eb,  appears  on  the  jug;  this  is  the  day 
which  was  avoided  in  the  Tonalamatls,  for  not  a  single  Tona- 
lamatl  begins  with  Eb  in  the  Dresdensis,  nor  does  one  begin 
with  the  week-day  IX;  does  Bolon  meaning  nine  suggest  Balam, 
the  jaguar? 

Still  further  down  on  the  page  sits  a  black  god,  who  may  be 
the  same  as  the  god  on  pages  7a  and  16b,  with  a  bird  of  prey  on 
his  head.  There  are  two  arrows  in  his  right  hand  and  his  left 
hand  holds  what  may  be  an  atlatl,  but  it  is  very  much  longer 
than  is  usually  the  case;  at  the  same  time  it  can  be  regarded  as 
a  spear. 

This  page  can  denote  nothing  but  the  end  of  the  world,  for 
which  the  serpent  numbers  have  prepared  the  way.  Perhaps 
what  looks  like  a  zero  above  the  sign  Eb  in  the  stream  of  water 
may  likewise  point  to  this  calamity. 


INDEX 


The  numbers  in  the  first  column  refer  to  the  pages  of 
the  Manuscript,  and  those  in  the  second  column  to  the  pages 
of  the  Commentary. 


FIRST  PART. 


1 

55 

16a 

90 

42a-44a 

146 

2 

55 

16a-17a 

90 

45a 

148 

3 

59 

18a-19a 

92 

29b-30b 

150 

4a-10a 

61 

19a-21a 

93 

30b-31b 

151 

4b-5b 

67 

21a-22a 

93 

31b-35b 

152 

10a-12a 

69 

22a-23a 

95 

35b-37b 

156 

12a 

69 

16b-17b 

96 

38b-41b 

159 

5b-6b 

70 

17b-18b 

97 

41b-43b 

162 

6b-7b 

71 

16c-17c 

98 

43b-44b 

164 

8b 

72 

17c-18c 

99 

44b-45b 

165 

9b 

73 

1 8c-l 9c 

100 

29c-30c 

167 

10b 

74 

1 9c-20c 

100 

30  c— 33  c 

168 

lOb-llb 

75 

19b 

101 

33c-39c 

170 

12b 

76 

19b-20b 

101 

40c-41c 

176 

4c-5c 

77 

20b 

102 

42c-45c 

178 

5c-6c 

78 

21b 

103 

6c-7c 

79 

21c-22c 

104 

SECOND  PART. 

8c 

80 

22c-23c 

105 

9c 

81 

22b 

107 

46-50 

182 

lOc-llc 

82 

23b 

108 

51a— 52a 

197 

12c 

83 

24 

110 

51-58 

200 

13a 

84 

25-28 

120 

58-59 

215 

13b-14b 

85 

29a-30a 

132 

60 

219 

13c-l 4c 

86 

30a-31a 

133 

61-64 

222 

1 4a-l 5a 

85 

31a-32a 

133 

65-69 

235 

15a 

88 

32a-39a 

138 

69-73 

245 

15b-16b 

88 

40a-41 a 

144 

74 

265 

15c 

89 

•  •• 


Peabody  Museum  Papers. 


Vol.  IV,  Plate  2. 


q 


V  w 

GLYPHS  REFERRED  TO  IN  THE  TEXT. 


©-nd© 


SOUTH 


CARDINAL  POINTS. 


PAPERS 


OF  THE 

PEABODY  MUSEUM  OF  AMERICAN  ARCHAEOLOGY  AND 
ETHNOLOGY,  HARVARD  UNIVERSITY 


Vol.  IV.— No.  3. 


ANIMAL  FIGURES 

IN  THE 

MAYA  CODICES 


ALFRED  M.  TOZZER  Ph.D. 

AND 

GLOVER  M.  ALLEN,  Ph.D. 


Cambridge,  Mass. 
Published  by  the  Museum 
February,  1910 


Salem  press: 

The  Salem  Pkess  Co.,  Salem  Mass. 

1910. 


NOTE 


It  has  been  thought  desirable,  for  the  advancement  of  the 
study  of  Maya  hieroglyphs,  that  the  interpretation  of  the  con¬ 
ventionalized  animal  figures,  which  so  frequently  occur  in  the 
Maya  codices,  should  be  undertaken.  The  Peabody  Museum 
Committee  on  Central  American  Research  therefore  requested 
Dr.  A.  M.  Tozzer  to  prepare  a  paper  on  the  subject,  and  to  secure 
the  valuable  cooperation  of  Dr.  Glover  M.  Allen,  a  zoologist 
familiar  with  the  animals  of  Mexico  and  Central  America,  to 
aid  in  the  identification  of  the  various  species  of  animals  which 
under  varying  forms  are  used  in  connection  with  the  glyphs. 

While  it  is  possible  that  some  of  the  determinations  given  in 
this  paper  may  require  further  confirmation,  it  is  evident  that 
the  combined  studies  of  Dr.  Tozzer  and  Dr.  Allen  cannot  fail  to 
be  useful  to  students  of  the  Maya  hieroglyphic  writing. 

F.  W.  Putnam. 

Harvard  University, 

August,  1909. 


KEY  TO  THE  PRONUNCIATION  OF  MAYA  WORDS 


The  vowels  and  consonants  have  their  continental  sounds 
with  the  following(exceptions : — 

a  like  u  in  hut 
ai  like  i  in  island 
k  (Beltran’s  c )  ordinary  palatal  k 
q  (Beltran’s  k)  velar  k 
9  (Beltran’s  o)  ts  explosive  or  fortis 
o  (Beltran’s  tz)  ts  non-explosive 
s  (Beltran’s  x)  like  sh  in  hush 
ts  (Beltran’s  ch )  like  ch  in  church 
ts  (Beltran’s  ch)  ch  explosive 
p  (Beltran’s  pp)  p  explosive 
t  (Beltran’s  th)  t  explosive' 


LIST  OF  PLATES 


Plate. 

1.  Mollusca:  Fasciolaria  gigantea,  Oliva. 

2.  Insecta:  Honey  bee  (Melipona). 

3.  Insecta  and  Myriapoda. 

4.  Arachnoidea,  Arachnida,  Crustacea. 

5.  Myriapoda,  Pisces. 

6.  Pisces. 

7.  Amphibia. 

8.  Amphibia,  Reptilia. 

9.  Reptilia  :  Rattlesnake  ( Crotalus ). 

10.  Reptilia:  Serpents. 

11.  Reptilia:  Serpents. 

12.  Reptilia:  Iguana,  Lizards. 

13.  Reptilia:  Crocodile 

14.  Reptilia:  Turtles. 

15.  Aves:  Herons,  Frigate-bird. 

16.  Aves :  Ocellated  Turkey  ( Agriocharis  ocellata ). 

17.  Aves:  King  Vulture  ( Sarcorhamphus  papa), 

18.  Aves:  King  Vulture  (5.  papa),  Black  Vulture 

( Catharista  urubu). 

19.  Aves :  Vultures. 

20.  Aves:  Harpy  Eagle  ( Thrasaetos  harpyia). 

21.  Aves:  Yucatan  Horned  Owl  {Bubo  virginianus 

mayensis) . 

22.  Aves:  Yucatan  Horned  Ow  ( B .  v.  mayensis). 

23.  Aves:  Yucatan  Screech  Owl  {Otus  choliba  thompsonf), 

24.  Aves:  Quetzal  {Pharomacrus  mocinno). 

25.  Aves:  Blue  Macaw  ( Ara  militaris). 

26.  Aves:  Parrots,  Turkeys. 

27.  Aves:  Miscellaneous. 

28.  Various  animals. 

29.  Mammalia:  Armadillo  and  miscellaneous. 

30.  Mammalia:  Deer,  Hare. 


280 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 

ol.  Mammalia:  Yucatan  Deer  (Odocoileus  yucalanemis) 

32.  Mammalia:  Yucatan  Peccary  (Tayassu  angulatum 

oo  yucatanense),  \  ucatan  Deer  (O.  yucatanensis) . 
oo.  Mammalia:  Yucatan  Peccary  (T.  a.  yucatanense). 

34.  Mammalia:  Jaguar,  Puma. 

35.  Mammalia:  Jaguar,  Coyote,  Bear. 

36.  37.  Mammalia:  Dog  ( Canis ). 

38.  Mammalia:  Leaf-nosed  Bat  ( Vampyrus  or  Phyllostomus). 

39.  Mammalia:  Monkey  ( Cebus )  and  miscellaneous. 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS  IN  TEXT 


Fig. 

1. 

2. 


3. 

4. 

5. 

6. 

7. 

8. 
9. 

10. 


Top  of  Altar  T,  Copan  (Mandslay,  I.  PI.  95)  .  320 

Pottery  whistle  from  Uloa  Valley,  Honduras, 
representing  a  vulture.  Peabody  Museum 
Memoirs.  I.  No.  4,  fig.  15  .  .  .  .  332 

I  Glyphs  of  Maya  month  Moan  showing  moan- 
j"  bird  characteristics . 339 

Quetzal  (from  the  bas-relief  of  the  Temple 

of  the  Cross,  Palenque  ....  341 

|  Glyphs  for  Maya  month  Kankin  (Ribs  of  dogs)  364 


n.  t 

12. 

..  0  r  Glyphs  for  Maya  month  Zotz  (Bats)  .  . 

14*.  I 

15.  Pottery  whistle  from  Uloa  Valley,  Honduras 
(Peabody  Museum  Memoirs,  I,  No.  4, 
tig.  14),  representing  an  ape 


16.  \ 

£ 

19.  j 

20.  \ 
21. 

22.  \ 

23.  ( 

24.  ) 


Glyphs  for  Maya  day  Chuen  . 


365 


366 

367 


Glyphs  of  God  C.  (Schellhas,  Peabody 
Museum  Papers,  IV,  No.  1)  . 


368 


INTRODUCTION. 


The  various  peoples  inhabiting  Mexico  and  Central 
America  in  early  pre-Columbian  times  were  accustomed  to 
record  various  events,  especially  in  regard  to  their  calendar  and 
the  religious  ceremonials  in  relation  to  it,  on  long  strips  of  skin 
or  bark.  These  were  usually  painted  on  both  sides  and  folded 
together  like  a  screen.  Several  of  these  codices  are  still  in  ex¬ 
istence  from  the  Nahua  and  Zapotec  areas  in  Mexico,  but  only 
three  have  come  down  to  us  from  the  Maya  region  which  is 
included  in  the  peninsula  of  Yucatan,  the  states  of  Tabasco 
and  Chiapas  in  Mexico,  and  portions  of  Guatemala  and  Hon¬ 
duras.  These  three  manuscripts  are  the  Dresden  Codex  in  the 
Royal  Public  Library  at  Dresden,  the  Tro-Cortesianus  (formerly 
considered  to  have  been  two,  the  Troano  and  the  Cortesianus) 
in  the  National  Archaeological  Museum  at  Madrid,  and  the 
Peresianus  in  the  National  Library  at  Paris.  These  pre-Colum¬ 
bian  manuscripts  have  all  been  published  in  facsimile.  (See 
bibliography.) 

These  remains  of  a  once  extensive  literature  show  evidence 
not  only  of  considerable  intellectual  attainments  on  the  part  of 
their  authors  but  also'of  a  high  degree  of  artistic  skill  in  the  draw¬ 
ings  and  hieroglyphics.  The  frequent  occurrence  in  these 
manuscripts  of  representations  of  animals  showing  various 
degrees  of  elaboration  and  conventionalization  has  led  us  to 
undertake  the  task  of  identifying  these  figures  as  far  as  possible 
and  studying  the  uses  and  significance  of  the  several  species,  a 

(283) 


2S4 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


field  practically  untouched.*  Forstemann  in  his  various  com¬ 
mentaries  on  the  Maya  codices  (1902,  1903,  1906),  Brinton 
(1S95),  and  deRosny  (1S76)  have  only  commented  briefly  upon 
this  side  of  the  study  of  the  manuscripts.  Seler  (1904a)  and 
some  others  have  written  short  papers  on  special  animals.  Dur¬ 
ing  the  preparation  of  this  paper  there  has  appeared  a  brief 
account  by  Stempell  (1908)  of  the  animals  in  the  Maya  codices. 
The  author  has,  however,  omitted  a  number  of  species  and,  as 
we  believe,  misidentified  others.  In  making  our  identifications 
we  have  given  the  reasons  for  our  determinations  in  some  detail 
and  have  stated  the  characteristics  employed  to  denote  the 
several  species. 

We  have  not  limited  ourselves  entirely  to  the  Maya  manu¬ 
scripts  as  we  have  drawn  upon  the  vast  amount  of  material 
available  in  the  stone  carvings,  the  stucco  figures,  and  the 
frescoes  found  throughout  the  Maya  area.  This  material  has 
by  no  means  been  exhausted  in  the  present  paper.  In  addi¬ 
tion  to  the  figures  from  the  Maya  codices  and  a  comparatively 
few  from  other  sources  in  the  Maya  region,  we  have  introduced 
for  comparison  in  a  number  of  cases  figures  from  a  few  of  the 
ancient  manuscripts  of  the  Nahuas  and  the  Zapotecs  to  the 
north.  The  calendar  of  these  two  peoples  is  fundamentally 
the  same  as  that  of  the  Mayas.  The  year  is  made  up  in  the 
same  way  being  composed  of  eighteen  months  of  twenty  days 
each  with  five  days  additional  at  the  end  of  the  year.  There  is 
therefore  a  more  or  less  close  connection  as  regards  subject 
matter  in  all  the  pre-Columbian  codices  of  Mexico  and  Central 
America  but  the  manner  of  presentation  differs  among  the  differ¬ 
ent  peoples  of  this  region. 


*The  first  two  parts  of  Dr.  Seler’ s  Treatise,  “Die  Tierbilder  der  mex- 
ikanischen  and  der  Maya-Handschriften”  published  in  the  Zeitschrift 
jiir  Ethnologic,  Yol.  41,  have  appeared  during  the  time  when  this  paper 
was  passing  through  the  press.  The  most  excellent  and  exhaustive 
treatment  by  Dr.  Seler  would  seem  to  render  the  present  paper  un¬ 
necessary.  It  has  seemed  best,  however,  to  continue  with  its  publica¬ 
tion  inasmuch  as  its  field  is  narrower  and  more  space  is  devoted  to  the 
Maya  side  of  the  question  to  the  exclusion  of  the  Mexican.  Dr.  Seler, 
on  the  other  hand,  while  by  no  means  neglecting  the  Maya,  has  spent 
more  time  in  explaining  the  Mexican  figures. 


I 


SYNOPTIC  CONSIDERATION  OF  THE  MEANING  AND 
OCCURRENCE  OF  ANIMAL  FORMS 

Before  taking  up  the  different  animals  in  the  codices  it 
may  be  well  to  consider  some  of  the  more  common  ways  in 
which  the  figures  occur  and  their  connection  with  the  surround¬ 
ing  figures. 

Manner  of  representation.  The  entire  body  of  the 
animal  may  be  represented  realistically  or  the  head  alone  may 
be  shown.  The  animal  head  is  frequently  attached  to  a  human 
body.  The  animal  may  appear  conventionalized  to  a  greater 
or  less  extent  and  the  head  in  turn  may  change  in  the  same  way 
until  only  a  single  characteristic  of  the  animal  remains  by  which 
to  identify  it  as,  for  example,  the  spots  of  the  jaguar  or  the 
feathering  around  the  eye  of  the  macaw.  In  the  case  of  the 
glyphs,  a  term  employed  to  designate  the  regular  and  usually 
square  characters  appearing  in  lines  or  columns  throughout  the 
codices  and  inscriptions,  we  find  both  the  realistic  drawing  and 
that  where  conventionalism  has  come  in. 

The  Tonalamatl.  The  Maya  codices  are  made  up,  for 
the  most  part,  of  the  records  of  the  sacred  period  of  two  hun¬ 
dred  and  sixty  days,  a  period  called  in  Nahuatl,  tonalamatl, 
and  other  numerical  calculations.  The  tonalamatl  was  used 
for  purposes  of  divination  in  order  to  find  out  whether  good 
or  bad  fortune  was  in  store  for  an  individual.  It  is  not  neces¬ 
sary  at  this  place  to  go  into  the  different  means  taken  to  record 
this  period  of  time  or  its  methods  of  use.  It  may  be  well,  how¬ 
ever,  to  explain  the  usual  distribution  of  the  pictures  in  the 
codices,  including  those  of  animals,  in  connection  with  the  re¬ 
presentation  of  the  tonalamatl.  A  normal  period  is  shown  in 

(285) 


286 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


Dresden  6c  -7c.  A  column  of  five  day  signs  occurs  in  the  middle 
of  6c  with  a  single  red  dot  over  it.  To  the  right  of  this  column 
stretches  a  horizontal  line  of  numbers  consisting  of  alternate 
groups  of  black  and  red  lines  and  clots.  Under  each  pair  of 
red  and  black  numbers  there  is  usually  a  human  form  and  over 
each  pair  a  group  of  four  glyphs  belonging  to  the  figure  below. 
Schellhas  (1904)  has  classified  the  various  figures  of  gods  ap¬ 
pearing  in  these  vignettes  of  the  tonalamatl  and  lettered  them. 
References  throughout  the  paper  will  be  made  to  the  gods  by 
letters  and  the  reader  is  referred  to  Schellhas’  paper.  Animal 
figures  often  take  the  place  of  these  gods  as  in  the  second  picture 
in  Dresden  7c  where  the  screech  owl  is  shown  with  human  body. 
The  greater  number  of  animal  figures  in  the  codices  occur  in 
some  connection  with  these  tonalamatls. 

Mythological  animals.  Where  figures  are  shown  with 
human  body  and  animal  head  standing  alone  in  the  place  usually 
occupied  by  one  of  the  various  deities  in  the  tonalamatl,  there 
can  be  little  doubt  that  they  have  a  mythological  meaning  and 
are  to  be  taken,  either  as  gods  themselves,  or  as  representing 
certain  of  the  gods.  All  of  the  animals  are  by  no  means  shown 
in  this  position.  The  screech  owl,  or  Moan  bird  (as  in  Dresden 
10a)  appears  most  frequently  in  this  way.  The  king  vulture 
(Dresden  Sa),  the  dog  (Dresden  7a),  and  the  parrot  (Dresden 
40b)  come  next  in  descending  importance.  The  animals  repre¬ 
sented  as  copulating  (as  in  Dresden  13c)  might  also  be  con¬ 
sidered  as  mythological  animals  as  well  as  the  full  drawings  of 
the  jaguar  (Dresden  Sa)  and  the  other  animals  when  they  occur 
alone  in  the  regular  vignette  of  the  tonalamatl.  The  four  priests 
in  Dresden  25a-28a  should  also  be  regarded  as  representing,  in 
all  probability,  the  dog  as  a  mythological  animal.  The  idea  of 
worshipping  animals  as  gods  in  themselves  is  strengthened  by 
noting  the  ease  with  which  the  Maya  people  worshipped  the 
horse  which  was  left  behind  by  Cortes  in  his  march  from  Mexico 
across  to  Honduras  (Villagutierre,  1701,  pp.  100-101). 

Astronomical  ideas.  Animals  frequently  have  a  part  to 
play  in  relation  to  the  constellations.  Throughout  the  codices 
and,  to  a  less  degree,  in  the  stone  carvings,  we  find  what  have 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


287 


usually  been  considered  to  be  glyphs  for  several  of  the  constella¬ 
tions.  Numerous  calculations  in  the  codices  make  it  clear  that 
the  Mayas  had  a  good  knowledge  of  astronomy.  These  glyphs 
are  usually  oblong  in  shape  and  three  or  more  are  arranged  to¬ 
gether  end  to  end.  We  have  called  these  the  constellation 
bands.  Various  attempts  have  been  made  to  identify  these 
signs  of  the  various  constellations.  Animals  frequently  are 
pictured  below  these  bands.  The  dog  with  fire  brands  in  his 
paws  and  often  attached  to  his  tail  is  shown  in  several  places 
coming  head  downward  from  one  of  these  bands  (as  in  Dresden 
36a  ).  The  peccary  is  also  shown  in  the  same  position  although 
the  fire  brands  do  not  appear  (Dresden  68a).  A  figure  with 
macaw  head  occurs  once  standing  beneath  one  of  these  bands 
with  fire  brands  in  his  hands  (Dresden  40b).  The  serpent  (as 
in  Dresden  36a),  the  lizard-crocodile-like  animal  in  Dresden  74, 
the  turtle  (Tro-Cortesianus  71a),  the  vulture  (Dresden  38b), 
the  turkey  (Tro-Cortesianus  10b),  and  the  deer  (Tro-Cortesianus 
47a)  all  appear  in  connection  with  these  constellation  bands. 
It  is  impossible  at  this  time  to  decide  upon  the  part  these  various 
animals  play  in  relation  to  distinct  constellations.  In  addition 
to  the  animals  named,  several  of  the  gods,  especially  god  B,  are 
found  below  these  bands.  One  of  these  signs,  the  one  identified 
by  Forstemann  as  standing  for  Saturn,  is  composed  of  the  head 
of  the  crocodile  more  or  less  conventionalized. 

Forstemann  (1902,  p.  27)  identifies  the  turtle  with  the  sum¬ 
mer  solstice  and  the  snail  as  the  animal  associated  with  the 
winter  solstice.  There  does  not  seem  to  be  any  one  animal 
used  in  connection  with  any  one  of  the  cardinal  points.  In 
Tro-Cortesianus  88c  the  dog  seems  to  be  associated  with  the 
north  as  shown  by  the  glyph  which  is  ordinarily  regarded  as 
connected  with  that  direction,  the  ape  with  the  west,  and  an 
unidentifiable  bird  sitting  on  a  Cimi  (death)  sign  with  the  south. 
The  east  is  connected  in  this  place  with  a  human  figure.  It 
should  be  stated,  however,  that  it  is  not  absolutely  certain  that 
the  usual  assignment  of  the  cardinal  points,  each  to  its  special 
direction,  is  correct.  The  signs  for  the  east  and  west  as  well  as 
those  for  the  north  and  south  may  be  reversed.  With  the  ex- 


288 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


ception  of  the  assignment  of  the  offering-glyphs  to  the  various 
cardinal  points  which  will  be  discussed  later  (p.  290)  this  is  almost 
the  only  case  where  a  clear  relation  can  be  made  out  between 
the  various  animals  and  the  signs  for  the  four  directions.  There 
is  no  definite  relation  as  is  seen,  for  example,  in  the  Vaticanus 
3773,  17,  18  where  the  quetzal  is  noted  perched  on  the  tree  of 
the  east,  the  eagle  on  that  of  the  north,  the  humming  bird  on 
that  of  the  west,  and  the  jaguar  on  the  tree  of  the  south. 

Copulation.  The  conception,  the  period  of  pregnancy, 
the  infant  baptism,  and  possibly,  the  naming  of  children  are 
shown  in  both  the  Tro-Cortesianus  (91-95)  and  the  Dresden 
(13-23).  Animals  are  frequently  shown  copulating  with  various 
gods  or  with  one  another.  In  Dresden  13c,  the  deer  and  god  M 
and  the  vulture  and  the  dog;  in  19c,  the  vulture  and  a  woman; 
in  Tro-Cortesianus  91d,  a  god  and  a  woman;  and  in  92d,  an 
armadillo  and  a  deer  both  with  female  figures.  These  animals 
probably  represent  in  some  wray  the  totems  of  the  man  or  woman 
in  question  and  are  shown  in  place  of  the  human  figure.  The 
Lacandones,  a  Maya  people,  show  at  the  present  time  the  re¬ 
mains  of  a  totemic  system  (Tozzer,  1907,  pp.  40-42).  The 
deer  ( Ke )  gens  is  found  at  the  present  time.  In  the  greater 
number  of  cases  where  copulation  is  shown  a  god  and  a  female 
figure  are  pictured.  The  presentation  of  the  new-born  chil¬ 
dren  by  women  with  bird  head-dresses,  also  occurring  in  this 
same  section  of  both  manuscripts,  is  discussed  later  (p.  291). 

Animal  sacrifices.  Various  ceremonials  occurring  at 
intervals  throughout  the  Maya  year  which  included  sacrifices 
to  the  gods,  evidently  took  up  a  large  part  of  the  time 
of  the  people.  Animals  composed  by  far  the  major  part  of 
the  gifts  made  to  the  gods.  This  wras  especially  true  in  regard 
to  the  ceremonies  occurring  at  the  beginning  of  each  year.  Ac¬ 
cording  to  the  Maya  calendar  there  were  four  days  only  which 
could  come  at  the  beginning  of  the  year  and  these  came  in  suc¬ 
cession.  Landa  (1S64,  pp.  210-233),  the  first  Bishop  of  Yuca¬ 
tan,  gives  a  minute  description  of  the  rites  of  the  four  j’ears 
which  were  named  according  to  the  initial  day.  He  also  relates 
the  manner  in  which  the  various  animals  are  employed  as  offer- 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


289 


ings  in  these  rites  and  also  in  others  taking  place  at  the  beginning 
of  the  various  months.* 

The  rites  which  took  place  at  the  beginning  and  the  end  of 
the  year  are  shown  in  Dresden  25-28  and  in  Tro-Cortesianus 
34-37.  The  dog,  the  deer,  and  the  turkey  are  the  most  impor¬ 
tant  of  the  animals  shown  as  being  offered  to  the  gods  in  this 
connection.  It  will  not  be  necessary  to  consider  these  animals 
in  detail  at  this  place  as  they  are  each  taken  up  later. 

Offerings  shown  by  glyphs.  It  is,  however,  in  another 
connection  than  that  just  considered  that  the  animals  are  shown 
as  offerings  far  more  frequently  throughout  the  Maya  manu¬ 
scripts.  In  the  ceremonies  of  the  four  years,  the  animals  and 
birds  are,  for  the  most  part,  represented  entire  and  purely  as 
pictures.  Offerings  are  also  shown  in  the  form  of  glyphs.  These 
may  occur  in  connection  with  the  figures  of  the  gods  or  in  the 
lines  of  hieroglyphs  above  the  pictures.  When  they  are  used 
in  the  former  relation  they  are  usually  shown  as  resting  in  a 
bowl  or  dish  (Dresden  35a).  It  frequently  happens  that  when 
a  god  is  making  an  offering  represented  by  the  entire  animal  or 
a  glyph  of  the  animal  in  the  main  picture,  there  is  a  correspond¬ 
ing  glyph  of  the  offering  above  in  the  line  of  hieroglyphics  (Dres¬ 
den  23b). 

The  fish,  iguana,  turkey,  deer  and  possibly  the  lizard 

*  p.  162.  “Las  mugeres  no  usavan  destos  derrammamientos,  aunque 
eran  harto  santeras  ;  mas  de  todas  las  cosas  que  aver  podian  que  son 
aves  del  cielo,  animales  de  la  tierra,  o  pescados  de  la  agua,  siempre  les 
embadurnavan  los  rostros  al  demonio  con  la  sangre  dellos.” 

p.  164.  “Y  otras  cosas  que  tenian  ofrecian;  a  algunos  animales 
les  sacavan  el  corazon  y  lo  ofrecian,  a  otros  enteros,  unos  vivos, 

otros  muertos,  unos  crudos,  otros  guisados . Que  sin  las 

fiestas  en  las  quales,  para  la  solemnidad  de  ellas,  se  secrificavan  ani¬ 
males,  tambien  por  alguna  tribulacion  o  necessidad.” 

p.  254.  “Tenian  buscados  todos'animales  y  savandijas  del  campo  que 
podian  aver  y  en  la  tierra  avia,  y  con  ellos  se  junta  van  en  el  patio  del 
templo  en  el  qual  se  ponian  los  Chaques  ....  Sacavan  con  liberalidad 
los  cor  agones  a  las  aves  y  animales,  y  echavanlos  a  quemar  en  el  fuego; 
y  sino  podian  aver  los  animales  grandes  como  tigres,  leones  o  largartos, 
hazian  los  coragones  de  su  encienso,  y  si  los  matavan  trayanles  los  cor- 
agones  para  aquel  fuego.” 
iv.  19 


290 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


are  the  usual  animals  shown  as  glyphs  in  this  connection.  The 
frigate  bird  occurs  once  in  the  Dresden  (35a)  and  once  in  the 
Tro-Cortesianus  (34a)  as  an  offering.  The  dog,  curiously 
enough,  does  not  seem  to  be  represented  by  an  offering-glyph 
although  he  has  a  glyph  of  his  own  when  appearing  in  other 
connections.  The  iguana  and  fish  are  shown  entire  although 
drawn  very  small ;  the  head  is  the  only  part  usually  shown  of 
the  turkey  and  the  haunch  of  venison  of  the  deer.  The  head 
and  feet  of  the  lizard,  as  has  been  noted,  may  also  be  shown  by 
a  glyph.  The  turkey  and  iguana  glyphs  are  very  often  found 
with  a  Kan  sign  indicating  an  offering  of  maize  and  bread  as 
well  as  that  of  the  animal.  In  connection  with  glyphs  showing 
various  offerings  of  food,  there  is  one  which  occurs  especially 
in  the  Tro-Cortesianus  (as  in  106a).  This  shows  a  row  of  points 
themselves  running  to  a  point  over  a  Kan  sign.  This,  as  will 
be  pointed  out  later  (p.  318)  may  also  represent  an  iguana.  The 
jar  containing  a  representation  of  the  honey  comb  (as  in  Tro- 
Cortesianus  107b)  might  come  in  here  in  the  consideration  of 
the  offering-glyphs. 

In  many  instances  the  common  offerings  shown  by  glyphs 
are  found  associated  with  the  signs  for  the  four  cardinal  points 
but  there  does  not  seem  to  be  any  strict  uniformity  as  to  the 
special  offering  associated  with  each  direction.  In  Dresden 
29b,  the  lizard  glyph  is  found  in  the  same  group  with  the  sign 
commonly  assigned  to  the  east,  the  turkey  with  the  south,  the 
iguana  with  the  west,  and  the  fish  with  the  north  while  in  Dres¬ 
den  29c,  the  deer  is  associated  with  the  east,  the  fish  with  the 
south,  the  iguana  with  the  west,  and  the  turkey  with  the  north. 
The  iguana  is  usually  found  with  the  sign  for  the  west  and  the 
fish  with  that  of  the  south.  The  others  vary  greatly  in  the  as¬ 
signment  of  the  various  directions. 

Schellhas  (1904,  p.  17)  considers  that  the  fish,  the  lizard,  “the 
sprouting  kernel  of  maize  or  (according  to  Forstemann,  parts 
of  a  mammal,  game)”  and  a  vulture’s  head  are  symbols  of  the 
four  elements.  The  head  which  Schellhas  interprets  as  that 
of  the  vulture  is  certainly  the  head  of  a  turkey.  He  remarks 
that  these  signs  of  the  four  elements  appear  with  god  B  in  the 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


291 


Dresden  manuscript.  Other  gods,  as  he  also  notes,  are  found 
with  these  four  offering-glyphs.  There  seems  to  be  a  fifth  glyph, 
however,  (as  in  Dresden  29b)  which  we  have  interpreted  as  that 
of  a  lizard. 

Animals  as  rain  bearers.  Various  animals  are  associated 
with  the  rain  and  water.  The  serpent  is  most  frequently  repre¬ 
sented  in  this  connection.  Snails,  fish,  the  turtle,  and  the  frog, 
as  well  as  the  lizard-crocodile  figure  in  Dresden  74  are  naturally 
found  associated  with  water.  The  vulture-headed  figure  in 
Dresden  38b  and  the  vulture  as  a  bird  in  Tro-Cortesianus  10a 
both  appear  in  the  rain.  The  peccary  (Dresden  68a),  and  the  tur¬ 
key  (Tro-Cortesianus  10b)  appear  associated  with  the  rain  as  well 
as  with  the  constellation  bands.  The  scorpion  (Tro-Cortesian¬ 
us  7a)  encloses  the  rain  within  its  legs. 

The  connection  of  an  old  female  figure  occurring  in  many 
places  in  the  codices  with  the  rain  will  be  discussed  later  (p.  316) 
when  considering  the  serpent.  It  remains  at  this  place  to  com¬ 
ment  upon  the  woman  in  Tro-Cortesianus  30b  from  whose 
breasts  water  is  flowing.  She  is  represented  as  having  animal 
figures  seated  on  her  two  outstretched  hands  and  on  her  right 
foot  together  with  another  animal  at  her  side.  God  B  sits  on 
her  left  foot.  This  picture  immediately  recalls  representations 
in  the  Mexican  codices  where  the  various  parts  of  the  body  of  a 
god  are  associated  with  various  day  signs,  ten  of  which  have 
animal  names.  In  the  Maya  picture,  a  jaguar  is  shown  on  the 
right  hand,  a  peccary  on  the  left,  a  dog  on  the  right  foot,  and  a 
rabbit  beside  the  body  at  her  right.  The  peccary  is  not  repre¬ 
sented  among  the  Nahua  day  signs  but  the  other  three  are 
found,  namely  the  oceolotl  (jaguar),  itzcuintli  (dog),  and  tochtli 
(rabbit). 

Animal  head-dresses.  Animal  figures  appear  perhaps 
most  frequently  as  head-dresses  of  the  various  gods  in  the  codi¬ 
ces.  Here,  as  elsewhere,  from  all  that  can  be  made  out,  the  relig¬ 
ious  character  is  uppermost  as  in  addition  to  being  a  deco¬ 
ration,  they  undoubtedly  have  some  religious  signification. 
Birds  occur  by  far  most  commonly  in  this  connection.  Both  male 
and  female  figures  seems  to  have  these  head-dresses.  The 


292 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


same  bird  is  often  found  as  the  head-dress  of  several  different 
gods  as,  for  example,  the  turkey  which  appears  with  gods  A,  B, 
C,  E,  and  N.  The  vulture, »on  the  other  hand,  when  used  as  a 
head-dress  for  male  figures,  appears  exclusively  with  god  F. 
The  whole  bird  is  seldom  represented  on  the  head-dress  of  the 
male  figures.  It  is  usually  only  the  head  and  a  part  of  the  body 
of  the  bird  which  forms  but  a  portion  of  the  whole  head-cover¬ 
ing.  Landa  (1S64,  p.  148)*  notes  the  dress  of  the  leader  in  the 
rites.  He  wears  a  jacket  of  red  feathers  worked  with  other 
feathers  and  from  it  hang  long  plumes.  He  also  wears  a  feather 
head-dress. 

Entire  birds  appear  as  the  sole  head-covering  only  in  con¬ 
nection  with  female  figures  and  then  only  in  one  section  of  the 
Dresden  (16-18)  and  a  parallel  passage  in  the  Tro-Cortesianus 
(94-95).  In  both  these  places  the  conception  and  the  bearing 
of  children  are  shown  together  with  their  baptism.  The  bird 
above  the  head  of  each  female  figure  seems  to  be  a  badge 
of  office,  possibly  the  totems  which  are  held  by  the  women  and 
given  to  the  children.  The  parrot,  quetzal,  vulture,  screech  owl 
and  the  horned  owl  appear  in  this  connection.  It  is  to  be  noted 
that  the  birds  associated  with  these  women  are  not  really  re¬ 
presented  as  head-dresses  at  all.  They  are  quite  different  from 
the  head  decoration  composed  of  a  bird’s  head  and  feathers 
seen  in  other  parts  of  the  manuscripts.  In  the  Dresden  es¬ 
pecially,  these  birds  above  the  women’s  heads  are  shown  in 
almost  every  case  standing  with  the  claws  clasping  the  necklace 
at  the  back  of  the  neck.  Landa  (1864,  pp.  144-154)  gives  an 
interesting  account  of  the  method  of  baptising  children.  He 
also  states  (p.  304) f  that  in  the  month  Yaxkin  an  old  woman 
brought  the  little  girls  to  the  general  feast.  This  old  woman 

*  “Vestido  salia  conun  jaco  de  pluma  Colorado  y  labrado  de  otras 
p lumas  de  colores,  y  que  le  cuelgan  de  los  estremos  otras  plumas  largas 
y  una  eomo  coroza  en  la  cabe<ja  de  las  mesmas  plumas.  ” 

f  “  Y  a  las  nifias  se  les  dava  una  vieja,  vestida  de  un  habito  de 
plumas.  que  las  traia  alii  y  por  esto  la  llamavan  Ixmol,  la  allegadera. 

....  Aquella  devota  vieja  allegaria  con  que  se  emborachava  en  casa 
por  no  perder  la  pluma  del  officio  en  el  camino.” 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


293 


was  dressed  in  a  garment  of  feathers.  It  was  understood  that 
this  devoted  old  woman  was  not  permitted  to  become  intoxi¬ 
cated*  lest  she  should  lose  in  the  road  the  plume  of  her  office. 

The  serpent  appears  as  a  head-dress  exclusively  with  female 
figures  and  then  usually  when  the  woman  is  in  the  act  of  offering 
something  or  is  associated  with  water  or  rain.  The  centipede 
occurs  only  with  god  D.  Quadrupeds  are  employed  as  head¬ 
dresses  only  very  seldom.  The  head  of  a  deer  is,  in  three  places, 
used  as  a  part  of  the  head  decoration  of  god  M  and  the  head  of  a 
jaguar  appears  in  two  places  only. 

Secular  occupations.  Animals  appear  frequently  in 
scenes  showing  various  occupations.  These,  although  appearing 
at  first  sight  as  secular,  have  to  do  with  the  religion  of  the  peo¬ 
ple  and  they  show  in  every  case  acts  undertaken  in  behalf  of  the 
deities.  It  is  almost  exclusively  in  the  Tro-Cortesianus  that 
these  religious-secular  occupations  are  shown. 

Hunting  scenes  occur  in  one  section  of  this  codex  (38-49). 
The  whole  aim  of  the  hunt  in  these  pages  is  to  obtain  animals 
for  sacrifice.  In  almost  every  case  the  various  animals  are 
shown  as  being  captured  alive,  either  in  a  pitfall  or  a  trap  of  the 
"jerk-up”  type.  This  was  undoubtedly  in  order  that  the  ani¬ 
mal  might  be  killed  the  moment  it  was  offered  to  the  gods  by 
having  its  heart  cut  out.  Deer  are  most  commonly  represented 
in  this  hunting  section  although  peccaries  and  armadillos  also 
appear.  Fishing  is  shown  in  one  place  at  least  (Dresden  33a). 

The  practice  of  agriculture  is  shown  in  Tro-Cortesianus 
24-28.  The  sprouting  grain  is  represented  as  being  eaten  by  a 
vulture  and  a  jaguar.  Certain  gods  in  this  section  which  relates 
to  the  planting  of  maize  are  shown  as  being  attacked  by  vultures 
and  blow-flies.  Another  occupation  of  the  natives  depicted  in 
the  Tro-Cortesianus  (103-112)  is  apiculture.  This,  again,  has 
clearly  some  religious  significance.  Pottery-making  is  shown 
in  the  same  manuscript  (95-101).  It  is,  however,  a  purely  reli¬ 
gious  ceremony.  The  renewal  of  the  incense-burners  is  shown. 

*  “Intoxication  was  obligatory  with  the  men  in  many  of  the  religious 
rites.  This  is  reported  by  the  early  Spanish  historians  and  is  the  case 
at  the  present  time  among  the  Lacandones.”  (See  Tozzer,  1907,  p.  136.) 


294 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


Animals  occur  very  infrequently  in  this  section.  The  quetzal 
and  two  vultures  are  noted  seated  on  top  of  an  oven-like  cover¬ 
ing  under  which  is  the  head  of  god  C,  probably  representing 
the  idol.  There  are  several  other  occupations  shown  in  this 
codex  such  as  weaving  (79c)  and  the  gathering  of  the  sap  of  the 
rubber  tree  (102b),  but  as  animals  do  not  occur  in  any  connec¬ 
tion  with  these  operations,  it  is  not  necessary  to  dwell  upon  them. 

Animal  glyphs.  It  remains  finally  to  speak  of  the  various 
animals  which  are  represented  in  glyph  form  as  well  as  drawn 
in  full  in  the  pictures  proper.  The  creatures  pictured  in  the 
codices  are  often  accompanied  bv  their  glyphs  which  appear  in 
the  lines  of  signs  directly  above.  In  many  cases,  the  animal 
pictured  below  is  not  represented  by  its  glyph  above  and,  vice 
versa,  the  animal  glyph  may  appear  without  its  picture  below. 
The  same  is  seen  also  in  connection  with  the  representation  of 
the  gods  and  their  glyphs.  Both  the  picture  and  the  glyph 
usually  appear  but  either  may  appear  alone.  Many  times  when 
the  glyph,  either  of  a  god  or  an  animal,  is  shown  with  no  accom¬ 
panying  picture,  the  reason  seems  to  be  that  there  is  no  room 
for  the  latter  on  account  of  the  numerical  calculations  which 
take  up  all  the  space. 

There  are  some  animals  in  the  codices  which  are  represented 
by  glyphs  very  frequently.  Among  these  are  the  screech  owl 
(the  Moan,  the  bird  of  death),  which  has  several  different  glyphs 
by  which  it  is  recognized,  the  dog  which,  in  addition  to  its  own 
glyph,  may  be  represented  by  the  day  sign  Oc,  the  king  vulture, 
the  turtle,  the  bee  (if  we  consider  the  day  sign  Cauac  stands  for 
this  insect),  and  the  centipede.  Among  the  animals  whose 
glyphs  only  seldom  appear  may  be  mentioned  the  macaw,  the 
peccary,  the  tree-toad  (god  P),  the  quetzal,  and  the  jaguar. 
The  glyph  for  the  black  vulture  (Tro-Cortesianus  26c),  the  ape 
(Tro-Cortesianus  S8c),  the  deer  (Peresianus  10),  the  eagle  (Tro- 
Cortesianus  107c),  and  the  serpent  (Tro-Cortesianus  106c) 
seem  to  appear  but  once.  It  might  also  be  well  to  mention  in 
this  place  the  glyphs  for  various  molluscs  which  are  used  not  to 
represent  the  shell  but  to  give  the  value  of  zero  to  the  numerical 
calculations. 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


295 


In  the  inscriptions  glyphs  frequently  occur  which  represent 
animals  either  showing  the  whole  body  or  simply  the  head.  In 
the  eastern  fafade  of  the  Monjas  at  Chichen  Itza  there  are  glyphs 
for  both  the  king  and  the  black  vulture  and  the  peccary.  The 
macaw  and  the  turtle  seem  also  to  be  represented  by  glyphs  in 
the  inscriptions.  The  Tun  period  glyph  shows  vulture-like 
characteristics  and  the  Uinal  period  glyph  certainly  resembles 
the  lizard.  The  glyphs  representing  the  various  animal  offer¬ 
ings  have  already  been  discussed  under  a  special  heading(p.  289). 


II 


ZOOLOGICAL  IDENTIFICATION  AND  ETHNOLOGICAL 
EXPLANATION  OF  ANIMAL  FORMS. 

In  the  descriptions  of  the  animals  which  follow  the  general 
plan  will  be  to  consider  first  the  identification  purely  from  a 
zoological  point  of  view,  and,  secondly,  the  connection  and, 
wherever  possible,  the  meaning  of  the  use  of  the  various  animal 
figures  wherever  they  occur. 


MOLLUSCA 

Fasciolaria  gigantea.  Representations  of  this  marine 
shell  are  found  in  several  places  in  the  codices.  It  is  the  only 
large  Fusus- like  species  on  the  western  coast  of  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico,  and,  indeed,  is  the  largest  known  American  shell.  It 
is  therefore  not  strange  that  it  should  have  attracted  the  atten¬ 
tion  of  the  Mayas  and  found  a  place  in  their  writings.  Several 
figures  are  shown  that  represent  Fasciolaria  (PI.  1,  figs.  1-9). 
One  in  the  Codex  Vaticanus  3773  (PI.  1,  fig.  3)  in  common 
with  those  shown  in  PI.  1,  figs.  2,  6,  9,  has  the  spire  represented 
by  segments  of  successively  smaller  size.  The  species  of  Fas¬ 
ciolaria  occurring  on  the  Yucatan  and  adjacent  coasts  is  charac¬ 
terized  by  numerous  prominent  bosses  or  projections  on  its 
later  whorls,  and  these,  too,  appear  in  conventionalized  form 
in  most  of  the  representations.  In  PI.  1,  fig.  2,  the  second 
whorl,  and  in  figs.  6,  9,  the  third  whorl  is  shown  with  three  stout 
tubercles  in  side  view,  corresponding  to  those  found  in  this 
region  of  the  shell.  Figs.  7,  S  (PI.  1)  are  glyphs  representing 
the  same  species,  but  as  in  fig.  4,  the  spire  is  omitted,  though 
the  knobs  are  present.  Round  spots  of  color  are  evidently  in¬ 
tended  by  the  markings  on  the  shells  shown  in  figs.  3,  5,  6  (PI.l). 

(296) 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


297 


Fig.  5,  shows  a  further  modification  of  the  spire,  which  here  is 
made  like  the  head  of  a  serpent. 

The  Mollusca  in  the  codices  are  not  always  associated  with 
the  water  although  this  is  usually  the  case.  God  N  (PI.  1,  fig. 
1)  sitting  with  the  shell  around  his  body  is  represented  as  in  the 
rain  and  the  shells  in  PI.  1,  figs.  4,  6,  appear  under  water.  The 
snail  (Maya,  sot)  is  considered  by  the  Nahuas  as  the  symbol  of 
birth  and  death.  The  first  idea  is  well  brought  out  in  PI.  1,  fig. 
2,  where  the  human  figure  is  emerging  from  a  shell.  The  same 
idea  among  the  Mayas  is  seen  in  PI.  1,  fig.  1 ,  where  god  N  is  com¬ 
ing  from  a  shell.  As  god  N  is  usually  associated  with  the  end 
of  the  year,  we  may  have  here  the  complementary  idea  of  death 
associated  with  the  shell.  The  same  meaning  is  brought  out 
in  the  Bologna  Codex  (PI.  1,  fig.  3)  where  the  shell  is  decorated 
with  flint  points,  the  symbol  of  death.  As  the  tortoise  is  often 
identified  with  the  summer  solstice,  as  previously  pointed  out, 
so  the  snail' is  associated  with  the  winter  solstice. 

Forstemann’s  identification  of  the  head-dress  of  god  D 
(Dresden  5c),  god  A  (Dresden  9c,  13a),  and  god  E  (Dresden  11c) 
as  representing  snails  is  not  clear.  Stempell  (1908,  p.  739)  also 
follows  the  same  course  thinking  that  the  knob-like  prominences 
represent  the  stalked  eyes  of  snails.  This  seems  quite  unlikely 
as  such  representations  are  usually  short  and  occur  in  too  widely 
dissimilar  connections.  Moreover,  there  are  sometimes  three 
of  these  instead  of  but  a  single  pair  (Dresden  14a).  A  similar 
attempt  has  been  made  by  Brinton  to  identify  the  head-dress 
of  the  death  god  (god  A)  as  the  snail.  The  head-dress  in  Dresden 
13a  and  13b  associated  with  god  A  looks  far  more  like  the  head 
and  upper  jaw  of  some  mammal. 

Oliva.  A  univalve  shell  frequently  represented  is  of  an 
oval  shape,  pointed  at  each  end,  with  a  longitudinal  lip  and  a 
short  spire  at  one  extremity.  This  is  doubtless  a  species  of 
Oliva,  a  marine  shell.  Mr.  Charles  W.  Johnson  informs  us  that 
0  .  reticulata  is  the  species  occurring  on  the  Yucatan  shores, 
while  0 .  splendidula  is  found  in  other  parts  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 
Representations  of  this  shell  are  shown  in  PI.  1,  figs.  10-12.  In 
figs.  10,  11,  the  lip  and  spire  are  apparent  but  in  fig.  12  the  lip 


298 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


only  is  seen  as  a  white  fissure  against  the  general  dark  back¬ 
ground.  An  earthenware  vessel  representing  a  tapir  (PI.  28, 
fig.  1)  shows  a  string  of  Oliva  shells  about  the  animal’s  neck  and 
similar  strings  very  often  decorate  the  belts  worn  by  the  person¬ 
ages  represented  on  the  stelae  of  Copan. 

The  shell  in  the  codices  is  found  in  most  cases  to  represent 
zero  in  the  Maya  numerical  calculations.  Just  as  a  bar  has  the 
meaning  five,  and  a  dot  one,  so  the  shell  often  has  the  signifi¬ 
cation  of  zero.  This  is  seen  especially  in  the  numeration  by 
position  in  the  codices  (PI.  1,  figs.  7,  8,  10-14). 

Other  Mollusca.  In  addition  to  the  species  just  described 
at  least  two  or  three  others  occur  in  the  Nuttall  Codex,  but  so 
conventionalized  that  it  is  out  of  the  question  to  hazard  a  guess 
at  their  identity.  One  (PI.  1,  figs.  16,  17)  is  a  bivalve  with  long 
pointed  shell,  another  (PI.  1,  figs.  18-20)  is  rounder  with  con¬ 
ventionalized  scroll-like  markings.  Figs.  21,  22  (PI.  1)  may 
be  a  side  view  of  the  closed  bivalve  shown  in  figs.  16,  17,  or 
possibly  a  species  of  cowry.  In  like  manner,  fig.  13  is  probably 
a  side  view  of  the  mollusc  shown  in  fig.  14,  for  it  is  seen  that  in 
each  case  the  figure  showing  the  two  opened  valves  has  a  bi¬ 
partite  extended  foot,  whereas  that  of  the  single  valve  is  simple. 
This  doubling  of  the  single  median  foot  of  the  bivalve  may  be 
an  artistic  necessity  for  the  sake  of  balance,  or  perhaps  repre¬ 
sents  both  foot  and  siphon  at  the  same  end.  Figs.  23,  24  (PI.  1) 
seem  to  represent  molluscs  still  further  reduced  and  conven¬ 
tionalized.  These  molluscs  from  the  Nuttall  Codex  (PI.  1,  figs. 
15-24)  are  almost  all  found  represented  in  the  blue  water,  where¬ 
as  those  which  stand  for  zero  in  the  Maya  codices  have  no  imme¬ 
diate  association  with  either  water  or  rain. 


INSECT A 

The  Honey  Bee  ( Melipona ).  A  portion  of  the  Tro-Corte- 
sianus  appears  to  treat  of  apiculture,  as  previously  noted,  or, 
at  all  events,  contains  numerous  figures  of  bees,  some  of  which 
are  shown  in  PI.  2.  As  stated  by  Stempell  (1908,  p.  735)  this 
is  doubtless  a  species  of  Melipona ,  probably  M.  fulvipes  or  do- 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


299 


mestica.  It  is  well  known  that  this  bee  was  kept  by  the  ancient 
Mexicans,  and  what  appear  to  be  improvised  hives  are  shown 
in  PL  2,  figs.  7,  10,  where  the  combs  are  noted  depending  from 
the  ceiling  or  walls.  These  combs  are  seen  to  be  composed  of 
cells  roughly  four-sided  for  the  most  part,  though  in  fig.  11 
several  hexagonal  cells  are  present  in  the  mass  of  comb  held  by 
the  black  god,  M.  Darwin,  in  his  Origin  of  Species,  has  called 
attention  to  the  form  of  the  comb  built  by  this  bee,  and  con¬ 
siders  its  irregular  cells  of  from  three  to  six  sides  intermediate 
in  their  degree  of  perfection  between  those  of  the  bumble  bee 
( Bombus )  and  the  honey  bee  of  Europe  (Apis  mellifica) .  The 
Caban  form  in  connnection  with  the  hive  in  fig.  10  may  have 
■  some  phonetic  signifiance  as  kab  is  honey  in  Maya.  This  sign 
occurs  very  frequently  in  the  pages  devoted  to  apiculture. 

The  figures  of  the  bees  in  the  codex  show  a  number  of  inter¬ 
esting  variations.  In  figs.  1-3,  5, 11,  the  insect  is  less  conven¬ 
tionalized  than  in  figs.  4,  6  (Pi.  2).  The  hairy  feet  are  well  in¬ 
dicated  as  well  as  the  segmented  body  and  a  single  pair  of  wings. 
All  the  figures  show  an  anterodorsal  view  so  that,  on  account 
of  the  size  of  the  first  pair  of  legs,  only  the  tops  of  the  second 
pair  appear  in  PI.  2,  figs.  1,  3,  5.  In  fig.  2.  however,  two  pairs 
are  seen,  and  in  figs.  4,  6,  the  anthropomorphic  tendency  is 
further  shown  by  providing  the  insect  with  two  pairs  of  limbs 
'each  with  four  or  five  digits,  and  a  conventionalized  face,  eyes 
and  mouth.  In  PI.  2,  fig.  1,  the  bee  is  represented  without 
mouthparts  but  antennae  only.  This  may  indicate  a  drone  or 
a  queen  bee  that  takes  no  active  part  in  the  work  of  gathering 
honey  or  making  comb.  Fig.  2  is  perhaps  the  least  reduced  of 
any  of  the  figures  and  shows  the  worker  bee  with  antennae  and 
mouthparts. 

The  so-called  “cloud  balls”  of  the  day  sign  Cauac  (PI.  2,  fig. 
8)  may  represent  the  honey  comb.  Cauac  is  usually  supposed 
to  have  some  connection  with  lightening  and  thunder  although 
Yalentini  agrees  with  the  authors  in  associating  Cauac  with  the 
bees  and  honey.  The  Cauac-like  forms  in  PL  2,  figs.  7,  10,  have 
been  described  above  as  hives.  The  representation  of  legs  in 
the  full  drawing  of  a  bee  as  four  large  limbs,  an  anterior  and  a 


300 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


posterior  pair,  coupled  with  the  method  of  drawing  the  insect 
as  seen  from  above  and  in  front,  may  have  led  to  its  final  ex¬ 
pression  by  an  X-shaped  mark  shown  in  connection  with  the 
hives  (PI.  2, figs.  7,10).  The  X  is  also  seen  in  the  day  sign  Cauac. 

Apiculture  was  common  among  the  various  peoples  of  Cen¬ 
tral  America  and  Mexico.  Las  Casas  speaks  of  hives  of  bees 
and  Gomara  states  that  the  bees  were  small  and  the  honey 
rather  bitter.  Clavigero  (Vol.  T,  p.  68)*  mentions  six  varieties 
of  bees  which  were  found  in  Mexico; — the  first  is  the  same  as 
the  common  bee  of  Europe,  the  second  differs  from  the  first  only 
in  having  no  sting  and  is  the  bee  of  Yucatan  and  Chiapas  which 
makes  the  fine  clear  honey  of  aromatic  flavor.  The  third  species 
resembles  in  its  form  the  winged  ants  but  is  smaller  than  the 
common  bee  and  without  a  sting.  The  fourth  is  a  yellow  bee, 
smaller  than  the  common  one  but,  like  it,  furnished  with  a  sting. 
The  fifth  is  a  small  bee  without  a  sting  which  constructs  hives 
of  an  orbicular  form  in  subterranean  cavities  and  the  honey  is 
sour  and  somewhat  bitter.  The  Tlalpipiolli,  which  is  the  sixth 
species,  is  black  and  yellow,  of  the  size  of  the  common  bee,  but 
has  no  sting. 

The  natives  of  the  country  at  the  present  time  often  culti¬ 
vate  hives  of  bees  in  logs  which  they  hollow  out  for  this  purpose 
and  keep  in  a  specially  constructed  shelter.  It  is,  however, 
rather  the  ceremonial  side  of  apiculture  that  is  the  interesting 
feature  and  this  is  clearly  emphasized  in  the  Tro-Cortesianus. 
The  section  in  this  manuscript  (SOb,  103-1 12),  as  has  been  noted, 
is  taken  up  almost  exclusively  with  the  culture  of  the  bee 
and  in  all  probability  represents  a  definite  religious  ceremony 
or  series  of  rites  which  are  connected  intimately  with  bees  and 
honey.  Landa  (1864,  p.  292)|  states  that  in  the  month  Tzoz 
the  natives  prepare  for  a  ceremony  in  behalf  of  the  bees  which 
takes  place  in  the  following  month,  Tzec.  In  the  month  Mol 
another  fiesta  is  undertaken  in  behalf  of  these  insects  so  that 

*  Quoted  in  Thomas,  1882.  pp.  115,  116. 

t  “  En  el  mes  de  Tzoz  se  aparejavan  los  seiiores  de  las  colmenares  para 
celebrar  su  fiesta  en  Tzec.” 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


301 


the  gods  may  provide  an  abundance  of  flowers  for  the  bees 
(Landa,  1864,  p.  306).* 

It  seems  clear  therefore  that  we  have  represented  in  the 
pages  of  the  Tro-Cortesianus  referred  to,  the  rites  carried  out  in 
this  connection.  The  more  or  less  realistic  drawings  of  the  bees 
(PI.  2,  figs.  1-6,9)  represent  the  god  of  the  bees  and  to  him  offer¬ 
ings  of  food  and  incense  are  being  made.  PL  2,  fig.  11 ,  shows 
the  war  god  (M)  with  his  eagle  head-dress  offering  a  mass  of 
honey  in  the  comb  to  the  god  of  the  bees. 

Curiously  enough  the  bee  does  not  seem  to  be  represented  in 
the  Dresden  Codex.  Forstemann’s  identification  of  the  head¬ 
dress  of  the  goddess  in  Dresden  9a  as  a  bee  does  not  seem  to  us 
to  be  correct. 

In  addition  to  the  bees,  there  occurs  in  the  Nuttall  Codex  4 
(PI.  3,  fig.  4)  a  curious  representation  of  an  insect  with  a  pointed 
beak-like  structure  and  a  spine  at  the  posterior  extremity  of  its 
human-like  body.  It  is  engaged  in  apparent  conflict  with  a 
man  and  may  represent  a  hornet. 

Blow-fly  (Sarcophaga) .  Two  figures  in  the  Tro-Corte¬ 
sianus  (PI.  3,  figs.  1,  2)  are  of  special  interest  since  they  appear 
to  have  been  frequently  regarded  as  picturing  snakes  attacking 
men.  These  are  thick-bodied  sinuous  creatures  distinguished  by 
the  curious  conformation  of  the  mouth  and  by  a  lateral  row  of 
dots  that  may  represent  the  metameric  spiracles  or,  as  com¬ 
monly,  a  demarcation  between  dorsal  and  ventral  surfaces. 
That  these  are  maggots  of  a  blow-fly  ( Sarcophaga )  there  can  be 
little  doubt,  not  only  on  account  of  their  mouth  parts  which  are 
similar  to  those  of  the  agave  maggot  (see  later)  but  also  because 
of  their  relation  to  God  F  whom  they  are  devouring.  The  latter 
in  fig.  1  is  doubtless  dead  as  shown  by  the  closed  eye  and  it  is  the 
habit  of  the  blow-fly  to  deposit  its  eggs  in  the  nasal  cavity  of 
dead  animals  as  well  as  elsewhere  on  the  body.  The  fact  that 
in  each  case  a  maggot  is  attacking  the  god’s  nose  may  indicate 
that  this  habit  was  known  to  the  artist  who,  consequently, 

*  “  En  este  mes  (Mol)  tornavan  los  colmenares  a  hazer  otra  fiesta  como 
la  que  hizieron  en  Tzec,  para  que  los  dioses  proveessen  de  flores  a  las 
avejas.” 


302 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


shows  the  larvae  in  this  position.  In  PL  3,  fig.  2, the  god’s  eye 
is  not  closed  but  his  passive  attitude  while  the  maggot  devours 
his  hand  and  nose  does  not  indicate  that  he  is  in  full  possession 
of  his  strength.  In  addition  to  the  blow-fly,  a  screw-fly  ( Ckryso - 
myia)  lays  its  eggs  on  the  bodies  of  animals,  often  on  persons 
sleeping,  and  these  may  hatch  almost  at  once  into  small  maggots 
that  penetrate  the  skin.  It  may  be,  therefore,  that  the  larvae 
here  considered  belong  to  this  genus. 

In  addition  to  god  F,  in  Tro-Cortesianus  24d,  there  is 
another  representation  of  the  same  god  being  attacked  by  a 
vulture.  This  bird  is  evidently  eating  his  nose.  In  this  case 
the  god  is  shown  with  the  closed  eye  as  in  27d.  In  Tro-Corte¬ 
sianus  25d  the  fly  seems  to  be  attacking  the  mouth  of  god  F. 
From  the  fact  that  no  other  god  is  ever  found  in  this  connection 
it  may  be  suggested  that  there  may  be  some  relation  between 
god  F  as  a  god  of  human  sacrifice  and  the  fact  that  his  dead 
body  is  being  eaten  by  blow-flies  and  vultures.  A  portion  of 
the  body  of  the  person  sacrificed  was  usually  eaten  by  those 
taking  part  in  the  ceremony. 

Lepidopterous  Insects.  In  Tro-Cortesianus  28c  (PI.  3, 
fig.  3)  is  shown  a  second  insect  larva  with  curiously  formed 
mouth  parts.  It  is  represented  as  attacking  agave  which  is 
springing  from  the  ground  as  shown  by  the  Caban  signs  in  the 
codex.  Hough  (1908,  p.  591)  has  shown  this  to  be  the  larva  of 
Acentrocneme  kollari  Felder,  “called  by  the  Mexicans  guson, 
and  in  Nahuatl  mescuiUin.”  This  grub,  he  says,  is  white,  about 
an  inch  long,  and  tunnels  the  fleshy  leaves  of  the  agave.  It  is 
greatly  prized  as  an  article  of  food  for  “gusones  to  this  day  are 
collected  in  April,  boiled,  wrapped  in  the  epidermis  of  the  agave, 
sold  on  the  streets  of  Mexico,  and  are  eaten  with  avidity.  To 
all  appearances  they  are  nourishing  and  palatable,  and  it  is 
said  that  connoisseurs  prefer  them  to  oysters  or  swallows’ nests.” 
Hough  believes  “that  the  discovery  of  the  sap-yielding  quality 
of  the  agave  was  through  search  for  these  larvae.  ’  ’ 

In  the  Nuttall  Codex  occur  numerous  representations  of 
insects,  some  of  which  appear  to  represent  butterflies  or  moths 
(PI.  3,  figs.  5-S)  but  these  are  quite  unidentifiable.  That  shown 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


303* 


in  fig.  6  is  colored  blue  in  the  original,  while  the  others  are  of 
various  colors.  Possibly  the  round  markings  on  the  wings  in 
figs.  5,  8,  represent  the  ocelli  on  the  wings  of  certain  species  of 
moths.  In  this  connection,  too,  it  is  interesting  to  compare 
the  conventionalized  butterfly  with  its  single  eye  and  pointed 
antennae  from  the  Aubin  manuscript  (PI.  3,  fig.  9)  with  one 
drawn  on  the  same  plan  from  the  Nuttall  Codex  (PI.  3,  fig.  8)., 

MYRIAPODA 

Representations  of  a  centipede  (probably  a  species  of' 
Scolopendra )  occur  in  the  Dresden  Codex  and  in  several 
others  examined.  That  shown  in  PI.  5,  fig.  1,  from  the  Vati- 
canus  3773,  is  perhaps  the  least  conventionalized.*  This  figure- 
appears  partly  to  encircle  a  temple,  behind  which  the  major 
portion  of  its  length  is  hidden  and  hence  is  not  here  shown.  The 
bipartite  structure  coming  from  the  animal’s  head  doubtless 
represents  the  mouthparts,  and  at  its  base  on  either  side  arise 
antennae.  The  first  pair  only  of  legs  is  shown  with  a  pinching 
claw,  possibly  intended  as  a  conventionalized  hand,  while  the 
rest  are  simple.  The  plumes  decorating  the  posterior  extrem¬ 
ity  are  of  course  extraneous  and  represent  the  tail  of  the  quet¬ 
zal  or  trogon. 

In  the  Dresden  Codex,  god  D  constantly  appears  in  connec¬ 
tion  with  a  head-dress  from  which  depends  a  centipede,  greatly 
reduced  and  conventionalized.  Two  forms  of  this  centipede 
are  shown  in  PI.  3,  figs.  15,  18.  The  body  appears  to  consist  of 
four  or  five  segments  each  with  its  pair  of  ambulatory  appen¬ 
dages  (though  there  may  not  always  be  the  same  number  of 
each)  terminated  by  a  circular  segment  with  a  conventionalized 
three-knobbed  structure,  apparently  corresponding  to  the  por¬ 
tion  that  bears  the  quetzal  plume  in  PI.  5,  fig.  1.  The  outline  of 
the  head  in  PI.  3,  fig.  15 ,  is  shown  in  dotted  line  but  by  solid  line 
in  fig.  18.  One  of  the  antennae  appears  to  be  omitted  from  the 
former  figure,  also,  but  both  are  present  in  the  latter.  The 

*  Strebel  (1899,  PI.  11)  gives  several  realistic  reproductions  of  the 
centipede  from  pottery  fragments. 


304 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


insect-like  head  is  made  on  much  the  same  plan  as  that  of  the 
bee  (PL  2,  fig.  11),  the  facial  portion  divided  by  a  median  line 
into  a  right  and  a  left  half  with  a  small  triangle  below  for  a  mouth. 
The  eyes,  however,  instead  of  being  circular  like  those  of  the  bee 
are  made  as  narrow  elongated  projections  extending  inward 
from  the  dorsal  margin  of  the  facial  disc. 

The  glyphs  for  god  D  in  Dresden  7b  (PI.  3,  fig.  11),  Dresden 
7c,  and  Dresden  14b  (PI.  3,  fig.  12)  undoubtedly  show  three 
forms  of  the  sign  for  god  D ,  only  one  of  which  (fig.  12)  is  given  by 
Schellhas  (1904,  p.  22)  among  the  signs  of  this  god.  In  each  of 
these  cases  the  centipede  head  surrounded  by  dots  is  shown  in 
connection  with  the  main  part  of  the  glyph.  In  Dresden  44b 
(PI.  3,  fig.  13)  there  is  a  glyph  which  seems  to  show  the  same 
centipede  head  although  it  has  no  connection  with  god  D  in  the 
place  where  it  is  found.  In  Dresden  27  (PI.  3,  fig.  14),  moreover, 
still  another  variant  of  the  glyph  for  god  D  seems  to  occur. 
This  shows  a  prefix  clearly  representing  the  centipede  and  the 
“moon  sign"  is  the  main  part  of  the  glyph.  Directly  beside 
this  in  the  codex  is  found  the  AhauAlke  sign  for  god  D  and  god 
D  himself  is  represented  in  the  middle  section  of  the  page. 

The  association  of  god  D  with  the  centipede  may  be  ex¬ 
plained  by  the  fact  that  as  this  god  is  regarded  as  the  Moon  or 
Night  god,  so  the  centipede  is  an  animal  which  frequents  dark 
places.  Another  point  in  this  connection  may  be  made  if  we 
consider  the  head  of  the  centipede  in  the  head-dress  and  in  the 
glyphs  as  representing  the  day  sign  Akbal  (PI.  3,  fig.  10)  as  Akbal 
in  Maya  means  night.  It  must  be  admitted,  however,  that  the 
head  might  represent  the  day  signChuen  almost  as  well  as  Akbal. 
The  centipede  is  connected  with  death  and  destruction  in  the 
same  way  as  the  owl.  Both  are  shown  in  Yaticanus  3773, 13, 
associated  with  the  “house  of  drought.” 

CRUSTACEA 

With  one  possible  exception  no  crustaceans  were 
found }  depicted  in  the  Maya  codices,  but  we  have  intro¬ 
duced  figures  of  two  from  the  Nutt  all  Codex.  The  first  of  these 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


305 


(PL  4,  fig.  5)  is  probably  a  crayfish,  perhaps  Cambarus  monte- 
zumae.  It  seems  unlikely  that  the  so-called  Spanish  lobster 
(Palinurus)  can  be  intended  or  the  powerful  spined  antennae 
would  have  been  shown.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the 
stalked  eyes  are  clearly  pictured.  The  second  example  seems 
to  be  a  crab  (PI.  4,  fig.  6).  Two  large  chelae  of  nearly  equal 
size  are  simply  drawn  and  four  rounded  projections  at  the  top 
of  the  figure  appear  to  represent  the  walking  legs.  Its  rotund 
form  and  subequal  chelae  suggest  the  land  crab,  Geocarcinus, 
but  exact  determination  is  of  course  impossible.  What  is  cer¬ 
tainly  a  large  crab,  perhaps  of  the  same  species,  is  shown  in  Tro- 
Cortesianus  88c  (PI.  36,  fig.  1)  in  connection  with  a  dog  whose 
feet  it  seems  about  to  pinch  with  its  two  large  chelae.  The  shell 
is  ornamented  in  a  conventionalized  way  as  if  with  scales. 

ARACHNIDA 

In  Codex  Borbonicus  9  (PI.  4,  fig.  4)  there  is  repre¬ 
sented  a  stout-bodied  form  of  spider  with  two  sharply 
pointed  chelicerae  projecting  from  the  conventionalized  mouth. 
These  characteristics  together  with  the  absence  of  any  web, 
suggest  a  large  predacious  species,  probably  the  tarantula 
{Tarantula  sp.)  which  is  common  in  Mexico.  The  acute 
powers  of  observation  shown  by  the  artist  are  evinced  in  this 
figure  since  he  draws  the  spider  correctly  with  eight  legs  instead 
of  the  six  or  ten  sometimes  seen  in  drawings  by  our  own  illus¬ 
trators. 


ARACHNOIDEA 

The  scorpion  (Maya,  sinaan)  figures  prominently  in 
the  Tro-Cortesianus,  two  drawings  from  which  are 
shown  (PL  4,  figs.  1,  2).  As  here  conventionalized,  the  jointed 
appendages  are  represented  as  composed  of  an  indefinite  num¬ 
ber  of  round  segments.  The  large  chelate  pedipalps  are  also 
prominently  figured  but  the  smaller  walking  legs  are  commonly 
omitted.  In  PL  4,  fig.  1,  however,  there  is  a  pair  of  posterior 
chelate  appendages  which  are  probably  added  to  give  a  more 
iv.  20 


306 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


anthropoid  cast  to  the  figure.  The  slight  projections  along  the 
sides  of  the  body  in  PI.  4,  fig.  2,  probably  do  not  represent  the 
legs.  In  another  drawing  (Tro-Cortesianus  44b)  these  are  also 
present  but  further  reduced  so  as  not  to  exceed  the  heavy  fringe 
of  spines  surrounding  the  body.  In  PI.  4,  fig.  1,  the  fringe  alone 
appears.  The  formidable  nature  of  the  scorpion  is  of  course 
due  to  the  poisonous  sting  at  the  tip  of  the  attenuated  abdomen 
or  “tail.”  In  the  Maya  pictures  this  portion  is  usually  shown 
as  a  grasping  organ.  Thus  in  fig.  1  it  is  similar  to  the  chela  and 
holds  a  cord  by  which  a  deer  has  been  caught.  In  fig.  2  the 
“tail”  is  terminated  by  a  hand.  The  same  thing  is  seen  in  Tro- 
Cortesianus  44b  where  the  hand  seizes  a  cord  by  which  a  deer 
is  snared.  The  scorpion  is  represented  in  the  drawings  with  a 
conventionalized  face  that  is  very  characteristic.  The  facial 
disc  is  divided  into  three  parts  by  a  median  area  of  straight  or 
irregular  lateral  boundaries  ending  anteriorly  in  two  in-turned 
scrolls  suggesting  the  alae  of  the  nose.  A  circular  eye  is  pres¬ 
ent  in  each  of  the  lateral  divisions  of  the  face  while  from  the 
oral  region  projects  a  forked  tongue. 

It  is  of  course  hazardous  to  attempt  a  specific  identification 
of  these  figures  but,  as  pointed  out  by  Stempell  (1908,  p.  739), 
there  are  two  large  scorpions  in  Yucatan  ( CentriLroides  margari- 
tatus  and  C.  gracilis )  which  are  probably  the  species  pictured  in 
the  codices. 

The  representations  of  the  scorpion  in  the  Tro-Cortesianus 
are  almost  always  associated  with  scenes  of  the  hunt. 
As  the  deer  is  caught  in  a  trap  so  Forstemann  considers  that 
PI.  4,  fig.  1,  shows  a  trap  with  five  appliances,  the  “tail”  one 
alone  being  effective.  Brinton  (1S95,  p.  75)  notes  that  the 
Mayas  applied  the  term  sinaan  ek,  “scorpion  stars”  to  a  certain 
constellation  and  suggests  that  it  was  derived  from  the  Span¬ 
iards.  There  is  certainly  some  association  between  the  scorpion 
and  water  as,  in  Tro-Cortesianus  7a,  the  fore  and  hind  legs  of 
the  animal  enclose  a  body  of  water.  The  scorpion  “tail”  alone 
appears  in  Tro-Cortesianus  31a  and  82a  as  the  tail  of  a  god.  Its 
significance  is  difficult  to  make  out.  Destruction  is  indicated 
by  the  scorpion  in  the  Aubin  manuscript  as  suggested  by  Seler 
(1900-1901,  p.  71). 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MATA  CODICES 


307 


In  the  Nuttall  Codex  there  is  a  remarkably  beautiful  con¬ 
ventionalization  of  a  scorpion  (PI.  4,  fig.  3)  in  which  the  tri¬ 
partite  nature  of  the  head  is  still  preserved  though  it  is  so  re¬ 
duced  as  to  resemble  the  calyx  of  a  flower.  The  “tail”,  as  else¬ 
where,  and  the  legs  are  present. 

PISCES 

Figures  of  fish  (Maya  kai)  occur  commonly  in  the  Maya 
codices  in  various  connections  as  well  as  in  the  stone  carvings, 
but  none  of  these  seems  certainly  identifiable.  Among  the 
representations,  however,  there  are  clearly  several  species.  One 
(PI.  5,  figs.  2,  6,  7-9;  PI.  6,  fig.  9)  has  a  single  dorsal  fin,  power¬ 
ful  teeth,  and  a  generally  ferocious  aspect  and  may  represent 
some  large  predacious  variety,  perhaps  a  tunny.  The  distinct 
operculum  in  most  of  the  figures  would  preclude  their  represent¬ 
ing  a  shark.  Other  figures  picture  similar  fish  without  the 
prominent  teeth  (PI.  5,  fig.  4,  5;  PL  6,  figs.  2,  6,  10,  13).  In  two 
cases  the  scales  are  diagramatically  shown  by  straight  or  cres- 
centric  lines  (PI.  5,  fig.  4,  8).  A  third  species  of  fish  is  shown 
provided  with  two  dorsal  fins  (PI.  6,  figs.  3,  11;  PI.  7,  fig.  6>  the 
last  an  excellent  stone  carving).  Others  (PI.  6,  figs.  7,  14-17) 
represent  fishes  without  dorsal  fins,  one  of  which  (fig.  7)  from 
its  length  may  be  an  eel,  possibly  Muraena. 

In  the  Nuttall  Codex  occurs  a  remarkable  fish  with  an  un¬ 
mistakable  wing  arising  just  behind  the  head  nearly  at  the 
dorsal  line.  While  this  may  represent  a  flying  fish  ( Exocetus ), 
the  head  is  so  bird-like  that  the  whole  may  be  merely  a  com¬ 
bination  figure. 

Of  frequent  occurrence  in  the  Dresden  is  a  glyph,  two  modi¬ 
fications  of  which  are  here  shown  (PI.  6,  figs.  4,  5).  Stempell 
suggests  that  the  vertical  lines  on  the  posterior  portion  of  such 
figures  may  be  gill  slits  and  that  hence  they  may  represent 
sharks  in  which  these  orifices  are  without  an  operculum. 

As  with  the  molluscs,  so  with  the  fish,  we  naturally  find 
them  usually  associated  with  the  water.  This  may  be  seen 
especially  well  in  the  Nuttall  Codex.  In  Dresden  33a  (PI  6- 


308 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


fig.  13)  the  fish  is  clearly  associated  with  the  operation  of  fish¬ 
ing  as  two  figures  are  seated  on  the  edge  of  a  body  of  water  in 
the  act  of  casting  a  net.  An  eel  is  shown  in  the  water  under 
god  B  in  Dresden  65b  (PI.  6,  fig.  7)  and  fish  are  shown  just  below 
the  claws  of  a  crocodile  in  text  figure  1.  In  Dresden  44a  god 
B  holds  a  fish  in  his  hands.  As  will  be  pointed  out  later  (p.  314) 
this  god  is  frequently  associated  with  water.  In  Dresden  44c  a 
fish  appears  between  god  B  and  an  unidentifiable  deity.  In  the 
Maya  codices  the  greater  number  of  representations  of  fish  are 
in  connection  with  sacrifice.  In  Dresden  27  (PI.  6,  fig.  6)  the 
fish  is  pictured  resting  on  two  Kan  signs,  the  symbol  of  maize 
or  bread,  and  these  in  turn  on  a  flat  bowl.  In  Dresden  29b 
(PI.  5,  fig.  9)  the  fish  is  represented  between  the  red  and  black 
numbers  of  the  tonalamatl.  Here  again  the  fish  is  shown  as  an 
offering. 

In  two  cases  only  do  we  find  the  fish  used  as  a  part  of  the 
head-dress  and  in  each  case  the  fish  is  graphically  shown  as  held 
in  the  mouth  of  a  heron.  One  of  these  is  in  the  Dresden  Codex 
36b  (PI.  5,  fig.  3)  and  one  in  the  stone  carving  of  the  Temple  of 
the  Cross  at  Palenque  (PI.  15,  fig.  5).  Fish  are  often  repre¬ 
sented  on  the  stone  carvings  as  feeding  upon  a  water  plant. 
This  is  seen  in  the  border  at  the  bottom  of  the  Lower  Chamber 
of  the  Temple  of  the  Tigers  at  Chichen  Itza  (PI.  5.  figs.  2,  4;  PI. 
6,  fig.  2).  In  several  instances  at  Copan  fish  are  shown  as  form¬ 
ing  the  sides  of  the  Great  Cycle  glyph  at  the  beginning  of  an 
Initial  Series  (PI.  6,  figs.  14-17).  It  has  often  been  suggested 
that  as  the  word  fish  in  Maya  is  kai  (usually  written  cay),  there 
may  be  some  phonetic  significance  here,  combining  the  fish, 
kai,  with  the  usually  drum-like  sign  for  stone,  tun,  making  kai 
tun  or  katun.  This  is  the  term  usually  given  not  to  the  Great 
Cycle  but  to  t  he  period  composed  of  twenty  tuns  and  is  probably 
derived  from  kai  meaning  twenty  and  tun,  a  stone. 


AMPHIBIA 


Frogs.  Figures  undoubtedly  representing  frogs  (Maya 
muts  or  uo)  or  toads  are  found  in  several  places  in  the  codices 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


309 


and  in  the  stone  carvings,  but  it  is  quite  impossible  to  refer  them 
definitely  to  any  of  the  numerous  species  occurring  in  Central 
America,  if,  indeed,  the  artists  had  any  one  species  in  mind.  In 
the  Tro-Cortesianus  frogs  are  not  uncommon.  In  31a  there  are 
four  (PI.  7,  fig.  1)  with  water  coming  from  their  mouths.  They 
are  characterized  by  their  stout  tailless  bodies,  flattened  heads 
and  toothless  mouths.  In  lOld  (PI.  7,  figs.  2,  3)  there  are  two, 
the  first  painted  blue  with  spots  of  darker  blue  and  the  second 
white  and  represented  as  broken  in  two  in  the  middle.  The 
signs  of  death  above  the  latter  clearly  show  that  a  dead  animal 
is  indicated.  PI.  7,  fig.  6,  shows  the  end  of  Altar  O  from  Copan 
on  which  a  frog  and  a  fish  are  pictured,  the  former  in  dorsal  view, 
the  latter  in  lateral  aspect.  The  peculiar  pointed  snout  of 
this  frog  is  similar  to  that  of  the  frog  shown  in  PL  7,  fig.  7,  also 
in  dorsal  view.  A  somewhat  similar  creature  (PL  29,  fig.  6) 
we  have  included  and  though  it  may  represent  an  opossum  it 
has  little  to  distinguish  it  from  the  figures  of  frogs.* 

God  B  in  Tro-Cortesianus  12b  should  be  associated  with  the 
frog.  His  legs  are  those  of  a  frog  and  he  appears  as  if  swimming 
in  the  water.  Frog  in  Maya  is  Uo  which  is  also  the  name  of  the 
second  month  of  the  Maya  year.  The  first  day  of  this  month, 
according  to  Landa,  corresponds  to  August  5  of  our  year  and 
this  is  the  height  of  the  rainy  season  in  the  Maya  region.  The 
sign  for  Uo  does  not,  however,  resemble  s  frog  in  any  way.  The 
frog  above  one  of  the  figures  in  the  Lower  Chamber  of  the  Temple 
of  the  Tigers  at  Chichen  Itza  (PL  7,  fig.  7)  has  clearly  some  rela¬ 
tion  to  the  name  or  totem  of  the  warrior.  The  Nahua  custom 
is  seen  here. 

Toads  are  probably  intended  in  PL  7,  figs.  4,  5.  In  these 
the  great  breadth  of  the  head  and  mouth  together  with  the  short 
inflated  body  combine  to  produce  a  very  toad-like  appearance. 
It  is  not  unlikely  that  they  represent  the  huge  marine  toad, 
Bujo  marinus,  common  from  southern  Mexico  to  Brazil  and  in 
the  West  Indies.  There  seems  to  be  no  distinction  in  the  treat¬ 
ment  of  frogs  and  toads  in  the  codices. 

*Attention  is  also  called  to  two  whistles  representing  frogs  in  the  Me¬ 
moirs  of  the  Peabody  Museum,  I,  No.  4  (Gordon,  1898),  PI.  9,  figs,  i,  j. 


310 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


Tree-toad  ( Hyla  eximia).  Of  great  interest  are  the  figures 
in  Tro-Cortesianus  26a  and  b  (PI.  8,  figs.  1,  3),  showing  a  god 
with  expanded  finger  tips  and  characterized  further  by  the 
presence  of  two  parallel  black  stripes  from  the  hinder  and  lower 
margins  of  the  eye  respectively.  The  knob-like  finger  tips  at 
once  suggest  one  of  the  tree-toads,  and  the  presence  of  the  two 
lines  seems  to  indicate  Hyla  eximia  as  the  species  represented. 
In  this  tree-toad  there  is  a  long  black  lateral  line  running  pos¬ 
teriorly  from  the  tympanum  and  above  it  a  shorter  line  just  as 
in  the  drawings.  It  appears  to  be  a  common  species  in  the 
valley  of  Mexico  though  but  little  seems  to  have  been  written 
•of  its  habits.  At  the  beginning  of  the  rainy  season  it  repairs 
to  pools  of  water  to  breed  and  is  then  very  noticeable  from  its 
loud  voice.  No  doubt  its  importance  in  the  Maya  economy  was 
from  its  conspicuousness  at  the  beginning  of  the  rainy  period. 
This  fact  is  brought  out  more  strongly  when  we  consider  that 
these  gods  representing  the  tree-toad  are  associated  with  agri- 
culture  and  the  sowing  of  grain  at  the  beginning  of  the  rainy 
season.  Forstemann  (1902,  p.  35)  identifies  these  figures  as 
god  F.  They  are  quite  unlike  the  usual  representation  of  this 
god  anti  are  clearly  god  P  as  Schellhas  (1904,  p.  39)  indicates. 
It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  two  black  lines  behind  the  eye 
are  also  seen  in  the  other  gods  shown  in  Tro-Cortesianus  26a 
and  b  although  the  knob-like  finger  tips  are  lacking.  The 
glyph  for  this  tree-toad  god  is  recognized  in  the  fifth  place  at 
the  top  of  the  same  page  (PI.  8,  fig.  2)  by  the  same  two  black 
lines  under  and  behind  the  eye. 

REPTIL1A 

Serpent.  It  would  be  impossible  in  the  present  paper  to 
enter  into  any  lengthy  discussion  of  the  use  of  the  serpent  (Maya 
kart)  in  Mexico  and  Central  America.  It  seems  to  be  one  of  the 
main  elements  in  the  religion  and  consequently  in  the  art  of  the 
Mayas  and  Mexican  peoples.  It  is  represented  again  and  again 
dn  many  forms  and  varied  combinations.  It  underlies  the 
whole  general  trend  of  Maya  art.  The  serpent  is  often  associ- 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


311 


ated  with  feathers.  The  culture  hero  of  the  Nahuas,  Quetzal- 
coatl  (feathered  serpent)  corresponds  to  a  similar  god  among 
the  Mayas,  Kukulcan  (also  meaning  feathered  serpent).  The 
feathers  of  the  quetzal  are  the  ones  commonly  used  in  connec¬ 
tion  with  the  serpent. 

Any  attempt  at  identification  of  the  species  represented  is 
beset  by  grave  difficulties  for  so  conventionalized  have  the 
figures  often  become  that,  except  in  the  case  of  the  rattlesnake 
with  its  rattles,  there  are  no  characteristic  marks  by  which  the 
species  may  be  known.  It  is  natural  to  suppose  that  the  species 
used  for  artistic  purposes  would  be  those  that  are  most  note¬ 
worthy  because  of  their  size,  coloring,  or  venomous  qualities. 
No  doubt  a  number  of  harmless  species  were  also  used  in  the 
religious  ceremonies.*  Such  may  be  those  used  as  hair  orna¬ 
ments  in  many  of  the  figures  (PL  8,  figs.  7-13,  15)  and  in  which 
no  indication  of  a  rattle  is  to  be  seen.  The  fierce  eye  of  these 
reptiles  is  shown  by  means  of  an  exaggerated  overhanging  brow 
occasionally  embellished  by  recurved  crests  (PI.  8,  figs.  10,  11, 
13,  15).  These  crests  are  sometimes  shown  as  two  or  three 
•stalked  knobs  (PI.  10,  fig.  7)  that  Stempell  was  misled  into 
identifying  as  the  eyes  of  snails.  Various  heads  of  snakes  usu¬ 
ally  with  fangs  exposed  and  tongue  protruding  are  pictured  in 

*We  have  added  here  a  Spanish  description  from  the  Relacion  de  la 
Ciudad  de  Merida  (1900,  pp.  66,  67)  of  the  varieties  of  serpent  found  in  the 
country.  “Ay  una  suerte  de  culebra  que  Hainan  los  naturales  taxinchan, 
de  una  tercia  de  largo,  que  para  andar  hinca  la  cabeza  en  el  suelo  y  da  un 
salto,  y  de  aquella  suerte  dando  saltos  anda,  la  espalda  y  la  cabeza  tiene 
doraday  la  punta  dela  cola  estesecria  en  los  montes,y  quando  pica  a  alguna 
persona  le  hazereventar  sangre  por  todos  los  porosdel  cuerpo  que  pareze  que 
suda  sangre  y  si  no  es  le  haze  algun  rremedio  muere  dentro  de  un  dia  nat  ural 
y  para  la  mordedura  desta  culebra  tienen  por  rremedio  los  naturales  dar  a 
bever  ala  tal  persona  chile  y  hoja  de  piciete  molido  junto  y  desleido  en 
agua,  y  con  esto  guarecen  e  sanan — ay  biboras  muy  grandes  y  ponzofiosas 
de  una  vara  e  mas  de  largo,  y  tan  gruesa  como  un  brazo,  que  tienen  cas- 
cabeles  en  la  punta  de  la  cola,  y  si  muerden  matan  sino  se  rremedio  con 
brebedad,  y  tienen  los  naturales  por  rremedio  beber  chile  e  piciete  como 
para  la  mordedura  del  taxinchan — ay  otras  suertes  de  culebras  que  se 
Ilaman  cocob,  de  tres  y  cuatro  varas  de  largo  y  tan  gruesas  como  una  lanza 
gineta,  que  tanbien  son  muy  ponzofiosas,  y  al  que  pican  haze  salir  sangre 


312 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


PI.  8,  figs.  4,  6;  PI.  9,  figs.  2,  4-6:  one  snake  with  a  spiny  back  is 
shown  in  PI.  8,  fig.  5,  but  obviously  it  represents  merely  the 
artist’s  endeavor  to  present  as  terrifying  a  creature  as  possible. 

Various  types  of  rattlesnakes  are  shown  in  PI.  9.  The  pres¬ 
ence  of  the  rattle  is  of  course  the  characteristic,  and  this  portion 
alone  is  likewise  used,  in  one  case,  at  least,  as  a  glyph  (PI.  9, 
fig.  7).  It  cannot  be  denied,  however,  that  some  or  most  of  the 
snakes  in  which  no  rattles  appear,  are  nevertheless  intended  for 
rattlers.  It  may  have  been  that  the  figures  were  so  well  under¬ 
stood  that  the  addition  of  rattles  in  the  drawings  was  quite  un¬ 
necessary.  This,  however,  is  quite  conjectural.  The  species 
of  rattlesnake  is  probably  Crotalus  basiliscus  or  C.  terrificus  of 
southern  Mexico  and  adjacent  regions,  not  C.  horridus  or  ada- 
manteus  as  supposed  by  Stempell  since  these  two  species  are 
confined  to  the  United  States.  Among  the  figures  shown  on 
PI.  9,  it  is  noteworthy  that  five  of  the  rattlesnakes  show  no 
fangs.  Some  are  spotted,  but  in  a  wholly  arbitrary  manner. 
Three  are  unmarked.  One  is  shown  coiled  about  the  base 
of  a  tree  (PI.  9,  fig.  5),  another  coiled  ready  to  strike  though 
the  rattle  is  pictured  trailing  on  the  ground  instead  of  being 
held  erect  in  the  center  of  the  coil  as  usually  is  done  (PI.  9, 
fig.  9).  A  rattlesnake  is  shown  held  in  the  hand  of  a  man 
in  PI.  9,  fig.  8. 

In  PI.  10,  fig.  1,  is  shown  a  rattle-less  snake  with  promi¬ 
nent  fang,  coiled  about  the  top  of  an  altar  which  may  repre¬ 
sent  a  tree  or  bush.  From  the  latter  fact,  it  might  be 
concluded  that  it  was  a  tree-  or  bush-inhabiting  species, 

por  toclo  el  cuerpo  y  por  los  ojos,como  el  taxinchan,  .  .  .  procuraban  guare- 
cerse  desta  ponzofia  con  juros  y  eneantamentos,  que  avia  grandes  en 
cantadores  y  tenian  sus  libros  para  conjurarlas  v  encantarlas,  y  estos  en- 
cantadores,  con  pocas  palabras  que  dezian,  encantaban  y  amansaban  las 
culebras  ponzofiosas.  las  cojian  y  tomaban  con  las  manos  sin  que  les  hiziese 
mat  ninguno — tanbien  ay  culebras  bobas  sin  ponzonas,  de  dos  varas  y  mas 
de  largo  y  tan  gruesas  eomoel  brazo.y  suelen  ponerse  sobre  arboles  juntos 
alos  caminos,  y  quando  pasa  alguna  persona  se  deja  caer  encima  y  se  le  en- 
ros$a  y  rebuelve  al  cuerpo  y  a  la  garganta,  y  apretando  le  procuraahogarle 
y  matarle,  a  sucedido  matar  algunos  yndios  ca^adores  yendo  descuidados— 
tanbien  tienen  estas  culebras  distinto  natural  para  comer  y  sustentarse.” 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


313 


possibly  the  deadly  “bush-master”  ( Lachesis  lanceolatus) . 
Other  figures  (PI.  10,  figs.  3,  7;  PI.  11,  figs.  1,  2)  are  intro¬ 
duced  here  as  examples  of  the  curious  head  ornamentation 
frequently  found  in  the  drawings.  The  two  first  are  merely 
serpents  with  the  jaws  extended  to  the  utmost,  and  with  a 
characteristic  head  decoration.  The  last  is  provided  with  an 
elaborate  crest.  The  size  and  markings  of  the  two  serpents 
shown  in  PI.  11,  as  well  as  their  want  of  rattles  suggest  that 
they  may  represent  some  species  of  large  Boidae  as  Loxocemus 
bicolor  or  Boa  (sp?). 

After  having  commented  upon  the  various  serpents  occur¬ 
ring  in  the  codices  and  in  several  other  places,  we  will 
now  take  up  the  manner  and  connection  in  which  the 
various  figures  occur.  We  shall  pass  over  completely  the  use  of 
the  “serpent  column”  at  Chichen  Itza,  the  importance  of 
the  serpent  motive  in  the  development  of  the  masked  panel 
as  worked  out  by  Spinden,  and  the  countless  representations 
of  the  plumed  serpent  in  the  whole  field  of  Maya  design  and 
decoration.  In  the  single  Temple  of  the  Tigers  at  Chichen 
Itza,  the  feathered  serpent  occurs  in  the  round  as  a  column 
decoration  supporting  the  portico,  as  carved  on  the  wooden 
lintel  at  the  entrance  to  the  Painted  Chamber,  again  and 
again  on  the  frescoes  of  this  room,*  in  the  Lower  Chamber 
as  dividing  the  bas-relief  into  zones  or  panels,  and,  finally, 
as  the  center  of  the  whole  composition  of  this  bas-relief. 
It  will  be  seen,  therefore,  that  it  will  be  necessary  in  a  short 
paper,  to  limit  ourselves  to  the  representations  of  the  serpent 
in  the  Maya  codices. 

The  serpent  is  most  frequently  associated  with  god  B. 
Schellhas  (1904,  p.  17),  Fewkes  (1894),  Forstemann  (1906), 
and  Thomas  (1882),  seem  to  agree  that  god  B  is  to  be  iden¬ 
tified  as  Kukulcan,  the  most  important  of  the  deities  of  the 
Mayas  and,  as  pointed  out  before,  appearing  in  the  Nahua 
mythology,  as  Quetzalcoail ',  and  in  the  Quiche  myths  as 
Gucumatz.  It  was  also  noted  that  the  name  means  both  in 

*  PI.  9,  figs.  5,  9,  show  drawings  of  the  rattlesnake  which  occur  on  the 
fresco. 


314 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


Maya  and  in  Nahuatl,  the  “  feathered  serpent  ”  or  the  “  bird  ser¬ 
pent.”  Other  authorities  consider  god  B  as  Itzamna,  another 
of  the  main  gods  of  the  Mayas.  Seler  interprets  god  B  as 
the  counterpart  of  the  Nahua  rain  god,  Tlaloc.  It  is  certain 
that  when  god  B  and  the  serpent  are  associated  together 
water  and  rain  are  usually  indicated.  God  H,  “the  Chicchan 
god,”  also  has  some  relation  to  the  serpent.  As  pointed  out 
by  Schellhas  (1904,  pp.  28-30),  this  god  often  appears  char¬ 
acterized  by  a  skin-spot  or  a  scale  of  the  serpent  on  his  temple 
of  the  same  shape  as  the  hieroglyph  of  the  day  Chicchan 
(serpent).  The  glyph  belonging  to  this  deity  also  shows 
the  Chicchan  sign  as  its  distinguishing  mark.  Similar  signs 
appear  on  the  body*  of  the  serpent  in  many  places,  as  in 
Tro-Cortesianus  30a  (PI.  11,  fig.  1). 

We  have  already  noted  that  the  serpent,  god  B,  and  water 
are  frequently  shown  together,  so  the  serpent  also  appears 
associated  with  water  and  rain,  when  no  figure  of  god  B  is 
present.  From  this  connection,  it  can  be  argued  that 
there  is  some  relation  between  the  serpent  and  the  coming 
of  the  rains.  These  facts  would  give  strength  to  the  theory 
that  god  B  is  to  be  identified  as  a  rain  god.  In  Dresden 
33a,  35a,  god  B  is  seated  on  the  open  jaws  of  a  serpent,  while 
the  body  of  the  reptile  encloses  a  blue  field  evidently  signi¬ 
fying  water.  The  number  nineteen  appears  on  this  blue 
color.  It  will  be  noted  that  there  are  nineteen  spots  on  the 
serpents  in  PI.  11,  figs.  1,  2.  In  Tro-Cortesianus  3a-6a, 
corresponding  scenes  seem  to  be  shown.  The  body  of  the 
serpent  encloses  water,  and  here  the  number  eighteen  appears 
in  each  case.  God  B  occurs  always  in  front  of  the  serpent 
and  his  head  appears  as  the  head  of  the  reptile  in  the  first 
instance.  In  Dresden  35a,  36a,  the  head  of  god  B  is  pictured 
as  the  head  of  the  serpent  in  the  midst  of  the  water.  In 
Dresden  37b  (PI.  10,  fig.  8),  B  is  holding  a  snake  in  the  water. 

Water  appears  in  connection  with  the  serpent  and  god  B 
in  many  places  in  the  Tro-Cortesianus.  In  9,  god  B  is  pictured 
pouring  water  from  a  jar,  a  common  method  of  showing 
the  idea  of  rain  in  the  codices.  In  12b,  B  again  is  shown 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


315 


perhaps  representing  a  frog,  and  behind  him  a  serpent.  The 
reptiles  in  13b-18b,  are  all  associated  with  the  idea  of  rain, 
the  turtle  and  frog  also  appearing  in  this  section.  In  30a 
(PI.  11,  fig.  1),  god  B  and  a  female  figure  are  both  pouring 
water  from  a  jar,  as  they  stand  on  the  body  of  a  serpent.  In 
32a,  the  black  god  (L)  is  seen  in  the  rain,  and  a  serpent  is 
near,  while  in  32b  and  33b  (PL  9,  fig.  1),  the  serpent  forms 
the  belt  of  god  L,  and  a  female  figure  and  water  are  seen  in 
both  cases.  The  blue  color  of  the  snake  and  of  god  B  in  31b 
(PI.  11,  fig.  2)  may  also  suggest  water. 

God  B  also  occurs  in  connection  with  the  serpent  in  Dres¬ 
den  42a  (PI.  8,  fig.  14),  where  the  god  is  seated  on  the  reptile, 
in  Tro-Cortesianus,  10  b,  where  the  head  of  the  same  god  is  the 
head  of  the  snake,  and  in  Tro-Cortesianus  19a,  where  god  B 
again  and  god  A  are  each  seated  on  the  open  jaws  of  a  serpent. 

The  astronomical  role  of  the  serpent  is  noted  in  Dresden 
56b,  57b  (PI.  10,  fig.  3),  Tro-Cortesianus  5b,  12b,  15b,  and 
67b,  where  the  snake  is  shown  in  connection  with  a  line  of 
constellation  signs,  the  kin  or  sun  sign  prominent  in  most 
of  the  drawings.  In  the  “battle  of  the  constellations”  in 
Dresden  60,  the  serpent  appears  forming  a  sort  of  altar,  the 
seat  of  a  figure  which  is  supported  by  another  figure.  A 
serpent  head  also  appears  at  the  foot  of  the  latter  figure. 

That  the  serpent  appears  associated  with  the  idea  of  time 
seems  clear  from  the  fact  of  the  long  number  series  in  Dresden 
61,  62  (PI.  10,  fig.  7),  and  69,  which  are  shown  in  the  spaces 
made  by  the  winding  of  the  serpents’  bodies.  In  Tro-Cor¬ 
tesianus  13a-16a,  four  large  reptiles  appear  in  connection 
with  the  lines  of  day  signs. 

The  study  of  the  serpent  used  as  a  head-dress  is  inter¬ 
esting.  As  noted  previously,  quite  a  different  kind  of  snake 
seems  to  be  represented  when  used  in  this  connection.  Two 
other  points  come  out  in  this  investigation,  namely,  that 
it  is  only  with  female  figures  that  the  serpent  is  employed 
as  a  head-dress,  and  in  far  the  greater  number  of  cases  the 
women  are  shown,  either  in  the  act  of  offering  something, 
or  of  pouring  water  from  a  jar.  The  usual  type  of  serpent 


316 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


head-dress  is  seen  in  Dresden  9c  (PI.  S,  fig.  11),  lob  (PI.  8r 
fig.  12),  ISa  (PI.  8,  fig.  13),  22b  (PI.  8,  fig.  10),  and  23b  (PI.  8, 
fig.  S).  In  the  first  case,  the  offering  is  a  jicara  or  gourd  of 
some  sacred  drink  (baltse?) ,  in  the  second  and  third  examples, 
the  dish  is  clearly  shown,  but  the  offering  is  unidentifiable, 
in  the  fourth  case,  maize  (a  Kan  sign),  and  in  the  last,  a  fish 
resting  on  a  dish.  In  Dresden  20a  (PI.  8,  fig.  15),  a  woman 
with  serpent  head-dress  is  seen  associated  with  the  Moan¬ 
headed  figure,  possibly  in  the  act  of  offering  it  as  a  sacrifice. 

In  Dresden  39b  (PI.  8,  fig.  7),  43b  (PI.  S,  fig.  9),  and  70, 
a  similar  serpent  head-dress  is  shown  on  a  female  figure  in 
the  act  of  pouring  water  from  a  jar.  In  Tro-Cortesianus, 
the  serpent  head-dresses  differ  in  type  only,  and  in  two  out 
of  the  four  cases  where  they  appear,  water  is  shown  flowing 
from  the  breasts  (30b)  of  the  female  figure  or  from  the  mouth 
(32b).  The  woman  thus  represented  in  connection  with 
the  water  is  god  I,  the  water  goddess  of  Schellhas.  She  is, 
as  he  notes  (1904,  p.  31)  usually  the  figure  of  an  old  woman. 
"Evidently,  we  have  here  the  personification  of  water  in  its 
quality  of  destroyer,  a  goddess  of  floods  and  cloud-bursts. ” 
We  are  not  at  all  sure  that  we  have  here  a  distinct  god  as  similar 
female  figures  with  serpent  head-dresses  occur  frequently  in 
the  Dresden  Codex  with  no  suggestion  of  water.  The  failure 
to  find  any  distinct  glyph  for  this  goddess  seems  to  strengthen 
the  view  of  not  considering  her  as  a  separate  deity.  Finally, 
in  our  consideration  of  head-dresses,  the  serpent  is  to  be  seen 
in  Tro-Cortesianus  79c  on  the  head  of  the  first  woman  who 
is  weaving.  Possibly,  a  conventionalized  serpent  forms  the 
head  covering  of  the  second  figure  who  is  represented  as  dead. 

The  serpent  in  Dresden  2Jc-2Sc  (PI.  10,  fig.  1)  coiled 
around  the  altar  which  rises  from  a  Tun  sign  is  not  easily 
explained.  In  25c,  the  altar  is  replaced  by  god  B  and  in 
the  former  cases,  the  reptiles  may  stand  for  this  god  with 
whom  they  are  often  associated.*  The  serpent  seems  closely 

*  The  reader  is  also  referred  to  the  bas-relief  of  the  Lower  Chamber  of 
the  Temple  of  the  Tigers  at  Chichen  Itza  where  a  serpent  is  shown  behind 
a  low  altar. 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


317 


•connected  with  the  idea  of  offerings  as  the  body  of  a  snake 
is  shown  in  several  instances  as  the  support  of  the  jar  con¬ 
taining  the  various  gifts  in  Tro-Cortesianus  34a,  34b,  35a,  35b, 
36a,  36b,  and  possibly  52c  (PL  9,  fig.  3). 

Finally  the  serpent  is  to  be  noted  in  a  number  of  miscel¬ 
laneous  connections:  —  in  Dresden  36b  (PI.  19,  fig.  11),  as 
being  attacked  by  a  black  vulture,*  in  Tro-Cortesianus  40b 
(PI.  9,  fig.  4)  a  rattlesnake  is  biting  the  foot  of  one  of  the 
hunters,  and  in  Tro-Cortesianus  66b,  where  the  serpent  has 
a  human  head  and  arm  coming  from  its  open  jaws.  This 
is  a  very  frequent  method  of  representing  the  serpent  in  the 
Maya  stone  carvings.  In  Tro-Cortesianus  60c,  lOOd  (PI.  9, 
fig.  8),  twice,  106a,  and  111b,  the  rattlesnake  is  shown  as  a 
sprinkler  for  the  holy  water  in  the  hand  (in  the  first,  second 
and  fourth  examples)  of  god  D.  Landa  (1864,  p.  150) f 
describes  in  the  ceremony  of  the  baptism  of  children,  that 
the  leader  of  the  rite  wore  on  his  head  a  kind  of  mitre  em¬ 
broidered  with  plumage  in  some  manner  and  in  his  hand  a 
small  holy-water  sprinkler  of  wood,  carved  skillfully,  of  which 
the  filaments  were  the  tails  of  serpents,  similar  to  serpents 
with  rattles. 

In  spite  of  the  importance  of  the  serpent  in  the  manu¬ 
scripts  and  stone  carvings,  it  never  seems  to  appear  as  a 
separate  deity.  With  one  exception,  no  glyph  is  to  be  found 
representing  this  reptile  as  is  the  case  with  many  of  the 
animals.  Tro-Cortesianus  106c  (PI.  9,  fig.  7)  is  this  exception 
showing  the  rattles  of  a  snake  which  are  found  in  the  line  of 
glyphs  above  two  of  the  bees.  No  serpent  appears  in  the 
picture. 

The  Nahuatl  day,  Couatl,  has  the  signification  serpent, 
as  suggested  before,  in  discussing  the  meaning  of  the  name 
Quetzalcoatl  or  Quetzalcouatl.  This  day  sign  occurs  through- 

*  Forstemann  ( 1906,  p.  15)  agrees  with  Schellhas  that  this  may  be  a 
rebus  for  the  name  Quetzalcoatl  or  Kukulcan.  As  the  bird  is  a  vulture 
rather  than  a  quetzal  this  could  hardly  be  the  case. 

|  “Y  con  isopo  en  el  mano  de  un  palo  corto  muy  labrado,y  por  barbas 
O  pel  os  del  isopo  ciertas  colas  de  unas  culebras  que  son  como  caxcavales." 


318 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


out  the  Mexican  manuscripts  as  the  head  of  a  serpent  (PL  8,.. 
figs.  4,  6;  PI.  9,  fig.  2;  PL  10,  figs.  2,  4-6). 

Iguana.  Of  the  lizards  represented,  the  iguana  (Maya 
hu)  is  the  most  striking,  and  is  readily  identified  on  account 
of  the  prominent  spines  along  the  back.  As  noted  by  Stem- 
pell,  there  are  two  or  three  species  of  large  lizards  in  Central 
America  commonly  called  iguana,  and  it  is  probable  that 
the  one  here  considered  is  the  Ctenosaura  acanthura  of  Yuca¬ 
tan  or  Iguana  tuberculata  of  South  and  Central  America. 

In  the  manuscripts  the  iguana  is  almost  exclusively  repre¬ 
sented  as  an  offering  (PL  12,  figs.  1-6).  It  is  usually  found 
on  top  of  the  Kan  sign,  meaning  maize  or  bread,*  and  this, 
in  turn,  resting  in  a  bowl  (PL  12,  figs.  3,  4,  6).  Lancia  (1864, 
p.  230)  t  gives  a  pleasing  confirmation  of  this  offering  of  an 
iguana  with  bread.  It  is  possible  that  the  object  shown  in 
Tro-Cortesianus  12b  (PL  12,  fig.  13)  may  be  the  convention¬ 
alized  representation  of  this  lizard.  It  must  be  admitted 
that  this  interpretation  is  very  doubtful.  The  triangular 
points  suggest  the  lizard,  but  the  pointed  character  of  the 
sign  as  a  whole  in  no  way  resembles  the  back  of  this  reptile. 
It  is  found  associated  with  three  Kan  signs.  In  Cakchiquel, 
a  dialect  of  the  Maya  stock,  K’an,  according  to  Guzman 
and  Brinton  (1893,  p.  24)  is  the  name  applied  to  the  female  • 
of  the  iguana  or  the  lizard,  and  this  is  believed  to  be  the 
original  sense  of  the  Maya  term.  It  may  also  be  noted  that 
the  Nahua  day  sign  Cuetzpalin,  meaning  lizard,  is  the  one 
which  corresponds  with  the  Maya  day  Kan.  PL  12,  figs.  10, 
12,  14,  show  representations  of  the  day  corresponding  to 
Cuetzpalin  in  the  Aubin  and  Nuttall  codices.  These  show 
a  stout  spineless  species  with  a  short  thick  tail  and  may  be  - 

*  Brinton  (1S93,  p.  25)  notes  that  the  equivalent  of  Kan  in  the 
Nahuatl  of  Miztitlan  is  xilotl  which  means  ear  of  corn.  This  seems  to 
show  the  correctness  of  the  usual  identification  of  the  Kan  sign  as  mean¬ 
ing  maize  or  bread  (pan). 

f  “Y  les  ofrecian  dos pellas de  una  leche  o  resinade  un  arbol  que llaman 
kik,  para  quemar  y  eiertas  iguanas  y  pan  y  una  mitra  y  un  manojo  de 
flores  y  una  piedra  preciosa  de  las  suyas.’  ’ 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


319 


the  Gila  monster  ( Heloderma  horridum) ,  a  large  and  some¬ 
what  poisonous  species  having  much  these  proportions. 

Further  offerings  are  shown  in  PI.  12,  figs.  7,  8.  These 
seem  to  be  the  heads  and  forefeet  of  lizards,  but,  from  the 
shape  of  the  head,  perhaps  not  of  iguanas. 

In  Stela  D  of  Copan,  the  Uinal  period  glyph  seems  to  be 
represented  by  a  spineless  lizard  covered  with  scales  (PI.  12, 
fig.  9).  Frog-like  characteristics  also  appear.  This  stone 
monument  is  remarkable  from  the  fact  that  the  glyphs  are 
all  more  or  less  realistic  representations  of  human  and  animal 
forms.  It  should  be  noted  that  there  certainly  seems  to  be 
some  connection  between  the  Uinal  period  glyph  and  the 
lizard.  Pi.  13,  fig.  9,  represents  a  Uinal  glyph  from  the 
Temple  of  the  Foliated  Cross  at  Palenque  and  the  lizard 
form  is  clearly  seen  in  the  eyebrow  and  the  upper  jaw.  Com¬ 
pare  also  PL  13,  fig.  11,  and  PI.  28,  fig.  3.  A  collection  of 
glyphs  of  this  period  shows  clearly  the  lizard-like  character 
of  the  face. 

That  some  connection  existed  between  the  lizard  and  the 
idea  of  rain  seems  clear  from  a  reference  in  the  Relation  de 
la  Ciudad  de  Merida  (1900,  p.  51).*  Finally  the  lizard  is 
shown  in  Dresden  3a  (PI.  12,  fig.  11)  directly  in  front  of  god  H 
beside  the  scene  of  human  sacrifice. 

Crocodile.  The  text  figure  (1)  shows  a  dorsal  view  of 
a  crocodile  (Maya,  ayin )  carved  on  the  top  of  Altar  T  at 
Copan.  The  general  form  is  considerably  conventionalized 
with  limbs  elongated  and  provided  with  human  hands  and 
long  toes.  The  protuberances  of  the  back  are  roughly 
shown  by  oval  markings,  which  are  here  continued  on  the 
legs.  The  large  scales  of  the  ventral  surfaces  also  appear 
at  the  sides  of  the  body,  and  along  the  posterior  edges  of 
the  limbs.  The  tail  is  shortened  and  bifurcate.  The  most 
interesting  portion,  however,  is  the  head.  The  snout  is 
distinctly  pinched  in  at  the  base,  though  broadened  again 
distally.  In  the  alligator  the  snout  is  broad  and  tapers  but 

*  “  Y  pintaban  un  largarto  que  significaba  el  Diluvio — y  la  tierra  e 
sobre  este  largarto  hazian  un  gran  monton  de  leiia  y  ponianle  fuego.” 


320 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


little.  As  in  other  representations  of  the  crocodile,  the  lower 
j  aw  does  not  appear,  and  even  in  this  dorsal  view  the  artist 
seems  to  have  deemed  it  necessary  to  show  the  row  of  teeth 
as  if  in  side  view,  or  as  though  they  projected  laterally  from 
the  mouth.  'What  may  represent  ears  or  ear  plugs  are  shown 
one  on  each  side  behind  the  eyes.  There  are  few  other  ex¬ 
amples  of  full  drawings  of  the  crocodile  in  the  Maya  writings. 


Dresden  74  shows  an  animal  which  has  been  considered  to 
represent  a  crocodile  or  alligator  but  it  seems  to  have 
more  of  the  characteristics  of  a  lizard. 

Figures  of  a  crocodile  ( Crocodilus  americanus )  are  frequent 
in  the  Nuttall  Codex,  where  there  is  one  large  figure  of  the 
entire  animal  (PI.  13,  fig.  8),  making  its  way  along  under 
water.  It  is  shown  with  numerous  dorsal  spines,  a  long  tail, 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


321 


and  powerful  claws.  Curiously,  however,  it  has  no  lower 
jaw  and  the  same  is  true  of  the  numerous  glyphs  representing 
the  head  of  the  animal.  This  is  so  pronounced  a  charac¬ 
teristic,  that  it  may  be  doubted  if  the  open-mouthed  head 
and  the  single  limb  shown  in  PI.  13,  fig.  2,  really  picture  the 
same  animal,  though  otherwise  apparently  referable  to  the 
crocodile.  In  the  various  glyphs  showing  the  head  of  this 
species,  the  prominent,  elongate  eyebrow  and  the  absence 
of  the  lower  jaw  are  noteworthy  points,  while  the  teeth  may 
vary  in  number  from  three  to  six. 

The  glyphs  (PI.  13,  figs.  1,  3-7)  represent  the  Nahua  day 
sign  Cipactli  corresponding  to  the  Maya  day  I  mix.  In  the 
band  of  constellation  signs  in  Dresden  52b  (PL  13,  fig.  10), 
there  occurs  a  single  figure  with  a  long  curled  eyebrow  and 
lacking  the  lower  jaw.  In  the  upper  jaw  three  teeth  are 
indicated.  A  comparison  of  this  figure  with  the  glyphs  in 
the  Nuttall  Codex  seems  to  leave  little  doubt  that  it  represents 
a  crocodile.  This  is  the  sign  which  Forstemann  (1906,  p. 
206)  interprets  as  standing  for  Saturn.  PI.  13,  fig.  12,  is 
certainly  the  same  sign  as  it  stands  in  relatively  the  same 
position  in  the  constellation  band  on  Dresden  53a.  It  repre¬ 
sents  the  highly  conventionalized  head  of  a  crocodile.  On 
Stela  10  from  Piedras  Negras  (Maler,  1901-1903,  PI.  19)  the 
same  glyph  is  seen. 

The  range  of  the  alligator  in  North  America  does  not 
extend  to  Yucatan,  hence  the  crocodile,  which  does  occur 
there,  is  taken  as  the  original  of  all  these  figures.  There  is 
nothing  in  the  latter  that  would  distinguish  it  from  the  alli¬ 
gator. 

Turtles.  Representations  of  the  turtle  (Maya,  ak)  are 
not  uncommon  among  the  Mayas.  At  Uxmal  there  is  a  ruined 
building  called  Casa  de  las  Tortugas  on  which  at  intervals 
around  the  cornice  there  are  carvings  of  turtles.  Turtles 
of  at  least  two  species  occur  in  the  Tro-Cortesianus.  With  one 
exception,  they  seem  to  be  limited  to  this  codex.  That  shown 
on  PI.  14,  figs.  1-3,  5,  is  a  large  species  with  the  dorsal  scutes 
represented  by  large  diamond-shaped  pieces.  There  is  little 
iv.  21 


322 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


that  might  be  considered  distinctive  about  these  turtles,, 
although  one  (PL  14,  fig.  5)  has  the  anterior  paddles  much 
larger  than  the  posterior,  indicating  a  sea  turtle.  What  is 
doubtless  the  same  turtle  is  pictured  in  several  places  in  the 
Nuttall  Codex.  In  one  of  the  figures  in  the  latter  manuscript,, 
the  shell  is  shown  apparently  in  use  as  a  shield  (PL  14,  fig.  4). 
This  would  indicate  one  of  the  large  sea  turtles,  and  there 
is  not  much  doubt  that  either  the  Loggerhead  turtle  ( Thalas - 
sochelys  cephalo )  or  the_Hawksbill  ( Chelone  imbricata )  is 
here  intended. 

Quite  another  species  is  that  shown  in  PL  14,  fig.  6.  That 
this  is  a  freshwater  turtle  is  plainly  indicated  b}^  the  parasitic 
leeches  that  are  noted  fastened  by  their  round  sucking-discs 
to  the  sides  of  its  body.  The  long  neck,  pointed  snout,  and 
apparent  limitation  of  the  dorsal  spinous  scutes  to  the  central 
area  of  the  back  may  indicate  the  snapping  turtle  ( Chelydra 
serpentina )  or  possibly  ’  a  species  of  the  genus  Cinosternum 
(probably  C.  leucostomum) .  It  is  hardly  likely  that  it  is  one 
of  the  true  soft-shcllecl  turtles  {Trionyx),  as  the  range  of  that 
genus  is  not  known  to  include  Mexico.  The  turtle  from 
Nuttall  43  (PL  14,  fig.  11)  may  belong  to  the  same  species  as 
its  scutes  seem  rather  few,  or  it  may  be  that  the  view  shown 
here  is  of  the  ventral  side  and  that  the  scales  indicate  the 
small  plastron  of  one  of  the  sea  turtles. 

The  turtle  appears  alone  as  one  of  the  figures  in  the 
ionalamatl  in  several  cases  in  the  Tro-Cortesianus,  13a,  17a 
(PL  14,  fig.  3),  72b  (PL  14,  fig.  6).  It  is  found  associated 
with  the  toad  appearing  in  the  rain  in  Tro-Cortesianus  17b 
(PL  14,  fig.  2)  and  alone  in  the  rain  in  13a.  In  Tro-Cortesia¬ 
nus  81c  (PL  14,  fig.  5),  it  appears  in  front  of  an  unidentifiable 
god. 

Schellhas  has  called  the  turtle  an  animal  symbolical  of 
the  lightning  basing  his  opinion,  as  Brinton  (1895,  p.  74)  tells 
us,  on  Dresden  40b  wdiere  a  human  figure  with  animal  head 
is  holding  two  torches  in  his  hands.  This  figure  does  not 
seem  to  us  to  represent  a  turtle,  as  is  commonly  supposed, 
but  a  parrot, 'as  will  be  pointed  out  later  (p.  343).  Forste- 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES  323 

mann  (1902,  p.  27)  identifies  the  turtle  with  the  summer  sol¬ 
stice,  as  has  been  noted  before,  explaining  that  the  animal 
is  slow  of  motion,  and  is  taken  to  represent  the  time  when 
the  sun  seems  to  stand  still.  He  bases  his  theory  (1904, 
p.  423)  in  part  on  the  fact  that  the  sign  for  the  Maya  month 
Kayab,  which  is  the  month  in  which  the  summer  solstice 
occurs,  shows  the  face  of  the  turtle  (PI.  14,  fig.  10).  This 
undoubtedly  is  correct,  but  he  seems  to  us  wrong  in  classing 
as  turtles  the  figure  in  Dresden  40b  (PL  25,  fig.  1)  with  its 
accompanying  glyph  (PI.  25,  fig.  6). 

The  turtle  is  found  in  connection  with  two  sun  (kin) 
signs  beneath  a  constellation  band  in  Tro-Cortesianus  71a. 
Resting  upon  his  body  are  three  Cauac  signs.  The  single 
representation  of  the  turtle  in  the  Dresden  Codex  is  on  page 
49  (PI.  14,  fig.  12)  where  a  god  is  pictured  with  a  turtle’s 
head.  The  heavy  sharp  beak  indicates  that  he  represents 
one  of  the  sea  turtles  previously  mentioned.  He  is  shown 
transfixed  by  a  spear  and  corresponds  to  the  other  figures  in 
the  lower  parts  of  pp.  46-50.  These  all  have  some  connection 
with  the  Venus  period  which  is  considered  in  these  pages.* 

A  number  of  glyphs  representing  the  turtle  are  found 
throughout  the  codices  (PL  14,  figs.  7-10).  They  are  all 
characterized  by  the  heavy  beak.  It  may  be  noted  that 
these  glyphs  are  virtually  the  same  as  the  sign  for  the  first 
a  in  Landa’s  alphabet.  As  the  turtle  is  called  ak  or  aak  in 
Maya,  the  reason  is  clear  for  the  selection  of  this  sign  for  an  a 
sound.  These  turtle  glyphs  often  occur  alone;  one,  however, 
(PL  14,  fig.  7)  is  found  in  connection  with  the  swimming 
turtle  in  Tro-Cortesianus  17a  (PL  14,  fig.  3).  Figs.  7-9  agree 
in  having  the  small  scrolls  at  the  posterior  end  of  the  eye. 
The  head  shown  in  PL  14,  fig.  10,  has  quite  a  different  eye, 
though  otherwise  similar.  Its  resemblance  to  the  glyph  on 
Pl.  25,  fig.  9,  is  marked  and  suggests  the  parrot.  Schelihas 
(1904,  p.  44)  gives  in  his  fig.  64,  a  glyph  for  the  turtle  which 
seems  clearly  to  be  a  glyph  for  the  parrot  (PL  25,  fig.  7). 


*  See  in  this  connection  Seler ,  1904. 


324 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


AYES 

Herons  ( Ardea  herodias;  Hydranassa  tricolor  ruficollis). 
Only  a  few  water  birds  are  shown  in  the  Maya  works.  Several 
are  found,  however,  that  seem  to  picture  herons  (PI.  15,  figs. 
1-7).  The  best  of  these  (fig.  5),  a  carving  from  the  west 
side  panel  of  the  Temple  of  the  Cross  at  Palenque  shows  a 
crested  heron  standing  on  one  foot  and  holding  in  its  bill  a 
fish.  A  second  figure  (PI.  15,  fig.  1)  is  from  the  stucco  orna¬ 
ment  from  the  Palace,  House  B,  at  Palenque.  It  is  less 
carefully  executed,  but  seems  to  be  a  long-necked  bird  with 
a  crest  and  outspread  wings  curiously  conventionalized. 
In  the  Nuttall  Codex  there  is  another  unmistakable  heron 
(PI.  15,  fig.  4)  with  the  same  general  characteristics,  though 
the  crest  is  less  prominent,  here  represented  as  a  series  of 
erectile  feathers  separated  at  their  tips.  This  elongation 
of  the  crest  seems  to  be  carried  still  farther  in  what  seems 
to  be  the  head  and  neck  of  a  heron  from  Dresden  37b  (PI.  15, 
fig.  3)  with  erectile  feathers  at  intervals  along  its  length. 

The  heron  is  seldom  employed  as  a  head-dress.  In  the 
Lower  Chamber  of  the  Temple  of  the  Tigers  at  Chichen  Itza, 
one  of  the  warriors  wears  a  bird  head-dress  (PI.  15,  fig.  2), 
which  from  the  length  of  the  bill  is  probably  made  from  a 
heron’s  head,  though  the  crest  seems  greatly  exaggerated. 
The  bas-relief  on  which  this  is  found  is  strongly  Nahua  in 
feeling  and  execution.  This  head  covering  may  indicate, 
according  to  the  Nahua  fashion,  the  tribe  to  which  the  warrior 
belongs.  Again  in  Dresden  36a  (PI.  15,  fig.  7),  a  man  is 
shown  wearing  as  a  head-dress  the  head  and  neck  of  a  heron 
that  holds  in  its  bill  a  fish.  This  head  resembles  very  closely 
that  of  the  heron  in  fig.  1.  What  appears  to  be  a  similar 
head  is  shown  in  PI.  15,  fig.  6.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that 
the  heron  with  a  fish  (PI.  15,  fig.  5)  from  Palenque  also  forms 
a  part  of  a  complicated  head-dress. 

It  is,  of  course,  uncertain  to  which  of  the  several  herons 
occurring  in  Central  America  these  representations  refer. 
Possibly  the  Great  Blue  heron  ( Ardea  herodias )  or  the  Louisi- 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


325 


ana  heron  ( Hydranassa  tricolor  ruficollis )  is  intended.  It 
seems  not  unlikely  also,  that  one  of  the  white  egrets  may  be 
shown  as  their  crests  are  fairly  conspicuous. 

Frigate-bird  ( Fregata  aquila).  We  have  included  here 
two  figures  (PI.  15,  figs.  8,  9)  that  undoubtedly  represent  a 
single  species  of  bird.  It  is  characterized  by  a  deeply  forked 
tail  and  long  beak,  which  has  part  way  on  its  length,  a  cir¬ 
cular  object  surrounded  by  a  circle  of  dots.  It  seems  still 
problematical  what  this  object  may  be.  In  one  figure  (fig.  9), 
the  beak  is  strongly  hooked,  in  the  other  (fig.  8)  it  is  straight, 
but  as  the  latter  is  plainly  a  much  more  carelessly  made 
drawing,  we  may  infer  that  the  hooked  bill  is  more  nearly 
correct.  This  would  exclude  the  Terns  (Sterna),  to  which 
Stempell  has  referred  the  figures.  It  seems  probable  that 
the  frigate-bird  (Fregata  aquila)  is  the  species  intended,  as 
this  is  not  only  a  large  conspicuous  form  on  these  coasts, 
but  it  has  a  long  and  strongly  hooked  beak  and  forked  tail. 
The  length  of  the  beak  would  probably  exclude  from  con¬ 
sideration,  the  swallow-tailed  kite  that  also  occurs  in  the 
region. 

Both  these  birds  are  pictured,  evidently  as  an  offering 
or  sacrifice.  It  is  very  seldom  that  the  whole  bird  is  repre¬ 
sented  in  this  connection,  and  still  more  infrequent  to  find 
anything  but  the  turkey,  which  is  the  usual  bird  of  sacrifice. 
The  figure  from  the  Dresden  Codex  (PL  15,  fig.  9)  rests  upon 
the  usual  bowl  or  jar,  that  from  the  Tro-Cortesianus  (PI.  15, 
fig.  8)  is  pictured  upon  a  grotesque  animal  head,  three  Kan 
signs  and  these  upon  the  jar. 

In  the  Tro-Cortesianus  20c,  21c,  there  occur  several 
representations  of  man-like  forms  with  very  peculiar  heads. 
The  latter  are  each  provided  with  a  beak-like  projection,  on 
which  appears  the  circle  surrounded  by  dots  noted  above  in 
connection  with  the  frigate-bird.  Brinton  concludes  that 
this  mystic  symbol  is  a  representation  of  the  curious  knob 
on  the  bill  of  the  male  white  pelican,  and  therefore  identifies 
these  curious  figures  as  pelicans.  Stempell  follows  Brinton 
in  this,  but  considers  that  they  are  the  brown  pelican  (P. 


326 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


fuscus) ,  since  the  white  pelican  is  rare  or  casual,  as  far  south 
as  Yucatan.  Unfortunately,  however,  for  this  supposition, 
the  brown  pelican  lacks  the  curious  knob  that  Brinton  be¬ 
lieved  to  be  represented  by  the  circle  of  dots.  Moreover, 
this  same  sign  occurs  on  the  drawings  of  the  bills  of  the  frigate- 
bird  and  the  ocellated  turkey,  and  is  evidently  not  of  specific 
significance.  To  our  minds  it  is  doubtful  if  the  figures  under 
discussion  are  birds  at  all,  and  we  are  unable  to  assign  them 
a  name  with  any  degree  of  confidence.  A  peculiar  glyph 
occurs  in  connection  with  them  which  may  be  an  aid  to  their 
ultimate  identification.  Brinton  calls  the  glyph  the  “fish 
and  oyster  sign.” 


Ocellated  Turkey  ( Agriocharis  ocellata).  This  turkey 
(Maya  kup)  is  an  important  species  in  the  Maya  economy, 
and  is  seen  frequently  in  the  manuscripts.  This  is  a  smaller 
bird  than  the  more  northern  true  turkey  ( Meleagris )  and  is 
characterized  by  the  presence  of  curious  erect  knobs  on  the 
top  of  the  naked  head.  These  are  shown  in  conventionalized 
form  in  the  various  figures  (PI.  16),  and  afford  a  ready  means 
of  identification.  On  the  bill  of  the  bird  shown  in  Tro- 
Cortesianus  10b  (PI.  16,  fig.  2)  occurs  again  the  curious  symbol, 
a  circle  surrounded  by  dots,  previously  noted  under  the 
frigate-bird  and  pelican.  It  probably  has  some  special  sig¬ 
nificance.  Other  figures  of  ocellated  turkeys  show  but  little 
in  addition  to  the  points  just  discussed.  One  shown  in  PI.  16, 
fig.  7,  from  Codex  Vaticanus  3773,  however,  has  a  circular 
ring  about  the  eye  and  the  wattles  are  indicated  as  projec¬ 
tions  merely.  In  fig.  13,  they  are  apparently  shown  as 
stalked  knobs  found  elsewhere  in  connection  with  serpent 
head  ornaments.  It  is  only  the  head  in  this  latter  figure 
which  is  considered  in  this  interpretation. 

In  the  Nuttall  Codex,  there  frequently  occur  representa¬ 
tions  of  a  bird  that  was  evidently  used  for  sacrificial  purposes. 
It  is  shown  with  erectile  head  feathers  and  a  ring  of  circular 
marks  about  the  eye  (PI,  26,  figs.  12,  14;  PI.  27,  figs.  2-3) 
or  with  concentric  circles  (PI.  27,  fig.  1).  These  figures  are 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


327 


not  surely  identifiable,  but  probably  represent  this  turkey. 
Possibly  they  are  the  chachalaca  ( Ortalis  vetula  palli - 
diventris) ,  a  gallinaceous  bird,  commonly  kept  in  semi¬ 
domestication  in  Mexico,  whose  bare  eye  ring  and  slightly 
erectile  head  feathers  may  be  represented  by  the  drawings. 
It  is  probable  that  this  turkey  is  the  bird  represented  frequently 
in  the  Maya  codices  as  a  bird  of  sacrifice.  The  head  alone 
usually  appears  in  this  connection,  among  other  places,  in 
Dresden  34a  (PL  16,  fig.  10),  41c  (fig.  14),  29c  (fig.  16),  28c 
(fig.  17),  and  in  Tro-Cortesianus  12b  (PI.  16,  fig.  11),  105b 
(fig.  12),  107b  (fig.  15).  In  several  of  these  places  the  head 
is  represented  as  resting  on  one  or  more  Kan  signs,  again 
meaning  bread,  as  well  as  on  the  vessel  or  jar.  In  Dresden 
26c  (PI.  16,  fig.  9),  the  whole  turkey  is  pictured  as  an  offering, 
as  in  the  preceding  case  noted  in  Dresden  35a  (PL  15,  fig.  9). 
The  whole  bird  as  an  offering  may  also  appear  in  Tro-Cor¬ 
tesianus  4a  (PL  16,  fig.  4)  corresponding  to  the  offering  of 
venison  and  iguana  on  the  following  pages.  This  representa¬ 
tion  of  the  entire  bird  is  very  rare  although  the  fish,  when 
used  as  an  offering,  is  always  represented  as  a  whole  and  the 
iguana  is  in  most  cases  when  used  in  the  same  connection. 
Landa  (1864,  p.  222)*  confirms  the  offering  of  the  heads  of 
birds  with  bread. 

It  is,  however,  the  sacrifice  of  a  bird,  probably  a  turkey, 
by  decapitating,  that  is  especially  interesting,  as  the  opera¬ 
tion  as  shown  in  the  Dresden  Codex  25c  (Pl.  26,  fig.  2),  26c, 
27c,  28c,  in  the  rites  of  the  four  years,  is  described  in  full  by 
Landa.  In  the  codex,  a  priest  is  represented  as  holding  in 
his  hand  before  an  altar,  a  headless  bird.  Landa  (1864, 
pp.  212,  218,  224,  228)  f  tells  us  that  in  the  Kan,  the  Muluc, 

*“Y  ofrecerle  cabe9as  de  pavos  y  pan  y  bevidas  de  maiz.” 

t(Kan  year)  “Sahumavan  la  imagen,  degollavan  una  gallina  y  se  la  pre- 
sentavan  o  offrecian  .  .  .  y  assi  le  hazian  muchas  offrendas  de  comidas  y 
bevidas  de  came  y  pescado,  y  estas  offrendas  repartian  a  los  estrangeros 
•que  alii  se  hallavan.” 

(Muluc  year)  “Y  despues  degollavanle  la  gallina  como  al  passado.” 

(Ix  year)  “Y  degollavan  la  gallina  ...  a  la  estatua  de  Kac-u-U ayeyab 


328 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


the  lx,  and  the  Cauac  years,  the  priests  burnt  incense  to  the 
idol,  decapitated  a  “  gullina  ”  (undoubtedly  a  turkey),  and 
presented  it  to  the  god. 

The  turkey  is  also  used  as  a  head-dress.  Only  in  one 
case,  however,  Tro-Cortesianus  95c  (PI.  16,  fig.  5),  is  the  whole 
bird  represented  in  this  connection.  This  is  clearly  of  to- 
temic  significance  here,  as  it  occurs  in  that  part  of  the  codex 
where  birth  and  infant  baptism  are  shown.  In  many  other 
places  there  are  curious  partial  representations  of  bird  heads 
in  the  front  of  head-dresses  which  may  or  may  not  be  identified 
as  heads  of  turkeys.  Among  these  are  the  head-dress  of 
god  H  in  Dresden  7c,  of  god  E  in  Dresden  11c,  of  god  C  in 
Dresden  13b,  of  god  A  in  Dresden  23c,  and  a  female  divinity 
in  Dresden  20a  (PI.  16,  fig.  13).  Schellhas  (1904,  p.  43) 
identifies  these  birds  as  vultures. 

That  the  turkey  is  connected  with  the  rain  seems  clear. 
This  is  especially  the  case  among  the  Nahuas.  In  the  Aubin 
manuscript  the  rain  god,  Tlaloc,  often  appears  in  the  disguise 
of  the  turkey-cock  (uexolotl),  and  in  the  Vaticanus  3773,  14, 
the  turkey  (PI.  16,  fig.  7)  is  represented  in  the  “  House  of 
Rain,”  in  contrast  to  the  owl  shown  in  the  “  House  of  Drought” 
(Seler,  1902-1903,  p.  75).  It  might  be  noted  also  that  Fewkes 
(1892,  p.  228)  shows  that  the  turkey  is  emblematic  of  the  rain 
among  the  pueblo  peoples.  The  same  idea  seems  to  be  present 
among  the  Mayas,  as  we  note  in  the  Tro-Cortesianus  10b 
(PI.  16,  fig.  2)  the  turkey  is  pictured  in  the  rain  and  sur¬ 
rounded  on  three  sides  by  bands  of  constellation  signs. 

Two  methods  of  capturing  the  turkey  are  shown  in  the 
Tro-Cortesianus  93a  and  91a  (PI.  16,  figs.  1,  3).  By  the 
first,  the  bird  is  captured  alive  in  a  sort  of  wicker  basket, 
which  drops  over  it  at  the  proper  moment.  The  second 
method  is  by  the  “  twich-up  ”  or  snare,  which  consists  of  a 

ofrescian  una  eabe$a  de  un  pavo,  y  empanados  de  codornices  y  otras  coasa 
y  su  bevida.” 

(Cauac  year)  “Como  solian  y  degollavanle  la  gallina  .  .  .  un  hombre 
muerto  y  en  cima  un  paxaro  cenicero  llamad  kuch,  en  senal  de  mortandad 
grande,  ca  por  muy  mal  ano  tenian  este.” 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


329 


noose  tied  to  a  bent  sapling  and  properly  baited.  In  con¬ 
nection  with  PL  16,  fig.  1,  it  may  be  suggested  that  possibly 
this  represents  a  cage  rather  than  a  trap,  in  which  the  bird  is 
confined.  The  Lacandones  at  the  present  time  often  keep 
their  totem  animals  in  captivity  (Tozzer,  1907,  p.  40). 

King  Vulture  ( Sarcorhamphus  papa).  Numerous  fig¬ 
ures  of  vultures  appear  in  the  codices  and  elsewhere.  In¬ 
deed,  they  are  among  the  most  common  of  the  birds  depicted. 
Two  species  only  seem  to  occur  in  the  writings,  the  king 
vulture  and  the  black  vulture.  The  former  is  a  large  black 
and  white  bird  with  the  head  and  the  upper  part  of  the  neck 
unfeathered,  except  for  numerous  short,  almost  bristle-like 
plumules.  These  naked  portions  are  often  colored  red  and 
there  is  a  large  more  or  less  squarish  fleshy  knob  at  the  base 
of  the  upper  ramus  of  the  beak.  This  conspicuous  pro¬ 
tuberance  has  been  seized  upon  as  a  characteristic  in  the 
conventionalized  figures,  and  serves  to  identify  the  king  from 
the  black  vulture.  In  addition,  a  series  of  concentric  circles 
about  the  eye  seems  to  be  a  rather  constant  mark  of  the 
king  vulture,  though  they  are  also  sometimes  found  in  con¬ 
nection  with  figures  which,  from  the  absence  of  the  rostral 
knob,  must  represent  black  vultures  (PI.  18,  figs.  18,  27; 
PI.  19,  figs.  7,  10,  11).  In  the  case  of  the  bird  shown  in  PI.  19, 
fig.  1,  the  knob  is  hardly  apparent,  and  the  same  is  true  of 
PI.  19,  fig.  13.  Both  these  may  represent  king  vultures. 
A  remarkable  figure  is  that  shown  in  PI.  17,  fig.  4,  in  which 
an  ocellated  turkey  and  a  king  vulture  confront  each  other  with 
necks  intertwined.  The  short  hair-like  black  feathers  of 
the  head  are  represented  in  this  as  well  as  in  PI.  17,  fig.  11, 
and  in  the  glyph  carved  in  stone  (PI.  17,  fig.  10),  which  from 
the  presence  of  the  knob  is  probably  a  king  vulture.  The 
characteristic  knob  is  shown  in  a  variety  ^of  ways.  Thus, 
in  PL  17,  fig.  1,  it  is  greatly  developed  and  resembles  a  large 
horn  with  a  falcate  tip.  In  PL  17,  fig.  4,  it  is  sharply  angular 
and  nearly  square.  Frequently,  it  is  a  circle  with  a  centered 
ring  surmounted  by  one  or  two  additional  rings  or  terminated 
by  a  mitre-shaped  structure  (PL  17,  figs.  2,  5-7,  8-12).  A 


330 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


very  simple  form  was  found  in  the  carving  shown  in  PI.  17, 
fig.  13,  where  a  long  projecting  knob  is  seen  at  the  base  of 
the  culmen. 

The  king  vulture  seems  to  have  a  part  to  play  as  a  mytho¬ 
logical  being,  as  it  is  pictured  as  a  god  with  human  body 
and  bird  head  in  the  act  of  cohabiting  with  a  woman  in  Dres¬ 
den  19a,  and  with  a  dog  in  Dresden  13c  (PI.  17,  fig.  3).  More¬ 
over,  the  same  vulture  god  is  represented  on  a  blue  background 
and  under  a  band  of  constellation  signs  in  Dresden  38b,  and 
is  also  to  be  noted  in  Dresden  8a.  Forstemann  (1906,  p.  66) 
shows  that  the  thirteenth  day  of  the  Maya  month  is  reached 
in  the  tonalamatl  reckoning  at  this  place.  This  day  is  Cib, 
which  corresponds  to  the  Nahua  day  Cozcaquauhtli,  which 
has  the  meaning  vulture,  and  here,  as  previously  noted,  the 
vulture  god  is  represented.  In  Tro-Cortesianus  22c  (PI.  17, 
fig.  2)  and  10a,*  the  king  vulture  appears  alone,  in  the  first 
instance  with  a  blue  background,  and  in  the  second  with  a 
background  representing  rain.  Rain  is  also  shown  in  connec¬ 
tion  with  the  vulture  god  in  Dresden  38b,  and  the  black 
vulture  in  Tro-Cortesianus  18b  (PI.  19,  fig.  13). 

The  king  vulture  is  found  employed  as  a  head-dress 
twice  out  of  the  three  times  it  appears  in  any  connection 
with  female  figures,  Tro-Cortesianus  26c  (PI.  17,  fig.  12) 
wdth  male  figure,  and  94c  (PI.  17,  fig.  11)  and  95c  with  female 
figures.  The  last  two  clearly  have  to  do  with  the  baptism 
and  naming  of  infants,  as  previously  explained. 

The  study  of  the  glyph  used  to  indicate  the  vulture  is 
interesting,  for  we  find  it  recurring  again  and  again  through¬ 
out  the  Maya  codices  and  often  when  there  is  no  other  drawing 
of  the  animal,  as  in  Dresden  39c  (PI.  17,  fig.  5;  PI.  18,  fig.  19). 
The  first  example  (glyph  6)  is  clearly  the  head  of  the  king 
vulture,  whereas  the  second  (glyph  3)  is  probably  the  head 
of  the  black  vulture.  The  glyph  in  Dresden  38b  (PI.  17, 
fig.  7)  appears  in  connection  with  the  vulture  god  directly 
below  it.  In  Dresden  lib  (PI.  18,  fig.  1),  it  occurs  alone  and 


*F orstemann  identifies  this  bird  as  a  black  eagle. 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


331 


no  figure  appears  in  the  usual  place  below.  The  Tun  period 
glyph  (PI.  17,  fig.  10)  frequently  shows  vulture  character¬ 
istics  especially  in  the  nostril  of  the  face.  The  teeth,  how¬ 
ever,  often  appearing  in  the  Tun  glyph  would  be  against 
this  theory.  The  blending  of  bird  and  mammal  characteristics 
is  not  uncommon  in  the  Maya  drawings,  however. 

The  Nahua  day  sign,  Cozcaquauhtli ,  as  previously  noted, 
has  the  meaning  vulture,  and  we  naturally  find  this  bird 
frequently  represented  in  the  Mexican  codices.  In  the 
Nuttall  Codex,  the  head  of  the  king  vulture  occurs  repeatedly 
as  a  glyph  for  this  day.  In  its  less  modified  forms  (PI.  18, 
figs.  2-4),  the  beak  is  merely  a  pair  of  flattened  rami,  sur¬ 
mounted  proximally  by  the  conspicuous  quadrangular  knob. 
The  minute  hair-like  feathers  on  the  otherwise  naked  head 
are  shown  as  a  fringe  at  the  throat  and  crown,  while  a  con¬ 
ventionalized  ear  is  represented  posteriorly.  A  series  of  inter¬ 
esting  figures  (PI.  18,  figs.  5-10)  illustrates  steps  in  the  further 
reduction  of  this  head  to  a  small  glyph  in  which  only  the  beak 
with  its  large  squarish  knob  remains  (PI.  18,  fig.  10). 

Black  Vulture  ( Catharista  urubu ).  It  is  difficult  to 
assign  any  single  characteristic  to  the  figures  representing 
the  black  vulture  (Maya,  tsom)  other  than  the  long  raptorial 
beak.  A  number  of  drawings  probably  depict  black  vultures, 
though  this  cannot  be  certainly  affirmed.  Such  are  those 
shown  in  PI.  18,  figs.  11,  12,  14,  17;  PI.  19,  figs.  2-4,  13,  14. 
Stempell  considers  the  vulture  shown  in  PI.  18,  fig.  13,  to  be 
a  king  vulture,  but  it  has  no  knob  on  the  beak,  and  thus  is 
quite  likely  the  black  vulture.  The  fact  that  its  head  is 
shaped  much  like  that  of  the  god  with  the  king  vulture  head  (PI. 
17,  fig.  3)  would  indicate  merely  the  individuality  of  the  artist. 
The  coloring  of  the  species  under  discussion  is  uniformly 
black  in  the  Dresden  and  Tro-Cortesianus,  except  in  certain 
cases  where  the  birds  are  shown  in  outline  only,  as  in  PI.  19> 
fig.  12.  It  is  not  certain,  however,  that  these  two  last  are 
black,  vultures,  though  they  suggest  the  species.  The  two 
birds  shown  in  PI.  19,  figs.  5,  6,  are  almost  surely  black  vul¬ 
tures,  and,  as  represented  in  the  manuscript,  are  descending 


332 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


upon  a  man.  Stempell  thinks  they  may  be  ravens,  but  this 
is  very  doubtful,  for  the  raven  probably  was  unknown  to  the 
Mayas,  since  its  range  is  to  the  northward.  What  appears 
to  be  a  crest  is  seen  on  the  head  of  the  bird  in  PL  19,  fig.  4. 
The  black  coloring  and  the  shape  of  the  bill  otherwise  suggest 
the  black  vulture,  though  perhaps  the  crest  would  indicate 
the  harpy  eagle.  Similarly,  PI.  19,  fig.  14,  is  provided  with 
a  sort  of  tuft  or  crest,  but  its  general  appearance  is  suggestive 
of  the  vulture.  A  pottery  whistle  (text  fig.  2)  from  the  LToa 
Valley  evidently  represents  a  black  vulture.  The  head  of 
the  bird  shows  the  characteristic  wrinkled  appearance  seen 


Fig.  *2. 

POTTERY  WHISTLE,  VULTURE.  ULOA  VALLEY,  HONDURAS. 

in  the  drawings,  with  the  heavy  beak.  The  absence  of  the 
rostral  knob  would  preclude  its  being  a  king  vulture. 

It  is  natural  that  this  bird  should  find  an  important 
place  in  the  Maya  writing,  as  it  is  an  abundant  species  in  the 
region  considered,  and  of  great  importance  as  a  scavenger. 
The  black  vulture  seems  to  lack  the  niA'thological  character 
associated  with  the  king  vulture.  It  appears  usually  in 
connection  with  death  ancl  in  the  role  of  a  bird  of  prey.  This 
is  especially  true  in  the  Tro-Cortesianus  where  in  24d,  26d 
(PI.  19,  figs.  5,  6)  and  2Sc,  it  is  attacking  a  human  being, 
in  the  first  and  last  cases  represented  as  dead.  In  86a  and 
87a,  the  bird  is  shown  plucking  out  the  eye  of  a  man.  In 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


333 


Dresden  3a  (PL  19,  fig.  7),  it  appears  at  the  top  of  the  tree 
above  the  human  sacrifice  and  seems  to  be  in  the  act  of  con¬ 
suming  the  victim.  In  Tro-Cortesianus  91c,  it  also  appears 
in  a  tree.  In  Tro-Cortesianus  40a  (PI.  17,  fig.  9),  and  42a 
(PL  19,  fig.  1),  it  is  shown  as  eating  the  entrails  of  a  deer. 
In  the  first  case,  the  bird  looks  like  a  king  vulture,  although 
this  is  the  only  instance  where  this  species  is  shown  as  a  bird 
of  prey.  In  Tro-Cortesianus  28b  and  36b  (PL  18,  fig.  17), 
the  black  vulture  appears  eating  the  Kan  sign.  In  the  first 
example,  the  Kan  represents  the  newly  sowed  corn,  in  the 
second,  the  Kan  is  held  by  god  F.  Landa  (1864,  p.  230)* 
records  that  in  the  Cauac  year  there  was  a  ceremony  to  pre¬ 
vent  the  ants  and  the  birds  devouring  the  corn.  In  Dresden 
34b  and  35b,  the  vulture  is  shown  on  top  of  the  head-dress 
of  god  F,  evidently  the  enemy  of  the  harvest  and,  again,  on 
35b  (Pl.  19,  fig.  4)  on  top  of  the  Cauac  sign.  Its  role  as  a 
bird  of  prey  is  further  shown  in  Dresden  36b  (PL  19,  fig.  11), 
where  it  is  shown  attacking  a  serpent. 

This  vulture  is  associated  with  god  B  in  Dresden  69b, 
with  god  M  in  Tro-Cortesianus  70a  (PL  18,  fig.  12),  and  with 
god  D  in  Tro-Cortesianus  67a  (Pl.  17,  fig.  1).  The  last  may 
be  the  king  rather  than  the  black  vulture,  as  suggested  above. 
The  black  vulture  occurs  only  once  as  the  usual  head-dress, 
in  Dresden  17b  (PL  18,  fig.  13),  and  here  in  connection  with 
a  female  figure  and  the  idea  of  birth.  Two  birds,  probably 
vultures,  appear  over  the  enclosure  around  the  head  of  god  C 
in  Tro-Cortesianus  100b  (Pl.  19,  fig.  12).  In  the  Lower 
Chamber  of  the  Temple  of  the  Tigers  occurs  a  black  vulture 
in  bas-relief  with  a  necklace  represented  (PL  19,  fig.  14). 

The  glyph  of  the  king  vulture  has  already  been  discussed. 
There  are  other  glyphs  which  seem  to  show  the  black  vulture, 
although  it  is  quite  possible  that  no  sharp  distinction  was 

*“Este  ano  en  que  la  letra  era  Cauac  y  reynava  el  Bacab-Hozanek  tenian, 
allende  de  la  pronosticada  mortandad,  por  ruyn,  por  que  dezian  les  avian 
los  muchos  soles  de  matar  los  maizales,  y  comer  las  muchas  hormigas  lo  que 
sembrassen  y  los  paxaros,  y  porque  esto  no  seria  en  todas  partes  avria  en 
algunos  comida,  la  qual  avrian  con  gran  trabajo.” 


334 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


made  between  the  two  in  regard  to  the  glyphs  at  least.  In 
one  case  (PI.  IS,  fig.  18),  the  wrinkled  skin  of  the  head  and 
neck  is  indicated  much  as  in  the  case  of  the  king  vulture. 
A  few  other  glyphs  are  shown  (PI.  18,  figs.  16,  19,  22,  27), 
as  well  as  a  variety  from  the  Nuttall  Codex  in  which  the  mi¬ 
nute  hair-like  feathers  of  the  head  are  variously  represented, 
usually  much  exaggerated  as  a  sort  of  crest  or  comb.  PI.  18, 
fig.  22,  is  interesting  as  being  the  only  case  in  the  Maya  codices 
where  the  whole  figure  is  shown  in  the  glyph.  As  noted  in 
the  case  of  the  glyphs  of  the  king  vulture,  the  greater  number 
of  these  occur  quite  alone.  They  seem  to  indicate  that  a 
full  drawing  of  the  bird  is  meant  to  be  understood  as  occur¬ 
ring  below. 

Several  of  the  carved  glyphs  (PI.  19,  figs.  S-10)  show  the 
black  vulture  heads  in  some  detail  with  the  conspicuously 
open  nostril  and  hooked  beak.  A  carving  of  the  entire 
bird  may  be  shown  on  Stela  D  from  Copan  (PI.  28,  fig.  5), 
where  the  naked  head  and  neck  are  marked  off  by  lines  indi¬ 
cating  wrinkled  skin.  The  same  lines  on  the  neck  of  the 
bird  depicted  on  PI.  2S,  fig.  2,  will  probably  identify  it  as  a 
vulture,  and,  if  the  square  ornament  above  the  beak  certainly 
is  part  of  the  figure,  it  is  unquestionably  the  king  vulture. 
The  knob  is  not,  however,  clearly  on  the  bird’s  beak.  There 
are  two  interesting  glyphs  which  occur  on  the  eastern  fa£ade 
of  the  Monjas  at  Chichen  Itza.  The  glyphs  in  this  inscrip¬ 
tion  are  unlike  the  usual  Maya  hieroglyphs,  although  several 
of  the  so-called  constellation  signs  can  be  made  out.  The 
two  glyphs  in  question  represent  the  entire  body  possibly 
of  a  vulture,  that  on  PI.  17,  fig.  13,  probably  the  king  vulture, 
and  that  on  PI.  18,  fig.  14,  the  black  vulture. 

Harpy  Eagle  ( Thrasaetos  harpyia).  In  the  Nuttall 
Codex,  what  is  undoubtedly  the  harpy  eagle  is  of  frequent 
occurrence.  This  great  bird  is  not  uncommon  in  the  forests 
of  southern  Mexico  and  Central  America,  and  must  have 
attracted  the  notice  of  the  people  from  its  size.  The 
elongated  feathers  at  the  back  of  the  head  form  a  conspicuous 
crest,  a  feature  that  characterizes  this  species  in  most  of  the 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


335 


representations.  A  stone  carving  from  Chichen  Itza  (PI.  20, 
fig.  10)  pictures  a  harpy  eagle  eating  an  egg-shaped  object, 
and  another  similarly  engaged  is  copied  from  the  Codex 
Vaticanus  3773  (PI.  20,  fig.  14).  The  former  is  considered 
to  be  a  vulture  by  Maudslay,  but  the  presence  of  feathers 
covering  the  head  excludes  this  interpretation.  In  two 
stone  glyphs  (PI.  20,  fig.  1,3),  occurs  a  large  bird  apparently 
devouring  something  held  in  its  talons,  as  in  PI.  20,  fig.  10. 
From  this  general  resemblance,  it  seems  probable  that  both 
represent  the  harpy,  although  no  crests  are  shown  on  the 
glyphs.  In  the  Dresden  and  the  Tro-Cortesianus  occur  a 
few  figures  of  crested  birds  that  probably  are  the  same  species. 
The  crest  feathers  are  reduced  to  two,  however,  or,  in  some 
cases,  what  may  be  a  third  projecting  forward  from  the  base 
of  the  bill  (PI.  20,  figs.  5,  7,  12,  13).  The  last  two  figures 
are  not  certainly  identifiable,  though  it  is  probable  that 
they  represent  the  harpy. 

The  eagle  seems  to  be  the  bird  associated  with  warriors 
in  the  codices.  Seler  (1900-1901,  p.  89)  notes  that  the 
eagle  and  the  jaguar  are  both  the  mark  of  brave  warriors 
among  the  Nahuas.  In  the  Aubin  manuscript,  the  warrior 
god,  Yaotl,  is  always  associated  with  the  eagle  ( quauhtli ). 
In  the  Maya  pantheon,  god  M  is  usually  considered  the  war 
god,  as  he  is  almost  always  armed  with  a  spear.  He  is  seen 
in  Dresden  74  (PL  20,  fig.  13),  and  in  Tro-Cortesianus  109c 
with  an  eagle  as  a  head-dress.  There  are  other  gods,  how¬ 
ever,  who  wear  a  similar  head  covering.  God  L  appears  in 
Dresden  14b  (PI.  20,  fig.  7)  and  again  in  14c  (PL  20,  fig.  5) 
with  an  eagle  head-dress.  God  D  in  Dresden  23c  (PL  ,20, 
fig.  11)  has  an  eagle  coming  from  a  Tun  sign  on  top  of  his 
head.  The  eagle  is  probably  represented  at  the  prow  of 
a  boat  in  Dresden  43c  (PL  20,  fig.  12)  in  which  god  B  is  row¬ 
ing.  In  Tro-Cortesianus  88c  (Pl.  20,  fig.  4),  a  bird  which 
may  represent  the  eagle  appears  sitting  on  a  Cimi  (death) 
sign.  Above  in  the  glyphs  the  character  for  the  south  is 
shown.  Here,  clearly,  there  is  some  connection  between  the 
signs  of  the  cardinal  points  in  the  line  of  glyphs  and  the 
various  creatures  pictured  below. 


336 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


There  seems  to  be  only  one  glyph  which  can  in  any  way 
be  taken  for  that  of  the  eagle  in  the  Maya  manuscripts  and 
this  appears  only  once,  in  Tro-Cortesianus  107c  (PI.  20,  fig.  9). 
This  identification  may  be  questioned,  as  there  is  no  drawing 
of  an  eagle  associated  with  the  glyph.  Attention  has  already 
been  called  to  the  two  stone  glyphs  in  PI.  20,  figs.  1,  3.  There 
are  various  drawings  of  the  glyph  for  the  eagle  in  the  Nahua 
and  Zapotecan  codices  (PI.  20,  fig.  8),  as  the  Nahua  day, 
Quauhtli,  has  the  meaning  eagle.  It  is  interesting  to  note 
in  the  glyph  from  the  Nuttall  Codex  (PI.  20,  fig.  8)  the  tips 
of  the  feathers  are  crowned  with  stone  points,  a  frequent 
way  of  representing  birds  of  prey  among  the  Mexican  peoples. 

Yucatan  Horned  Owl  ( Bubo  virginianus  mayensis ). 
Stempell  makes  a  serious  mistake  by  confusing  the  eared 
owl  shown  in  full  face  with  that  shown  in  profile  in  the  draw¬ 
ings,  for  he  considers  both  to  represent  the  great  horned  owl. 
The  figures  are,  however,  quite  different  in  every  way.  The 
owl  in  full  face  view  is  unquestionably  the  great  horned 
owl  (Maya,  ikim),  the  Yucatan  form  of  which  is  recognized 
by  the  subspecific  title  mayensis.  This  is  the  bird  opposed 
to  the  “  Moan-bird  ”  which,  as  will  be  shown  later,  is  associated 
with  death.  In  PI.  21  are  some  truly  remarkable  figures 
which  seem  to  represent  this  horned  owl,  the  first  modelled 
in  stucco  from  Palenque,  the  second  carved  in  stone  from 
Yaxchilan,  and  the  third  carved  in  wood  from  Tikal.  Figs. 
1  and  3  show  the  bird  in  flight  with  extended  wings.  The 
two  erectile  tufts  of  feathers  or  “horns”  are  conspicuously 
represented  in  fig.  3,  at  either  side  of  the  bird’s  head  and  be¬ 
tween  them  the  flat  top  of  the  crown  is  secondarily  divided 
in  like  manner  into  three  parts,  representing  the  “horns” 
and  the  top  of  the  head.  The  beetling  brows,  heavy  hooked 
beak,  and  spread  talons  combine  to  give  a  fierce  and  spirited 
mien  to  the  great  bird.  PI.  21,  fig.  2,  may  be  a  greatly  con¬ 
ventionalized  owl  in  which  the  essential  characteristics  of 
the  bird  are  reproduced  in  a  rectangular  design.  The  large 
bill  is  conspicuous  in  the  center,  and  in  each  upper  corner 
terminates  one  of  the  ears.  The  eyes  are  represented  by 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


337 


rectangular  areas  at  the  base  of  the  bill,  each  with  three 
vertical  bars  across  it.  Below  the  beak,  or  at  either  side  of 
the  tip,  are  the  feet,  each  with  the  claw  cross-hatched. 
What  seem  to  be  the  reduced  and  highly  conventional¬ 
ized  wings  fill  the  lower  corner  of  each  side  of  the  figure. 

The  shield  in  the  center  of  the  Tablet  of  the  Sun  at  Pa- 
lenque  (PI.  22,  fig.  6)  shows  a  face  in  which  the  motif  seems 
to  be  the  full-face  view  of  the  horned  owl.  The  hooked  bill 
curves  over  the  mouth  at  each  side  of  which  is  the  curious 
scroll  seen  in  the  same  connection  in  the  figures  of  PL  21. 
The  ears  are  somewhat  shorter  in  proportion  than  usual 
and  below  each,  at  the  sides  of  the  face,  is  a  large  ear-plug, 
similar  to  that  elsewhere  found.  The  eyes  are  still  further 
conventionalized  with  a  decorative  scroll  surrounding  each. 
Another  example  of  the  conventionalized  owl’s  head  is  on 
Stela  1  from  Cankuan  (Maler,  1908,  PI.  13).  We  are  not 
yet  ready  to  advance  an  explanation  of  the  reason  why  the 
owl  should  occupy  such  a  prominent  position  in  the  art  of 
the  Mayas. 

In  only  one  case  is  the  horned  owl  found  in  the  Maya 
manuscripts.  In  Tro-Cortesianus  95c  (PI.  22,  fig.  2),  this 
owl  appears  as  the  head-dress  of  a  woman  in  that  portion  of 
the  codex  where  baptism  and  naming  are  shown.  An  owl’s 
head  seems  to  be  shown  on  the  end  of  a  warrior’s  staff  in  the 
bas-relief  of  the  Lower  Chamber  of  the  Temple  of  the  Tigers 
at  Chichen  Itza  (PI.  22,  fig.  4).  PI.  22,  figs.  5,  7,  show  two 
owls  from  the  Aubin  manuscript;  the  first  is  considered  to 
be  the  screech  owl  ( chiqualli )  and  the  second  the  horned  owl 
{tecolotl,  in  Nahuatl).  PI.  22,  figs.  1,  3,  show  two  drawings  of 
owls  from  Nahua  manuscripts. 

Yucatan  Screech  Owl  or  Moan  Bird  ( Otus  choliba 
thompsoni).  A  second  species  of  owl  is  represented  by  the 
figures  on  PI.  23.  This  has  likewise  two  feathered  tufts  or 
“ears”  on  its  head  and  is  always  shown  with  the  head,  at 
least,  in  profile,  but  the  tufts  one  in  front,  the  other  at  the 
back  of  the  head.  The  facial  disc  is  not  very  prominent 
the  beak  rather  long,  the  tail  short,  and  the  plumage  some- 
iv.  22 


33S 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


what  mottled.  A  dark  ring  usually  surrounds  the  eye.  It 
is,  with  little  doubt,  the  screech  owl,  the  only  other  form  of 
eared  owl  commonly  met  with  in  the  Central  American  region, 
and  in  Yucatan  is  represented  by  the  race  above  indicated. 
This  owl,  under  the  name  of  the  Moan  bird,*  is  always  asso¬ 
ciated  with  the  idea  of  death  among  the  Mayas.  The  famili¬ 
arity  of  this  species  and  its  mournful  quavering  cry  uttered 
at  night  have  no  doubt  led  to  its  association  with  death  and 
mystery  as  with  owls  in  other  parts  of  the  world. 

This  Moan  bird  has  an  important  place  in  the  Maya  pan¬ 
theon,  as  it  is  the  representative  in  many  places  of  god  A, 
the  Death  god.  It  appears  with  a  human  body  in  Dresden 
7c  (PI.  23,  fig.  1),  10a  (PI.  23,  fig.  8),  and  11a  (PI.  23,  fig.  3) 
and  in  Tro-Cortesianus  66a  (PI.  23,  fig.  2).  In  each  of  these 
places,  it  occupies  the  space  in  which  one  of  the  regular  gods 
is  usually  found.  In  Dresden  10a,  the  day  reached  in  the 
tonalamatl  reckoning  is  Cimi,  meaning  death,  and  here,  as 
has  been  noted,  is  found  the  Moan  bird,  the  symbol  of  death, 
with  another  sign  of  death  in  the  circle  just  above  the  head 
of  the  bird  (PI.  23,  fig.  8). 

This  owl  is  used  as  a  head-dress  itself,  but  always  for 
women,  Dresden  16a  (PI.  23,  fig.  19),  ISb  (PI.  23,  fig.  5), 
Tro-Cortesianus  94c  (PI.  23,  fig.  4),  and  95c  (PI.  23,  fig.  20). 
It  occurs  in  both  manuscripts  in  the  pages  mentioned  several 
times  before,  where  birth,  baptism,  and  the  naming  of  children 
are  shown.  The  curious  figure,  with  a  head  similar  to  PI.  23, 
fig.  21,  carried  on  the  back  of  some  of  the  women,  is  the  Moan 
sign,  referring  to  the  idea  of  death,  possibly  to  still-birth,  as 
copulation  and  birth  are  shown  in  this  section  of  the  codex 
(Dresden  18c,  19c).  The  Moan  is  found  associated  with 
man  only  once  in  the  manuscripts.  In  Tro-Cortesianus  73b 

*Brinton  (1895,  p.  74),  according  to  our  interpretation,  makes  a  mistake 
when  he  considers  the  crested  falcon  as  the  Moan,  “in  Maya  muan  or 
muyan.”  He  adds,  “Some  writers  have  thought  the  moan  bird  was  a 
mythical  animal  but  Dr.  C.  H.  Berendt  found  the  name  still  applied  to  the 
falcon.  In  the  form  muyan,  it  is  akin  in  sound  to  muyal,  cloud,  muan, 
cloudy,  which  may  account  for  its  adoption  as  a  symbol  of  the  rains,  etc.” 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


339 


(PL  23,  fig.  18),  he  is  found  perching  on  a  curious  frame¬ 
like  structure  in  which  god  B  is  sitting. 

There  are  several  glyphs  representing  the  Moan  bird  or 
screech  owl; the  first  type  is  easily  identifiable,  as  the  head  of 
the  bird  is  clearly  pictured  (PI.  23,  figs.  11-14,  16).  This 
head  is  frequently  associated  with  the  number  thirteen  (Dres¬ 
den  8b).  It  may  occur  in  the  line  of  glyphs  (Dresden  16c), 
and  refer  to  the  Moan  pictured  below,  or  it  may  occur  in  the 
line  of  glyphs  with  no  picture  corresponding  to  it  below 
(Dresden  53b).  PI.  23,  fig.  15,  from  Dresden  38c  has  been 
placed  with  these  drawings,  although  the  identification  is 
not  certain.  It  may  refer,  however,  to  the  large  Moan  head 
below,  on  which  god  B  is  sitting  (PI.  23,  fig.  11).  The  second 
type  of  glyph  does  not  resemble  in  any  way  the  Moan,  but 
they  are  clearly  signs  for  it.  as  they  are  often  found  in  con¬ 
nection  with  the  picture  of  the  Moan,  Dresden  7c  (PI.  23,  figs. 
6,  7,  21)  and  10a.  In  both  places  fig.  7  is  associated  with 
the  number  thirteen.  Schellhas  also  places  PI.  23,  fig.  17, 
among  the  Moan  signs. 

One  of  the  eighteen  Maya  months  is  named  Muan,  and 
some  of  the  glyphs  appearing  for  this  month  in  the  codices 
certainly  represent  the  Moan  or  screech  owl.  This  is  espe¬ 
cially  so  with  text  figs.  3-6.  Forstemann  (1904a)  considers 


Figs.  3,  4,  5,  6. 

GLYPHS  OF  MONTH  MUAN  SHOWING  MOAN-BIRD  CHARACTERISTICS. 

that  the  month  Muan  and,  consequently,  the  sign  as  well, 
refer  to  the  Pleiades. 

In  connection  with  the  screech  owl  referring  to  death, 
it  is  interesting  to  note  that  among  the  Nahuas  the  owl  is 
considered  of  unlucky  augury  and  is  usually  found  in  the 
“House  of  Death”  and  “of  Drought”,  as  contrasted  with 


340 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


the  turkey,  considered  as  a  bird  of  good  fortune,  and  found 
in  the  “  House  of  Rain.” 

Coppery-tailed  Trogan  or  Quetzal  ( Pharomacrus 
mocinno).  The  quetzal  is  common  locally  in  certain  parts 
of  southern  Mexico.  Its  brilliant  metallic  green  plumage 
and  the  greatly  elongated  tail  feathers  make  it  a  very  notable 
bird.  The  feathers  of  the  head  are  erect  and  stand  out  as 
a  light  crest,  those  of  the  anterior  portion  being  slightly  re¬ 
curved.  The  delicate  erect  feathers  of  the  head  are  well 
indicated  in  Vaticanus  3773,  17  (PI.  24,  fig.  9)  and  the  tail, 
also,  in  this  figure,  is  only  slightly  conventionalized  with  an 
upward  instead  of  the  natural  downward  sweep.  In  most 
of  the  representations,  the  crest  feathers  are  inclicatd  by  large 
plumes,  the  most  anterior  of  which  project  forward.  They 
may  be  even  further  modified  into  three  knobs  shown  in 
Dresden  7c  (PI.  24,  fig.  1).  The  two  characteristics  of  the 
quetzal,  namely  its  erect  head  feathers  and  its  extraordi¬ 
narily  long  tail  feathers,  are  often  used  separately.  Thus 
the  tail,  which  is  commonly  drawn  with  the  outer  feather  of 
each  side  strongly  curled  forward,  appears  by  itself  in  PI.  24, 
fig.  S,  or  it  may  be  seen  as  a  plume  in  the  head-dress  of  a 
priest  or  warrior  and  in  other  connections  as  an  ornament. 
A  greatly  conventionalized  drawing  of  the  bird  is  also  shown 
in  PI.  24,  fig.  11,  in  which  the  head  bears  a  curious  knob  and 
the  dorsal  feather  of  the  tail  is  upcurled  in  the  manner  of 
the  other  drawings.  It  is  not  at  once  apparent  why  the  long 
drooping  tail  feathers  should  be  shown  thus  recurved.  Pos¬ 
sibly  these  feathers,  when  used  by  the  Mayas  for  plumes, 
eurled  over  by  their  own  weight,  if  held  erect,  so  that  the  rep¬ 
resentations  are  a  compromise  between  the  natural  appear¬ 
ance  and  that  when  used  as  ornament  in  the  head  decoration. 

The  color  of  the  bird  and  the  very  long  tail  feathers  have 
already  been  mentioned,  and  these  explain  the  reason  of  the 
importance  of  this  bird  among  the  Mayas.  It  is  claimed  by 
several  old  authorities  that  the  quetzal  was  reserved  for  the 
rulers,  and  that  it  was  death  for  any  common  person  to  kill 
this  bird  for  his  own  use.  It  seems  from  a  statement  in 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


341 


Lancia  (1864,  p.  190)*  that  birds  were  domesticated  for  the 
feathers.  This  bird  occurs  again  and  again  in  various  modi¬ 
fications  throughout  the  Maya  art.  The  feathers  of  the 
quetzal  are  the  ones  usually  associated  with  the  serpent, 
making  the  rebus,  Quetzalcoatl,  the  feathered  serpent,  the 
culture  hero  of  the  Nahuas,  or  Kukulcan ,  which  has  the  same 
signification  among  the  Mayas.  It  is  impossible  to  mention 
here  all  the  various  connections  in  which  the  quetzal  appears. 
The  feathers  play  an  important  part  in  the  composition  of 


the  head-dresses  of  the  priests  and  warriors,  especially  those 
in  the  stone  carvings.  A  quotation  has  already  been  given 
from  Lancia,  showing  the  use  made  of  feathers  in  the  dress 
of  the  people.  Text  fig.  7  shows  perhaps  the  most  elaborate 
representation  of  this  bird.  It  is  found  on  the  sculptured 
tablet  of  the  Temple  of  the  Cross  at  Palenque.  The  quetzal 
is  shown  seated  on  top  of  a  branching  tree  which  was  long 
taken  to  represent  a  cross.  A  similar  representation  is  seen 

*“Crian  paxaros  para  su  recreacion  y  para  las  plumas  para  hazer  sus  ropas 
galanas.” 


342 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


on  the  tablet  of  the  Temple  of  the  Foliated  Cross  from  the 
same  ruined  city.  In  the  Codex  Fejervary-Mayer,  there 
are  four  trees  in  each  of  which  there  is  a  bird.  A  quetzal 
is  perched  in  the  one  corresponding  to  the  east,  which  is 
regarded  as  the  region  of  opulence  and  moisture.  Seler 
(1901,  p.  17)  suggests  that  the  quetzal  in  the  tree  on  the  two 
bas-reliefs  at  Palenque  may  represent  a  similar  idea  and  that 
temples  which  would  show  the  other  three  trees  and  their 
respective  birds  had  not  been  built  in  that  center. 

The  representation  of  the  quetzal  as  an  entire  bird  is, 
after  all,  comparatively  rare.  The  most  realistic  drawing 
is  seen  on  a  jar  from  Copan  in  the  collections  of  the  Peabody 
Museum.  '  The  whole  body  of  the  bird  is  shown  as  a  head¬ 
dress  in  a  few  places  in  the  codices  where  birth  and  the  naming 
of  children  are  pictured.  In  Dresden  16c  (PI.  24,  fig.  3) 
and  Tro-Cortesianus  94c  (PI.  24,  fig.  6),  the  quetzal  is  the 
head-dress  of  women.  In  Dresden  13b  (PI.  24,  fig.  2),  a 
partial  drawing  of  the  bird  is  shown  as  a  part  of  the  head¬ 
dress  of  god  E,  in  Dresden  7c  (PI.  24,  fig.  1)  of  god  H,  and  in 
Tro-Cortesianus  1 10c  of  god  F.  The  feathers  alone  appear 
as  a  female  head  decoration  in  Dresden  20c  (PI.  24,  fig.  8). 
It  occurs  as  a  sacrifice  among  the  rites  of  the  four  years  in 
Tro-Cortesianus  36b  (PI.  24,  fig.  12).  In  Tro-Cortesianus 
70a  (PI.  24,  fig.  5),  it  is  found  in  the  act  of  eating  fruit  growing 
over  the  “young  god.”  In  Tro-Cortesianus  100b  (PI.  24, 
fig.  4),  the  bird  is  perched  over  the  encased  head  of  god  C. 

There  seems  to  be  a  glyph  used  for  the  quetzal.  In  those 
drawn  in  PI.  24,  figs.  10,  17,  it  is  noticeable  that  the  anterior 
part  only  of  the  head  is  shown.  The  first  is  a  glyph  from  the 
tablet  of  the  Temple  of  the  Sun  at  Palenque,  and  at  least 
suggests  the  quetzal  by  the  feathers  on  the  top  of  the  head,  as 
also  PI.  24,  fig.  13,  a  glyph  from  Copan,  Stela  10,  where  the 
entire  head  appears  in  a  much  conventionalized  form.  Other 
glyphs  are  shown  in  PI.  24,  figs.  14-16,  in  which  there  is  a 
single  prominent  recurved  feather  shown  over  the  ejre,  suc¬ 
ceeded  by  a  few  conventionalized  feathers,  then  one  or  more 
directed  posteriorly.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  whereas  in  many 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


343 


previous  examples  of  glyphs  the  full  drawing  of  the  animal 
or  bird  has  been  found  in  connection  with  them,  here  with  the 
quetzal  glyphs  there  is  no  instance  where  a  drawing  of  the 
bird  occurs  with  them.  A  curious  human  figure  (PI.  24, 
fig.  19),  with  a  head  decoration  similar  to  the  frontal  curve 
and  markings  on  the  quetzal  glyphs  (fig.  14-16),  may  pos¬ 
sibly  represent  this  bird  in  some  relation. 

Blue  Macaw  ( Ara  militaris).  A  large  macaw  (Maya, 
mox  or  tvt )  is  undoubtedly  pictured  in  the  figures  in  PI.  25. 
The  least  conventionalized  drawing  found  is  that  shown  in 
Dresden  16c  (PI.  25,  fig.  2),  a  bird  characterized  by  long 
narrow  tail  feathers,  a  heavy  bill,  and  a  series  of  scale-like 
markings  on  the  face  and  about  the  eye.  Further  conven¬ 
tionalized  drawings  are  found  in  PI.  25,  figs.  3,  10,  13,  and 
PI.  26,  fig.  1.  In  all  these  the  tail  is  less  characteristic,  though 
composed  of  long,  narrow  feathers,  and  the  facial  markings 
are  reduced  to  a  ring  of  circular  marks  about  the  eye.  These 
last  undoubtedly  represent,  as  supposed  by  Stempell,  the 
bare  space  about  the  eye  found  in  certain  of  these  large  parrots. 
In  addition,  the  space  between  the  eye  and  the  base  of  the 
bill  is  partially  bare  with  small  patches  of  feathers  scattered 
at  somewhat  regular  intervals  in  rows.  It  is  probable  that 
this  appearance  is  represented  by  the  additional  round  marks 
about  the  base  of  the  bill  in  PI.  25,  figs.  1,  2,  5,  8,  the  last 
two  of  which  show  the  head  only.  There  has  hitherto  been 
some  question  as  to  the  identity  of  certain  stone  carvings, 
similar  to  that  on  Stela  B  from  Copan,  of  which  a  portion  is 
shown  in  PI.  25,  fig.  8.  This  has  even  been  interpreted  as 
the  trunk  of  an  elephant  or  a  mastodon,  but  is  unquestionably 
a  macaw’s  beak.  In  addition  to  the  ornamental  cross- 
hatching  on  the  beak,  which  is  also  seen  on  the  glyph  from 
the  same  stela  (PI.  25,  fig.  5),  there  is  an  ornamental  scroll 
beneath  the  eye  which  likewise  is  crosshatched  and  sur¬ 
rounded  by  a  ring  of  subcircular  marks  that  continue  to  the 
base  of  the  beak.  The  nostril  is  the  large  oval  marking 
directly  in  front  of  the  eye. 

The  animal  in  Dresden  40b  (PI.  25,  fig.  1)  has  always 


344 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


been  considered  to  be  a  tortoise  (Sehellhas,  1904,  p.  44,  and 
Forstemann,  1904).  This  animal,  together  with  the  dog,  is 
found  beneath  the  constellation  signs  carrying  firebrands; 
both  are  regarded  as  lightning  beasts.  By  comparing  the 
head  of  the  figure  shown  in  PI.  25,  fig.  1,  with  figs.  2,  4,  5,  of 
the  same  plate,  the  reasonableness  of  the  identification  of 
this  head  as  that  of  a  macaw  and  not  that  of  a  tortoise  ap¬ 
pears  clear.  The  same  figure  occurs  in  Tro-Cortesianus 
12a  (PI.  25,  fig.  3)  carrying  a  torch. 

In  order  to  make  this  point  clearer,  we  will  take  up  the 
consideration  of  the  glyphs  at  this  place,  rather  than  at  the 
end  of  the  section  as  usual.  As  the  macaw  in  PI.  25,  fig.  1, 
has  been  hitherto  identified  as  a  turtle,  so  the  glyph  found  in 
connection  with  it  (PI.  25,  fig.  6)  has  been  considered  to  stand 
for  the  turtle.  PI.  25,  fig.  7,  is  another  drawing  of  the  same 
glyph.  By  comparing  the  markings  on  the  face  of  fig.  1,  it 
is  seen  that  a  similar  ring  surrounds  the  eye  shown  on  the 
glyph.  The  second  glyph  (PI.  25,  fig.  7)  is  better  drawn 
and  shows,  in  addition  to  the  eye  ring,  the  slightly  erectile 
feathers  at  the  back  of  the  head.  Comparison  with  the  glyphs 
representing  turtles  (PI.  14,  figs.  7-10)  hitherto  confused  with 
these  macaw  glyphs  shows  differences,  the  most  important 
of  which  are  of  course  the  eye  ring  and  the  feathers  at  the 
back  of  the  head. 

Various  other  glyphs  occur  which  undoubtedly  represent 
the  heads  either  of  macaws  or  smaller  parrots.  They  are, 
for  the  most  part,  glyphs  from  the  stone  inscriptions.  A 
crest,  resembling  that  depicted  on  the  head  of  the  quetzal, 
is  found  on  a  glyph  on  Altar  Q  from  Copan  (PI.  25,  fig.  10). 
The  eye  ring,  however,  seems  to  indicate  the  macaw  which 
also  has  slightly  erectile  feathers  on  the  head.  Much  doubt 
is  attached  to  the  identification  of  the  gtyph  of  the  month 
Kayae  from  Stela  A,  Quirigua  (PI.  25,  fig.  9).  It  resembles 
closely  the  glyphs  of  the  turtle  (PI.  14,  figs.  7-9)  and  especially 
that  on  PI.  14,  fig.  10.  The  Quirigua  glyph  has  a  prominent 
fleshy  tongue,  however,  like  the  parrot.  From  the  fact  that 
the  glyph  is  certainly  that  for  the  month  Kayab  and  the 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


345 


Kayab  glyphs  in  the  codices  (PI.  14,  fig.  10)  resemble  the 
sign  for  a,  in  the  Landa  alphabet  which  seems  to  stand  for 
ak  (turtle),  we  are  led  to  identify  this  as  a  turtle  rather  than 
a  parrot. 

The  use  of  the  macaw  as  a  lightning  beast  has  already 
been  commented  upon.  The  parrot  is  also  used  in  the  co- 
dices  as  a  head-dress.  As  with  several  other  birds  the  only 
places  in  the  manuscripts  where  the  whole  bird  is  shown  is 
in  connection  with  the  bearing  of  children  and  the  baptism. 
Here  the  parrot  head-dress  is  seen  on  women,  Dresden  16c 
(PI.  25,  fig.  2)  and  Tro-Cortesianus  94c  (PI.  25,  fig.  13). 
There  seems  to  be  an  exception  to  the  whole  bird  appearing 
as  a  head-dress  exclusively  with  women  in  Tro-Cortesianus 
26c  (PI.  26,  fig.  1),  where  god  F  appears  with  a  head-dress 
composed  of  the  whole  bird.  The  bird  is  also  seen  as  a  head¬ 
dress  on  Altar  Q  from  Copan  (PI.  26,  fig.  3).  The  head  of 
the  macaw  appears  as  part  of  the  head-dress  of  god  H  in 
Dresden  11a  (PI.  26,  fig.  13),  god  E  in  Dresden  lib  (PI.  26, 
fig.  11),  god  F  in  Dresden  14b,  god  D  in  Tro-Cortesianus 
89a  (PI.  26,  fig.  5)  and  of  women  in  Dresden  12b  (PI.  26,  fig.  6) 
and  19a  (PI.  26,  fig.  9).  In  the  rites  of  the  four  years  in  Tro- 
Cortesianus  37b,  there  are  two  birds  which  are  quite  different 
from  those  we  have  been  considering,  but  which  may  repre¬ 
sent  macaws  (PI.  25,  fig.  12;  PL  26,  fig.  10). 

In  the  Nuttall  Codex,  occur  several  figures  of  heavy¬ 
billed  birds  that  may  be  macaws  or  other  smaller  parrots 
of  the  genera  Amazona  or  Pachyrhynchus.  They  are  not, 
however,  certainly  identifiable  (PI.  26,  figs.  4,  7). 

Imperial  Woodpecker  (. Campephilus  imperialis).  We 
have  here  introduced  two  drawings  from  the  Nuttall  Codex 
(PL  27,  figs.  5,  6)  which  seem  to  represent  the  Imperial 
ivory-billed  woodpecker,  a  large  species  that  occurs  in  the 
forests  of  certain  parts  of  Mexico.  The  figures  show  a  long¬ 
billed  bird  with  acutely  pointed  tail  feathers,  a  red  crest, 
and  otherwise  black  and  white  plumage.  The  red  crest  of 
the  woodpecker  is  of  course  highly  conventionalized  in  the 
drawings  where  it  is  shown  as  of  a  number  of  erect  feathers 


346 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


instead  of  the  prominent  occipital  tuft  of  this  bird.  The 
crest  and  particularly  the  pointed  tail  feathers  and  long  beak 
combined  with  the  characteristic  coloring  seem  to  leave 
little  doubt  as  to  the  identity  of  the  species  figured.  This 
bird  does  not  seem  to  appear  in  the  Maya  drawings. 

Raven  ( Corvus  corax  sinuatus )  (?).  There  occurs  in  the 
Nuttall  Codex  a  figure  of  a  large  blackbird  (PI.  27,  fig.  7)  t 
which  may  be  a  black  vulture,  but  which,  from  the  presence 
of  what  appear  as  prominent  bristles  over  the  nostril,  may 
also  be  a  raven.  These  bristles  arc  rather  prominent  in 
ravens  and  quite  lacking  in  the  vulture,  so  that  we  are  led 
to  identify  the  drawing  as  representing  the  former  bird. 
We  have  found  no  other  figures  that  suggest  ravens. 

Miscellaneous  Birds.  Four  drawings  of  birds  from 
the  Aubin  manuscript  are  shown  here  (PI.  27,  figs.  8-11), 
in  order  that  the  conventionalization  of  the  bird  form  may 
be  seen.  The  first  two  are  supposed  to  represent  the  parrot 
( cocho )  and  the  last  two  the  turkey  cock  ( uexolotl ).  There 
is  little  in  the  drawings  by  which  they  can  be  differentiated- 
In  the  codex,  the  heads  of  the  parrots  are  colored  red.  There 
is  no  doubt,  however,  about  the  identification,  as  they  occur 
in  the  same  relative  position  on  every  page  of  the  manuscript 
and  are  two  of  the  thirteen  birds  associated  with  the  thirteen 
gods,  the  “Lords  of  the  House  of  Day”  (Seler,  1900-1901, 
pp.  31-35).  From  the  foregoing,  it  may  be  seen  that  where 
there  is  no  question  about  the  identification,  the  drawing  of 
the  bird  form  is  rather  carelessly  done  and  no  great  attempt 
is  made  to  indicate  the  special  characteristics  of  the  different 
birds. 

As  has  been  shown  previously,  it  is  not  always  possible 
to  identify  without  question  many  of  the  forms  appearing 
in  the  manuscripts.  This  is  especially  true  with  birds.  In 
Tro-Cortesianus  20c,  an  unidentifiable  bird,  painted  blue, 
appears  on  the  top  of  the  staff  carried  by  god  F.  The  head¬ 
dress  of  this  same  god  in  Tro-Cortesianus  27c  is  a  bird  form 
and  in  Tro-Cortesianus  55b,  the  tonalamatl  figure  is  a  bird 
whose  identity  cannot  be  made  out  with  certainty. 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


347 


MAMMALIA 

Opossum  ( Didelphis  yucatanensis ,  D.  mesamericana) . 
Figures  representing  opossums  are  not  with  certainty  iden¬ 
tifiable  in  the  Maya  writings.  We  have  provisionally  iden¬ 
tified  as  a  frog  the  animal  shown  in  PI.  29,  fig.  6,  although 
at  first  sight  the  two  median  round  markings  might  be  taken 
to  represent  a  marsupial  pouch.  Stempell  considers  the 
animals  found  in  the  upper  division  of  Dresden  25-28  as 
opossums  of  one  of  the  above  species,  and  this  seems  very 
possible.  They  are  shown  with  long  tails,  slightly  curved 
at  the  tips,  and  with  long  head  and  prominent  vibrissae.  A 
rather  similar  figure  is  found  in  the  Nuttall  Codex  (PL  34, 
fig.  7).  There  is  nothing,  however,  that  seems  to  preclude 
their  being  dogs  and,  in  our  opinion,  they  represent  this 
animal. 

Nine-banded  Armadillo  ( Tatu  novemcinctum) .  This  is 
the  common  species  of  armadillo  (Maya,  wets)  found  through¬ 
out  the  warmer  portion  of  Mexico  and  Central  America) 
where  it  is  frequently  used  as  an  article  of  food,  and  its  shell¬ 
like  covering  is  utilized  in  various  ways.  Several  repre¬ 
sentations  of  it  occur  in  the  Tro-Cortesianus  (PL  29,  figs.  1-4), 
where  it  is  characterized  by  its  scaly  covering,  long  ears  and 
tail,  and  the  moveable  bands  about  the  body. 

This  animal  is  associated  with  the  bee  culture,  as  it  is 
represented  twice  in  Tro-Cortesianus  103a  (PL  29,  figs.  1,  3) 
seated  below  a  bee  under  an  overhanging  roof.  The  hunting 
scenes  in  the  Tro-Cortesianus  also  show  the  armadillo;  in 
48a  (PL  29,  fig.  4)  and  in  91a  it  is  shown  in  a  pit-fall.  In 
the  last  case  the  Cauac  signs  are  clearly  seen  on  top  of  the 
trap,  whereas  in  the  former  case  the  same  signs  seem  to  be 
indicated  by  the  crosses.  Finally,  this  same  animal  occurs 
seated  in  Tro-Cortesianus  92d  (PL  29,  fig.  2)  facing  a  female 
figure.  There  seems  to  be  no  glyph  used  in  connection  with 
this  animal. 

Yucatan  Brocket  ( Mazama  pandora).  Among  the 
numerous  representations  of  deer  in  the  Maya  writings,  there 


348 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


is  but  one  that  appears  to  show  the  brocket.  This  occurs  in 
Tro-Cortesianus  92a  (PI.  30,  fig.  2),  where  a  hoofed  animal 
with  a  single  spike-like  horn  is  shown,  seemingly  impaled  on 
a  stake  set  in  the  bottom  of  a  pit-fall.  As  stated  by  Stempell, 
this  animal  from  the  character  of  its  horns  is  probably  to 
be  identified  as  a  brocket,  though  there  is  nothing  to  preclude 
its  being  a  young  spike  buck  of  some  species  of  Odocoileus. 

Yucatan  Deer  ( Odocoileus  yuccitanensis;  0.  thomasi). 
Several  species  of  small  deer  (Maya,  ke )  occur  in  Mexico  and 
Central  America  whose  relationships  are  not  yet  thoroughly 
understood  (Pis.  30-32).  The  species  of  Yucatan  and  south¬ 
ern  Mexico  have  small  lyrate  antlers  with  few,  short  tines, 
rather  different  from  the  broader  type  of  the  more  northern 
species  with  well  developed  secondary  tines.  The  former  type 
of  antlers  seems  to  be  indicated  by  the  conventionalized 
structure  shown  in  PI.  32,  figs.  S-12.  These  probably  repre¬ 
sent  the  Yucatan  deer  or  its  ally  Thomas’s  deer  of  southern 
Mexico.  Two  of  the  figures,  both  from  the  Nuttall  Codex, 
show  the  lower  incisor  teeth  (PI.  32,  figs.  8,  11),  though  in 
other  cases  these  arc  omitted.  The  larger  part  of  the  figures 
of  deer  represent  the  does  which  have  no  antlers.  For  this 
reason  it  is  impossible  to  distinguish  females  of  the  brocket 
from  those  of  the  other  species  of  deer,  if  indeed,  the  Mayas 
themselves  made  such  a  distinction.  The  characteristics 
of  deer  drawings  are  the  long  head  and  ears,  the  prominently 
elevated  tail  with  the  hair  bristling  from  its  posterior  side 
(the  characteristic  position  of  the  tail  when  the  deer  is  run¬ 
ning),  the  hoofs,  and  less  often  the  presence  of  incisors  in 
the  lower  jaw  only  and  of  a  curious  oblong  mark  at  each  end 
of  the  eye,  possibly  representing  the  large  tear  gland. 

The  deer  plays  a  large  part  in  the  Maya  ceremonials. 
It  is  an  important,  perhaps  the  most  important  animal  offer¬ 
ing  as  a  sacrifice  to  the  gods.  Several  pages  of  the  Tro- 
Cortesianus  (38-49)  are  given  over  to  the  hunt  and  the  animal 
usually  represented  is  the  deer,  the  hunters  are  shown,  the 
methods  of  trapping,  the  return  from  the  chase,  and  the 
rites  in  connection  with  the  animals  slain.  Tro-Cortesianus 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


349 


48b  (PI.  30,  fig.  1)  shows  the  usual  method  of  trapping  where 
the  deer  is  caught  by  a  cord  around  one  of  the  fore  legs.  Tro- 
Cortesianus  91a  pictures  the  same  method  and  92a  (PI.  30, 
figs.  2)  shows  where  the  deer  is  caught  on  a  spike  in  another 
type  of  trap.  In  Tro-Cortesianus  86a  (PL  31,  fig.  5)  the  deer 
appears  with  a  rope  around  his  body  held  by  a  god  who  is 
not  easily  identified. 

Interesting  descriptions  of  the  hunt  are  given  in  several 
of  the  early  accounts.*  It  will  be  noted  that  the  hunt  was 
usually  connected  with  the  religious  rites  and  the  offering 
of  deer  meat  and  various  parts  of  the  body  of  the  deer  had 
a  ceremonial  importance.  Attention  is  called  to  similar 

*Relacion  hecha  por  el  Licenciculo  Palacio  al  Rey.  D.  Felipe  II  (1866, 
p.  31).  “Lo  que  hacian  en  los  sacrificios  de  la  pesca  y  caza,  era  que  tomaban 
un  venado  vivo  y  llevabanlo  al  patio  del  cu  e  iglesia  que  tenian  fuera  del 
pueblo  y  alii  lo  ahogaban  y  lo  desollaban  y  le  salaban  toda  la  sangre  en  una 
olla,  y  el  higado  y  bofes  y  buches  los  hacian  pedazos  muy  pequenos  y  apar- 
taban  el  corazon,  cabeza  y  pies,  y  mandaban  cocer  el  venado  por  si,  la 
sangre  for  si,  y  mientras  esto  se  cocia,  hacian  su  baile.  Tomaban  el  Papa 
y  sabio  la  cabeza  del  venado  por  las  orejas,  y  los  cuatro  sacerdotes  los  cuatro 
pies,  y  el  mayordomo  llevaba  un  brasero,  do  se  quemaba  el  corazon  conuli 
y  copa,  e  incensaban  al  idolo  que  tenian  puesto  y  senalado  para  la  caza  y 
pesca.  Acabado  el  mitote,  ofrecian  la  cabeza  y  pies  al  idolo  y  chamus- 
cdbanla,  y  despues  de  chamuscada,  la  llevaban  k  casa  del  Papa  y  se  la 
comia  y  el  venado  y  su  sangre  comian  los  demas  sacerdotes  delante  del 
fdolo;  k  los  pescados  les  sacaban  las  tripas  y  los  quemaban  ante  el  dicho 
idolo.  Lo  propio  era  con  los  demas  animales.” 

Relation  de  Cotuta  y  Tibolon  (1898,  p.  105).  “Un  dios  que  dezian  que 
eran  benados  en  matando  un  yndio  un  benado  benia  luego  a  su  dios  y  con 
el  coragon  le  untaba  la  cara  de  sangre  y  sino  mataba  algo  aquel  dia  ybase  a 
su  casa  aquel  yndio  le  quebraba  y  dabale  de  cozes  diziendo  que  no  era  buen 
dios.” 

Cogolludo  (1688,  Book  I,  Chap.  VII,  p.  43)  “Correan  tan  pocolos  venados, 
y  tan  sin  espantarse  de  la  gente,  que  los  soldados  de  a  cavallo  del  exercito 
los  alcancavan,  y  alangeavan,  muy  a  su  placer,  y  de  esta  suerte  mataron 
muchos  de  ellos,  con  que  comieron  algunos  dias  despues  .  .  .  Que  en  que 
consistia  aquella  novedad,  de  aver  tanta  maquina  de  venados,  y  estar  tan 
mansos?  Les  dieron  por  respuesta;  Que  en  aquellos  Pueblos  los  tenian 
por  sus  Dioses  a  los  venador;  porque  su  Idolo  Mayor  se  les  avia  aparecido 
en  aquella  figura.” 


350 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


practices  among  the  Lacandones,  the  inhabitants  of  the  re¬ 
gion  of  the  Usumacinta  at  the  present  time  (Tozzer,  1907),. 
where  the  greater  part  of  the  food  of  the  people  must,  first 
of  all,  be  offered  to  the  gods  before  it  may  be  eaten  by  the 
natives. 

The  figures  of  the  deer  in  the  codices  are  clearly  associated 
with  god  M,  and  the  latter  may  be  considered  a  god  of  the 
hunt  as  well  as  a  god  of  war.  It  is  very  unusual  to  find  a 
quadruped  used  as  a  head-dress  in  any  way,  and  yet  in  several 
cases  we  find  god  M  has  the  head  of  a  deer  as  a  sort  of  head 
covering,  Tro-Cortesianus  50b  (PI.  31,  fig.  6),  51c  (PI.  31, 
fig.  7)  and  GSb.  In  the  first  two  cases,  the  god  seems  to  be 
supplied  with  a  bow  and  arrow.  In  a  passage  in  Landa 
(1S64,  p.  290)*  there  is  a  description  of  this  very  scene. 

In  the  month  Zip ,  the  hunters  each  took  an  arrow  and 
a  deer’s  head  which  was  painted  blue;  thus  adorned  they 
danced.  God  M  is  found  in  one  case  in  the  Dresden  in  con¬ 
nection  with  the  deer.  In  Dresden  13c  the  animal  is  repre¬ 
sented  as  female  and  is  shown  in  intercourse  with  god  M. 

An  offering  of  venison  is  frequently  pictured  in  the  manu¬ 
scripts.  Landa  (1S64,  p.  220)  f  also  furnishes  a  parallel 
for  this.  The  haunches  of  venison  arranged  as  offerings  in  dishes 
are  realistically  seen  in  a  number  of  representations  of  re¬ 
ligious  rites,  as  in  Dresden  2Sc  (PI.  31,  fig.  14)  in  the  last 
of  the  rites  of  the  dominical  days,  35a  (PI.  31,  fig.  12)  and  in 
Tro-Cortesianus  5a  above  the  serpent  enclosing  the  body 
of  water,  G5a  in  front  of  god  B  or  D  and  105b  (PI.  31,  fig.  13) 
and  lOSa  (PL  31,  fig.  15),  both  of  which  are  in  connection 
with  the  bee  ceremonies. 

The  head  of  the  deer,  rather  than  the  legs,  is  also  shown 

*“Y  con  su  devoeion  invocavan  los  cagadores  a  los  dioses  de  la  caga,  .  .  . 
sacava  eada  uno  una  flecha  y  una  calabera  de  venado,  las  quales  los  chaces 
untavancon  el  betun  azul;  y  untados,  vailavan  con  ellas  en  las  manosunos.” 

fin  the  Muluc  years,  he  states  “davan  al  sacredote  una  piema  de  venado” 
and  also  in  the  same  month,  “Ofrecian  a  la  imagen  pan  hecho  como  yemas 
de  uevos  y  otros  como  cora?ones  de  venados,  y  otro  hecho  con  su  pimienta 
desleida.” 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


351 


as  an  offering,  in  Tro-Cortesianus  69b  with  god  B  and  Tro- 
Cortesianus  78  (PL  31,  fig.  10)  in  the  line  of  glyphs.  The 
whole  deer  may  be  represented  as  an  offering  in  Tro-Corte¬ 
sianus  2b  (PL  31,  fig.  8).* 

There  are  some  examples  in  the  manuscripts  where  the 
deer  is  pictured  quite  apart  from  any  idea  of  the  hunt  or 
an  offering.  In  Tro-Cortesianus  14b,  it  is  shown  on  top  of 
the  body  of  one  of  the  large  snakes  and  in  Tro-Cortesianus 
29c  (PL  31,  fig.  3),  it  appears  seated  on  the  end  of  a  snake¬ 
like  curve.  The  deer  occurs  in  Tro-Cortesianus  30b  (Pl.  30, 
fig.  6)  in  connection  with  the  goddess  from  whose  breasts 
water  is  flowing.  God  B  appears  in  Dresden  41c  (PL  31, 
fig.  1)  seated  on  a  red  deer.  The  same  animal  is  also  to  be 
noted  in  Dresden  60a  (PL  30,  fig.  5)  in  connection  with  the 
combat  of  the  planets. f  A  deer  is  seen  in  Tro-Cortesianus 
92d  seated  on  a  mat  opposite  a  female  figure  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  armadillo  on  the  same  page  and  a  dog  on  the 
preceding  page.  These,  as  previously  noted,  probably  refer 
to  cohabitation.  On  PL  32,  fig.  9,  is  a  deer  from  the  Pere- 
sianus  and  Pl.  32,  fig.  12,  shows  another  from  Stela  N,  east, 
from  Copan. 

The  Nahua  day  Magatl  signifies  deer  and  we  naturally 
find  a  large  number  of  glyphs  representing  this  animal  among 
the  day  signs  in  the  Mexican  manuscripts  (PL  31,  fig.  9;  Pl. 
32,  figs.  8,  10,  11). 

Yucatan  Peccary  ( Tayassu  angulatum  yucatanense;  T. 
ringens).  Peccaries  (Maya,  qeqem )  of  the  T.  angulatum  group 
are  common  in  Mexico  and  Yucatan,  and  a  number  of  local 
forms  have  been  named.  The  white-lipped  peccaries  also 
occur,  but  in  the  figures  it  is  impossible  to  distinguish  the 
species.  These  animals  are  characterized  by  their  prominent 
snout,  curly  tail,  bristling  dorsal  crest,  and  rather  formidable 
tusks,  as  well  as  by  the  possession  of  hoofs.  By  these  marks 
most  of  the  figures  are  readily  identifiable  (PL  32,  fig.  1;  PL 

*Forstemann  (1902,  p.  20)  identifies  this  animal  as  a  rabbit  I 

fForstemann  identifies  this  animal  as  a  dog. 


352 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


33,  figs.  1,  2,  4-6,  9).  The  tail  is,  however,  often  omitted 
as  well  as  the  erect  line  of  bristles  down  the  back.  The  pres¬ 
ence  of  hoofs  and  the  possession  of  a  truncated  pig-like  snout 
are  sufficiently  characteristic.  In  the  Dresden  Codex  occur 
several  figures  of  undoubted  peccaries.  Two  of  these  are 
pictured  in  PI.  32,  figs.  2,  4.  In  each  the  hoofs  and  curly 
tail  appear,  and  in  the  latter  figure  the  bristling  back  is  con¬ 
ventionally  drawn  by  a  series  of  serrations.  These  marks 
are  sufficient  to  identify  the  animals.  Their  heads  are  further 
conventionalized,  however,  by  a  great  exaggeration  of  the 
snout  beyond  that  slightly  indicated  in  PL  32,  fig.  1,  and  PI. 
33,  figs.  6,  9.  Other  representations  of  the  peccary,  are  shown 
in  PI.  32,  fig.  5,  a  man  with  a  peccary’s  head,  and  fig.  7  in 
which  the  animal’s  hoofs  are  replaced  by  human  hands  and 
feet.  In  both  cases  the  form  of  the  head  remains  charac¬ 
teristic.  A  curious  combination  is  shown  in  PI.  32,  fig.  3, 
an  animal  whose  head  and  fore  feet  are  those  of  a  peccary,  while 
the  hind  feet  have  five  toes,  and  there  is  a  long  tail.  The 
addition  of  what  look  like  scales  is  found  in  a  figure  from 
the  Dresden  (PI.  32,  fig.  6). 

The  peccary  is  found  in  several  different  connections  in 
the  manuscripts.  As  deer  are  found  associated  with  the  hunt, 
so,  but  to  a  much  more  limited  extent,  the  peccary.  It  is 
represented  pictured  as  being  captured  in  snares  of  the  familiar 
“jerk-up”  type.  Similar  drawings  show  this  animal  caught 
by  the  foreleg  and  held  partially  suspended,  Tro-Cortesianus 
49a  (PI.  33,  fig.  9),*  49c  (PL  33,  fig.  1),  and  93a  (PL  33,  fig.  4). 
Tro-Cortesianus  41b  also  shows  the  peccary  associated  with 
hunting  scenes.  Another  realistic  drawing  of  this  animal 
in  Dresden  62  (PL  33,  fig.  6)f  represents  him  as  seated  on 
the  open  jaws  of  a  serpent  connected  with  a  long  number 
series.  We  are  unable  to  explain  the  signification  of  the 
appearance  of  the  animal  in  this  connection.  The  peccary 

*This  animal  has  been  identified  by  Stempell  as  an  agouti  notwithstand¬ 
ing  the  hoofs  and  tusks. 

fForstemann  (1906,  p.  228)  suggests  that  this  animal  is  a  bear. 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


353 


is  pictured  in  Tro-Cortesianus  27b  (PL  33,  fig.  5)  seated  on 
the  left  hand  of  the  goddess  from  whose  breasts  water  is 
flowing. 

The  peccary  seems  to  be  associated  with  the  sky,  as  it 
is  seen  in  a  conventionalized  form  in  four  instances  (Dresden 
44b,  45b,  (PI.  32,  fig.  4)  coming  from  a  band  of  constellation 
signs  and  in  Dresden  68a  (PI.  32,  fig.  2)  coming  from  a  similar 
band  with  god  E  sitting  underneath.*  Above  each  of  these 
conventionalized  figures  occur  the  corresponding  glyph 
forms  (PL  33,  figs.  7,  8),  which  show  merely  the  head  with 
the  exaggerated  upturned  snout.  There  is  a  striking  resem¬ 
blance  between  these  snouts  and  those  of  the  stone  mask¬ 
like  figures  so  frequently  represented  as  a  fafade  decoration 
in  northern  Yucatan.  The  presence  in  the  mouths  of  the 
faces  there  represented  of  a  recurved  tusk  in  addition  to  other 
teeth  is  a  further  resemblance  to  the  drawings  of  peccaries. 
Stempell  (1908,  p.  718)  has  reproduced  a  photograph  of  these 
extraordinary  carvings  and  considers  them  the  heads  of  mas¬ 
todons,  apparently  solely  on  account  of  the  shape  of  the  up¬ 
turned  snout,  whose  tip  in  many  of  the  carvings  turns  forward. 
They  certainly  do  not  represent  the  heads  of  mastodons,  but 
we  are  not  ready  to  say  that  the  peccary  is  the  prototype  of 
these  carvings,  although  the  similarity  between  the  glyphs 
(PL  33,  figs.  7,  8)  and  the  masks  is  worthy  of  note.  One 
point  which  does  not  favor  this  explanation  is  the  fact  that 
on  the  eastern  facpade  of  the  Monjas  at  Chichen  Itza  where  the 
mask-like  panel  is  seen  at  its  best,  we  find  a  realistic  drawing 
of  a  peccary  (PL  33,  fig.  2)  on  the  band  of  glyphs  over  the 
doorway,  and  it  in  no  way  suggests  the  head  on  the  panel 
and  is  quite  different  from  the  head  already  noted  as  the 
glyph  of  the  peccary  in  the  codices. 

Baird’s  Tapir  ( Tapirella  bairdi).  No  undoubted  repre¬ 
sentations  of  tapirs  occur  in  the  manuscripts  here  considered. 

*Attention  is  called  to  the  curious  half-human,  half-animal  figure  in 
Tro-Cortesianus  2a  which  may  suggest  the  figures  in  Dresden  44a,  45a  and 
which  are  here  identified  as  peccaries.  Both  are  descending  from  the  band 
of  constellation  signs  and  the  heads  of  each  are  not  greatly  dissimilar, 
iv.  23 


354 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MATA  CODICES 


Possibly  tapirs  did  not  live  in  the  country  occupied  bjr  the 
Maya  peoples.  At  the  present  time  they  are  found  only  to 
the  south  of  Yucatan.  In  Central  America  Baird’s  and 
Dow’s  tapirs  are  native,  the  latter,  however,  more  on  the 
Pacific  coast.  We  have  included  a  drawing  of  an  earthen¬ 
ware  vessel  (PI.  28,  fig.  1)  that  represents  a  tapir,  about 
whose  neck  is  a  string  of  Oliva  shells.  The  short  prehensile 
trunk  of  the  tapir  is  well  made  and  the  hoofs  are  likewise 
shown.  A  greatly  elongated  nose  is  found  in  many  of  the 
drawings  of  the  deities,  but  it  does  not  seem  clear  that  these 
represent  trunks  of  tapirs,  or,  as  suggested  by  Stempell, 
mastodons!  Two  such  heads  are  shown  in  PI.  39,  figs.  7,  9. 
These  offer  a  considerable  superficial  resemblance  to  that  of 
a  tapir,  but  as  no  other  drawings  that  might  be  considered 
to  represent  this  animal  are  found,  it  seems  very  questionable 
if  the  long  noses  are  other  than  parts  of  grotesque  masks. 
The  superficial  resemblance  of  the  curious  nose  pieces  of  the 
masks  on  the  panel  of  the  Maya  fa  fades  to  elephants’  trunks 
does  not  seem  to  us  especially  significant,  as  otherwise  the 
carvings  are  quite  unlike  elephants.  They  have  no  great 
tusks  as  an  elephant  should,  but,  instead,  short  recurved 
teeth  similar  to  those  representing  peccary  tusks,  as  already 
pointed  out. 

Rabbit  ( Sylvilagus  or  Lepus ).  Rabbits  and  hares  from 

their  familiarity,  their  long  ears,  and  their  peculiar  method 
of  locomotion,  seem  always  to  attract  the  notice  of  primitive 
peoples.  Several  species  occur  in  Mexico,  including  the  Marsh 
rabbit  ( Sylvilagus  truei;  S.  insonus),  various  races  of  the 
Cottontail  rabbit  ( S .  floridanus  connedens;  S.  f.  chiapensis, 
S.  f.  yucatanicus;  S.  aztecus;  S.  orizabae,  etc.)  and  several 
Jack  rabbits  (Lepus  alleni  pallitans;  L.  callotis  flavigularis, 
L.  asellus).  It  is,  of  course,  quite  impossible  to  determine 
to  which  of  these  species  belong  the  few  representations 
found.  Several  drawings,  shown  in  PI.  30,  figs.  3,  4,  7,  8,  are 
at  once  identifiable  as  rabbits  from  their  long  ears,  round 
heads,  and  the  presence  of  the  prominent  gnawing  teeth.* 
*Forstemann  (1906,  p.  229)  suggests  that  fig.  8  is  a  walrus! 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


355 


In  two  of  the  figures  (PL  30,  figs.  7,  8),  the  entire  animal  is 
shown,  sitting  erect  on  its  haunches,  the  first  with  one  ear 
in  advance  of  the  other,  a  trait  more  characteristic  of  the 
jack  rabbit  than  of  the  short-eared  rabbits.  For  convenience 
of  comparison,  we  have  placed  beside  these  two  figures  one 
of  a  deer  in  much  the  same  position.  It  is  at  once  distin¬ 
guished,  however,  by  its  long  head,  longer  bushy  tail,  and 
by  the  marks  at  each  end  of  the  eye.  What  at  first  sight 
appear  to  be  two  gnawing  teeth  of  the  rabbit  seem  to  be  the 
incisors  of  the  lower  jaw.  This  is  the  animal  identified  by 
Stempell  as  a  dog. 

The  animal  shown  to  be  a  rabbit  in  Dresden  61  (PI.  30, 
fig.  8)  is  pictured  seated  on  the  open  jaws  of  a  serpent  in  the 
same  way  as  the  peccary  on  the  following  page.  These  two 
animals,  together  with  two  representations  of  god  B  and  the 
black  god  (Dresden  61),  are  each  clearly  connected  with  the 
serpents  on  which  they  are  sitting. 

The  Nahua  day  Tochtli  signifies  rabbit  and  naturally  the 
animal  occurs  throughout  the  Mexican  manuscripts  as  repre¬ 
senting  this  day  (PL  30,  figs.  3,  4). 

Other  Rodents.  We  have  included  in  Pl.  29,  figs.  5, 
7,  8,  three  undetermined  mammals.  The  second  of  these 
is  characterized  by  the  two  prominent  gnawing  teeth  of  a 
rodent  and  by  its  long  tail.  It  may  represent  a  pack  rat 
( Neotoma )  of  which  many  species  are  described  from  Mexico. 
In  its  rounded  ears  and  long  tail,  fig.  5  somewhat  resembles 
fig.  7,  but  it  lacks  the  gnawing  incisors.  Still  less  satisfactory 
is  fig.  8  from  Tro-Cortesianus  24d,  at  whose  identity  it  seems 
unsafe  to  hazard  a  guess.  It  is  shown  as  eating  the  corn 
being  sowed  by  god  D. 

Jaguar  ( Felis  hernandezi ;  F.  h.  goldmani).  Through¬ 
out  its  range,  the  jaguar  (Maya,  balam  or  tsakmul )  is  the 
most  dreaded  of  the  carnivorous  mammals.  It  is,  therefore, 
natural  that  the  Mayas  held  it  in  great  awe  and  used  it  as 
a  symbol  of  strength  and  courage.  A  few  characteristic 
figures  are  shown  in  PL  34,  figs.  1-3;  PL  35,  figs.  5-14.  The 
species  represented  is  probably  Felis  hernandezi,  the  Mexican 


356 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


race  of  jaguar,  or  one  or  the  other  of  the  more  or  less  nominal 
varieties  named  from  Central  America.  The  distinguishing 
mark  of  the  jaguar,  in  addition  to  the  general  form  with  the 
long  tail,  short  ears  and  claws,  is  the  presence  of  the  rosette¬ 
like  spots.  These  are  variously  conventionalized  as  solid 
black  markings,  as  small  circles,  or  as  a  central  spot  ringed 
by  a  circle  of  dots  (PI.  35,  fig.  12).  Frequently  the  solid 
black  spots  are  used,  either  in  a  line  down  the  back  and  tail 
or  scattered  over  the  body.  The  tip  of  the  tail  is  character" 
istically  black,  and  the  teeth  are  often  prominent.  Such  a 
figure  as  this  (PI.  35,  fig.  10)  Stempell  considers  to  be  a  water 
opossum  (Chironectes) ,  for  the  reason  that  it  is  held  by  the 
goddess  from  whose  breast  water  is  flowing.  This  can  hardly 
be,  however,  for  not  only  are  the  markings  unlike  those  of 
the  water  opossum,  but  the  large  canine  tooth  indicates  a 
large  carnivore.  Moreover,  the  water  opossum  is  a  small 
animal,  hardly  as  big  as  a  rat,  of  shy  and  retiring  habits, 
and  so  is  unlikely  to  figure  in  the  drawings  of  the  Mayas. 

As  for  the  significance  of  the  jaguar  in  the  life  of  the 
Mayas,  it  may  be  said  that  this  animal  seems  to  have  played 
a  most  prominent  part.  At  Chichen  Itza,  the  building  on 
top  of  the  southern  end  of  the  eastern  wall  of  the  Ball  Court, 
usually  called  the  Temple  of  the  Tigers,  has  a  line  of  jaguars 
carved  in  stone  as  frieze  around  the  outside  of  the  building, 
and  in  the  Lower  Chamber  of  the  same  structure,  the  figure 
of  a  jaguar  (Maudslay,  III,  PI.  43)  serves  as  an  altar.  The 
front  legs  and  the  head  of  a  jaguar  often  are  seen  as  the  sup¬ 
port  of  a  seat  or  altar  on  which  a  god  is  represented  as  at 
Palenque  in  the  Palace,  House  E  (Maudslay,  IV,  PI.  44) 
and  in  the  Temple  of  the  Beau  Relief  (Holmes,  1895-1897, 
PI.  20).  Altar  F  at  Copan  (PI.  35,  fig.  7)  shows  the  same  idea. 
The  head  of  a  puma  or  jaguar  (PI.  34,  fig.  6)  appears  in  the 
bas-relief  of  the  Lower  Chamber  of  the  Temple  of  the  Tigers, 
evidently  representing  a  part  of  an  altar.  A  realistic  carving 
of  a  jaguar  was  found  on  a  stone  near  the  Temple  of  the 
Cones  at  Chichen  Itza  (Maudslay,  III,  PI.  52,  fig.  a),  and  an¬ 
other  occurs  near  the  present  hacienda  of  Chichen  Itza  carved 
in  relief  on  a  ledge  of  rock. 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


357 


In  the  Maya  manuscripts  the  jaguar  appears  in  a  number 
of  connections.  Its  mythological  character  is  shown  in 
Dresden  8a  (PI.  35,  fig.  5) ,  where  it  is  pictured  as  the  tonala- 
matl  figure.  The  day  reached  here  in  the  reckoning  is  lx, 
and  this  corresponds  to  the  Nahua  Oceolotl,  which  means 
jaguar.  In  Dresden  26,  in  the  pages  showing  the  ceremonies 
of  the  years,  the  jaguar  is  carried  on  the  back  of  the  priest, 
evidently  representing  one  of  the  year  bearers  (Ti  cuch  haab ). 
Balam,  the  name  of  the  jaguar,  is  the  title  given  to  the  four 
Bacabs  or  Chacs,  the  gods  of  the  four  cardinal  points.  In 
Tro-Cortesianus  64a,  two  jaguar  heads  are  noted  as  the  end 
of  curious  bands  of  Caban  signs  over  a  flaming  pot.  The 
second  one  is  shown  as  dead.  A  jaguar  head  is  employed 
in  two  places  in  the  Tro-Cortesianus,  34a  and  36a,  as  a  head¬ 
dress  for  a  god  who  is  in  the  act  of  sowing  corn.  This  animal 
appears  very  infrequently  in  the  pages  of  the  Tro-Cortesianus 
given  over  to  the  hunting  scenes,  41c,  40c,  43b,  and,  even 
here,  it  never  appears  in  the  same  way  as  the  deer  and  peccary, 
as  an  animal  for  sacrifice. 

The  jaguar  as  a  predacious  beast  is  noted  in  Tro-Corte¬ 
sianus  28b  (PI.  35,  fig.  8),  where  it  is  attacking  god  F  in  a 
similar  way  as  the  vultures  in  the  preceding  picture.  The 
jaguar  appears  in  Tro-Cortesianus  30b  (PI.  35,  fig.  10)  seated 
on  the  right  hand  of  the  goddess  from  whose  breasts  water 
is  flowing.  The  figure  in  Tro-Cortesianus  12b  between  the 
various  offerings  may  be  a  jaguar  or  a  dog,  more  probably 
from  its  connection  with  an  offering,  the  dog.  A  curious 
modification  of  the  jaguar  may  be  shown  in  Tro-Cortesianus 
20a  (PI.  34,  fig.  2),  where  a  god  is  seated  on  the  gaping  jaws 
of  some  animal  whose  identity  is  uncertain.  It  may  be  a 
serpent,  although  the  black-tipped  tail  from  which  the  head 
appears  to  come  certainly  suggests  the  jaguar. 

There  are  several  carved  glyphs  in  stone  that  probably 
represent  jaguars.  Two  of  these  (PI.  28,  fig.  4;  PI.  35,  fig.  9) 
have  the  characteristic  round  spots,  but  others  are  unmarked, 
and  suggest  the  jaguar  by  their  general  character  only  (PI.  35, 
fig.  6).  This  latter  may,  of  course,  represent  the  puma  quite 


358 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


as  well.  A  realistic  jaguar  head  appears  as  a  glyph  in  Tro- 
Cortesianus  2a  (PI.  35,  fig.  13).  The  more  usual  glyph  for 
the  jaguar  is  more  highly  conventionalized,  although  the 
spots  and  the  short  rounded  ear  are  still  characteristic  (PI.  35, 
fig.  11).  A  slight  modification  of  this  glyph  appears  in  Dres¬ 
den  8a  in  connection  with  the  full  drawing  of  the  animal 
below. 

The  Nahua  day  Oceolotl,  as  already  noted,  means  jaguar, 
and  the  jaguar  glyph  is  found  among  the  day  signs  (PI.  34, 
fig.  3).  Seler  (1904,  p.  379)  associates  the  jaguar  in  the 
Vaticanus  and  the  Bologna  with  Tezcatlipoca.  He  notes 
that  the  second  age  of  the  world,  in  which  the  giants  lived 
and  in  which  Tezcatlipoca  shone  as  the  sun,  is  called  the 
“jaguar  sun.”  Tezcatlipoca  is  supposed  to  have  changed 
himself  into  a  jaguar. 

Puma  ( Felis  bangsi  costaricensis) .  As  shown  by  Stempell, 
there  can  be  little  doubt  that  some  one  of  the  mainly  nominal 
species  of  Central  American  puma  is  represented  in  Dresden 
47  (PI.  34,  fig.  7).  This  animal  is  colored  reddish  in  the 
original,  as  is  the  puma,  is  without  spots,  although  the  tip 
of  the  tail,  as  in  the  pictures  of  the  jaguar,  is  black.  The 
animal  is  represented  as  being  transfixed  with  a  spear.* 
Another  animal  colored  red  in  Dresden  41c  seems  to  repre¬ 
sent  a  puma.  God  B  is  shown  seated  upon  him.  A  crude 
figure  from  the  Painted  Chamber  of  the  Temple  of  the  Tigers 
(PI.  34,  fig.  5)  is  probably  the  same  species  of  puma.  The 
cleverly  executed  head,  shown  in  profile  in  PI.  34,  fig.  6,  is  also 
perhaps  the  same  animal,  although  it  may  possibly  represent 
the  jaguar.  One  or  the  other  of  these  two  cats  is  also  in¬ 
tended,  in  PI.  34,  fig.  4,  a  drawing  of  a  piece  of  pottery. 

Coyote  (Cams).  Two  figures  from  the  Nuttall  Codex 
have  been  included  as  possibl}'  representing  coyotes  (PI.  35, 
figs.  1,  2).  They  are  chiefly  characterized  by  their  prominent 
ears  and  bristling  hair,  and  seem  to  be  engaged  in  active  com¬ 
bat.  Coyotes  of  several  species  occur  in  Mexico  and  though 

'  *Seler  (1904)  gives  an  interesting  explanation  of  the  reason  why  the 
puma  and  the  other  corresponding  figures  are  shown  hit  with  a  spear. 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


359 


not  generally  regarded  as  aggressive  animals  are  of  a  preda¬ 
cious  nature.  No  drawings  of  the  coyote  have  been  noted 
in  the  Maya  codices. 

Dog  (Cams).  The  dog  (Maya,  peq)  evidently  played  an 
important  part  in  the  life  of  the  Mayas  as  it  does-  with  other 
races  of  men  generally.  Qn  Pis.  36,  37,  we  have  included 
certain  figures  of  dogs  from  several  manuscripts.  These 
may  represent  two  breeds,  for  it  is  well  known  that  both  a 
hairy  and  a  hairless  variety  were  found  by  the  early  discov¬ 
erers  in  Mexico.*  Hairiness  is  more  or  less  clearly  indicated 
in  the  following  figures: — PI.  36,  figs.  1-7,  12;  PL  37,  figs. 
4,  5.  The  figures  of  dogs  usually  agree  in  having  a  black 
mark  about  the  eyes  that  frequently  is  produced  as  a  down¬ 
ward  curved  tongue  from  the  posterior  canthus.  Sometimes, 
as  in  PL  37,  figs.  1-3,  10,  this  tongue  is  not  blackened.  Com¬ 
monly  also  black  patches  are  elsewhere  distributed  on  the 
body,  generally  on  the  back.  These  markings  are  probably 
the  patches  of  color  separated  by  white  areas  that  occur  fre¬ 
quently  in  dogs  or  other  animals  after  long  domestication.! 
We  have  included  among  the  figures  of  dogs  two  in  which 
the  eye  is  differently  represented  and  which  are  unspotted 
(Pl.  37,  figs.  4,  6).  These  modifications  may  have  some 
special  significance,  but  otherwise  the  animals  appear  most 
closely  to  represent  dogs. 

We  have  already  suggested  that  the  animal  attired  in 
man’s  clothing,  and  walking  erect  in  Dresden  25a-28a  is 
likewise  a  dog,  though  Stempell  believes  it  to  represent  the 
opossum  in  support  of  which  he  calls  attention  to  its  promi¬ 
nent  vibrissae  and  slightly  curled  tail. 

*Relacion  de  la  Ciudad  de  Merida  (1898,  p.  63):  “Ay  perros  naturales 
dela  tierra  que  no  tienen  pelo  ninguno,  y  no  ladran,  que  tienen  los  dientes 
ralos  e  agudos,  las  orejas  pequeiias,  tiesas  y  levantadas — a  estos  engordan 
los  yndios  para  comer  y  los  tienen  por  gran  rregalo — estos  se  j  untan  con 
los  perros  de  espana  y  enjendran  y  los  mestizos  que  dellos  proceden  ladran 
y  tienen  pelo  y  tainbien  los  comen  los  yndios  cano  alos  demas,  y  tambien  los 
yndios  tienen  otra  suerte  de  perros  que  tienen  pelo  pero  tan  poco  ladran  y 
son  del  mesmo  tamailo  que  los  demas.” 

fBrinton  (1895,  p.  72)  regards  these  spots  as  representing  stars. 


360 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


The  dog  played  a  large  part  in  the  religion  both  of  the 
Mayas  and  the  Mexican  peoples.  It  was  connected  especially 
with  the  idea  of  death  and  destruction.  The  Lacandones  of 
the  present  time  make  a  small  figure  of  a  dog  to  place  on 
the  grave  (Tozzer,  1907,  p.  47).  This  is  but  one  of  the  many 
survivals  of  the  ancient  pre-Columbian  religion  found  among 
this  people.  The  dog  was  regarded  as  the  messenger  to 
prepare  the  way  to  the  other  world.  Seler  (1900-1901,  pp. 
82-S3)  gives  an  interesting  parallel  of  the  Nahua  idea  of  the 
dog  and  his  connection  with  death.  He  paraphrases  Sahagun 
as  follows:  “The  native  Mexican  dogs  barked,  wagged  their 
tails,  in  a  word,  behaved  in  all  respects  like  our  own  dogs, 
were  kept  by  the  Mexicans  not  only  as  house  companions, 
but  above  all,  for  the  shambles,  and  also  in  Yucatan  and  on 
the  coast  land  for  sacrifice.  The  importance  that  the  dog 
had  acquired  in  the  funeral  rites  may  perhaps  have  originated 
in  the  fact  that,  as  the  departed  of  both  sexes  were  accom¬ 
panied  by  their  effects,  the  prince  by  the  women  and  slaves 
in  his  service,  so  the  dog  was  assigned  to  the  grave  as  his 
master’s  associate,  friend,  and  guard,  and  that  the  persistence 
of  this  custom  in  course  of  time  created  the  belief  that  the 
dog  stood  in  some  special  relation  to  the  kingdom  of  the  dead. 
It  may  also  be  that,  simply  because  it  was  the  practice  to 
burn  the  dead,  the  dog  was  looked  on  as  the  Fire  God’s  ani¬ 
mal  and  the  emblem  of  fire,  the  natives  got  accustomed  to 
speak  of  him  as  the  messenger  to  prepare  the  way  in  the 
kingdom  of  the  dead,  and  thus  eventually  to  regard  him  as 
such.  At  the  time  when  the  Spaniards  made  their  acquaint¬ 
ance,  it  was  the  constant  practice  of  the  Mexicans  to  commit 
to  the  grave  with  the  dead  a  dog  who  had  to  be  of  a  red- 
yellow  color,  and  had  a  string  of  unspun  cotton  round  his 
neck,  and  was  first  killed  by  the  thrust  of  a  dart  in  his  throat. 
The  Mexicans  believed  that  four  years  after  death,  when  the 
soul  had  already  passed  through  many  dangers  on  its  way 
to  the  underworld,  it  came  at  last  to  the  bank  of  a  great  river, 
the  Chicunauhapan,  which  encircled  the  underworld  proper. 
The  souls  could  get  across  this  river  only  when  they  were 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


361 


awaited  by  their  little  dog,  who,  recognizing  his  master  on 
the  opposite  side,  rushed  into  the  water  to  bring  him  over.” 
(Sahagun,  3  Appendix,  Chap.  I.) 

As  might  be  expected  from  the  foregoing,  there  are  abun¬ 
dant  evidences  in  the  manuscripts  of  the  presence  of  the  dog 
in  the  various  religious  rites  and  especially  those  which  have 
to  do  with  the  other  world,  the  Kingdom  of  the  Dead.  In 
Tro-Cortesianus  35b,  36b,  37a,  37b,  the  pages  showing  the 
rites  of  the  four  years,  the  dog  appears  in  various  attitudes. 
In  35b  and  36b,  it  bears  on  his  back  the  Imix  and  Kan  signs, 
in  37a  (PI.  37,  fig.  8)  it  is  shown  as  beating  a  drum  and  sing¬ 
ing,  in  37b  (PL  36,  fig.  2)  it  is  beside  a  bowl  containing  Kan 
signs.  In  all  of  these  places,  the  dogs  seem  to  be  represented 
among  the  various  birds  and  animals  which  are  to  be  sacri¬ 
ficed  for  the  new  years.  Landa  (1864,  p.  216)*  states  that 
in  the  Kan  year  a  dog  was  sacrificed.  In  the  Muluc  year, 
Landa  (1864,  p.  222)  f  records  that  they  offered  dogs  made 
of  clay  with  bread  upon  their  backs  and  a  perrito  which  had 
black  shoulders  and  was  a  virgin.  It  has  already  been  noted 
that  two  of  the  dogs  represented  in  Tro-Cortesianus  35b 
and  36b  have  a  Kan  and  Imix  sign  fastened  to  the  back. 
Moreover,  we  have  also  pointed  out  that  the  Kan  sign  fre¬ 
quently  seems  to  have  the  meaning  of  maize  or  bread.  It 
will  be  noted  that  in  Tro-Cortesianus  36b  two  human  feet 
are  shown  on  each  of  which  is  a  dog-like  animal.  J  These 
may  indicate  the  dance  in  which  dogs  were  carried  as  noted 
by  Landa.  Cogolludo  (1688,  p.  184)  §  also  mentions  a  similar 

*‘‘Y  que  le  sacrificassen  un  perro  o  un  hombre.  .  .  porque  hazian  en  el 
patio  del  templo  un  gran  monton  de  piedras  y  ponian  al  hombre  o  perro 
que  avian  de  s&crificiar  en  alguna  eosa  mas  alta  que  el,” 

f  “Avian  de  ofrescerle  perros  hechos  de  barro  eon  pan  en  las  espaldas,  y 
avian  de  vailar  con  ellos  en  las  manos  las  viejas  y  saerificarle  un  perrito  que 
tuviesse  las  espaldas  negras  y  fuesse  virgen.” 

J  These  might  quite  as  well  be  rabbits  as  dogs. 

§“De  los  Indies  de  Cozumel  dize,  que  aun  en  su  tiempo  eran  grandea 
Idolatras,  y  usaban  un  bayle  de  su  gentilidad,  en  el  qual  flechaban  un 
perro  q  auian  de  sacrificar.” 


362 


ANIMAL  FIGUKES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


dance.  Still  another  reference  in  Landa  (1864,  p.  260)* 
mentions  that  in  the  months  Muan  and  Pax  dogs  were  sac¬ 
rificed  to  the  deities. 

Reference  has  already  been  made  to  the  identification  of 
the  four  priests  at  the  top  of  Dresden  25-2S  as  having  the 
heads  of  dogs  rather  than  of  opossums.  It  may  be  suggested 
that  in  the  role  of  the  conductor  to  the  other  world  the  dog 
is  represented  as  carrying  on  his  back  in  each  case  the  year 
which  has  just  been  completed  and  therefore  is  dead.  This, 
of  course,  would  necessitate  the  identification  of  god  B,  the 
jaguar,  god  E,  and  god  A  as  representing  in  turn  the  four 
years. 

The  dog,  according  to  Sahagun’s  account  (p.  360)  was 
looked  upon  as  the  “Fire  God’s  animal,”  and  as  an  emblem 
of  fire.  This  idea  is  seen  frequently  in  the  Maya  manuscripts 
where  the  dog  with  firebrands  in  his  paws  or  attached  to  his 
tail  is  coming  head  downward  from  a  line  of  constellation 
signs,  as  in  Dresden  36a  (PI.  37,  fig.  3),  40b  (PI.  37,  fig.  1) 
or  is  standing  beneath  similar  signs  as  in  Dresden  39a  (PI.  37, 
fig.  2)  and  probably  in  Tro-Cortesianus  13a.  His  tail  alone 
has  the  firebrand  in  Tro-Cortesianus  36b.  Firebrands  are 
carried  by  figures  which  have  been  identified  by  us  as  dogs 
in  Tro-Cortesianus  24c  (PI.  37,  fig.  6),  25c,  and  90a.  Here 
the  animal  is  represented  as  in  the  air  holding  his  firebrands 
over  a  blazing  altar  beside  which  god  F  is  seated.  In  two 
out  of  the  four  cases,  F  is  shown  as  dead.  The  dog  in  these 
latter  examples  has  his  eye  composed  of  the  A  kb  al  sign.  This 
same  glyph  can  also  be  made  out  with  difficulty  on  the  fore¬ 
head  of  the  dog  shown  in  Dresden  36a  (PI.  37,  fig.  3).  As 
has  been  noted,  Akbal  means  night  and  possibly  death  as 
well.  It  is  certain  that  destruction  is  indicated  in  the  pre¬ 
ceding  examples  as  well  as  in  Tro-Cortesianus  87a  and  88a 
(PI.  37,  fig.  4)  where  the  dog  is  holding  four  human  figures 
by  the  hair. 

Beyer  (190S,  pp.  419-422)  has  identified  the  dog  as  the 

*“Donde  sacrificavan  un  perro,  manckado  por  la  color  del  cacao  .  .  .  y 
ofrecianles  yguanas  de  las  azules  y  ciertas  plumas  de  un  paxaro.” 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


363 


Pleiades  and  various  other  suggestions  have  been  made  that 
the  dog  represents  some  constellation.  The  more  common 
form  of  spotted  dog  is  shown  as  a  single  tonalamatl  figure  in 
Tro-Cortesianus  25d  and  27d  (PL  36,  fig.  14)  and  an  unspotted 
variety  in  Dresden  7a  (PI.  37,  fig.  10).  The  dog  is  frequently 
shown  as  copulating  with  another  animal  or  with  a  female 
figure.  In  Dresden  13c  (PI.  37,  fig.  7)  the  second  figure  is 
a  vulture,  in  Dresden  21b  (PI.  37,  fig.  5)  it  is  a  woman  and  also 
in  Tro-Cortesianus  91c  (PI.  36,  fig.  12). 

The  same  animal  appears  also  in  a  number  of 
scenes  not  included  in  the  preceding.  In  Tro-Cortesianus 
88c  (PI.  36,  fig.  1)  a  dog  is  seated  on  a  crab  and  seems  to  be 
connected  with  the  idea  of  the  north  as  this  sign  is  noted 
above  the  figure;  in  Tro-Cortesianus  66b  (PL  36,  fig.  3)  a 
dog  and  another  animal  (PL  32,  fig.  3)  are  seated  back  to 
hack  under  a  shelter;  in  Tro-Cortesianus  30b  a  dog  is  seated 
on  the  right  foot  of  the  woman  from  whose  breasts  water  is 
streaming;  in  Dresden  29a  (PL  37,  fig.  12)  god  B  is  shown 
seated  on  a  dog;  and,  finally,  in  Dresden  30a  (Pl.  37,  fig.  9) 
god  B  holds  the  bound  dog  by  the  tail  over  an  altar. 

The  dog  appears  from  numerous  references  to  be  used  in 
connection  with  a  prayer  for  rain.  Comargo  (1843)  in  his 
history  of  Tlaxcallan  states  that  when  rain  failed,  a  proces¬ 
sion  was  held  in  which  a  number  of  hairless  dogs  were  carried 
on  decorated  litters  to  a  place  devoted  to  their  use.  There 
they  were  sacrificed  to  the  god  of  water  and  the  bodies  were 
eaten. 

The  glyphs  associated  with  the  dog  are  interesting  as  we 
have,  as  in  the  case  with  the  deer,  one  showing  a  realistic 
drawing  of  a  dog’s  head  in  Tro-Cortesianus  91d  (PL  37,  fig.  13) 
and  several  others  far  more  difficult  of  interpretation.  PL 
37,  fig.  11,  seems  to  stand  for  the  dog  as  it  is  found  in  several 
places  where  the  dog  appears  below,  Dresden  21b,  40b.  It 
is  thought  by  some  to  represent  the  ribs  of  a  dog  which  appear 
in  somewhat  similar  fashion  in  PL  37,  fig.  8.  Some  of  the 


364 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


glyphs  in  the  codices  for  the  month  Kankin  show  the  same 
element  (text  figs.  8-10). 

1  he  Nahua  day  sign  Itzcuintli  signifies  dog  and  corre¬ 
sponds  to  the  Maya  Oc  (PI.  36,  figs.  9-11).  This  in  turn  is 
considered  by  many  to  stand  for  the  dog  as  the  animal  of 


Figs.  8,  9,  10. 

GLYPHS  FOR  MAYA  MONTH  KANKIN  (RIBS  OF  DOG). 


death  and  signifies  the  end.  The  sore,  cropped  ears  of  the 
domesticated  dog  are  supposed  to  be  represented  in  this 
sign,  Oc.  Nahua  and  other  day  signs  for  Itzcuintli  (dog)  are 
shown  in  PI.  36,  figs.  4,  6,  13. 

Bear  ( Ursus  machetes;  U.  horriaeus).  In  northern 
Mexico,  in  Chihuahua  and  Sonora,  occur  a  black  bear  ( Ursus 
machetes)  and  the  Sonoran  grizzly  ( U .  horriaeus).  It  is 
unlikely  that  the  Mayas  had  much  acquaintance  with  these 
animals  since  they  range  more  to  the  northward  than  the 
area  of  Maya  occupation.  Stempell  has  identified  as  a  bear, 
a  figure  in  Dresden  37a  (PI.  35,  fig.  3).  This  represents  a 
creature  with  the  body  of  a  man  walking  erect  but  with  the 
head  apparently  of  some  carnivorous  mammal,  as  shown  by 
the  prominent  canine  tooth.  This  appears  as  a  tonalamatl 
figure.  The  resemblance  to  a  bear  is  not  very  clear.  Less 
doubt  attaches  to  the  figure  shown  in  PI.  35,  fig.  4,  which 
seems  almost  certainly  to  depict  a  bear.  The  stout  body, 
absence  of  a  tail,  the  plantigrade  hind  feet,  and  stout  claws, 
all  seem  to  proclaim  it  a  bear  of  one  of  the  two  species  above 
mentioned.  This  picture  is  found  in  connection  with  one 
of  the  warriors  shown  in  the  bas-relief  of  the  Lower  Chamber 
of  the  Temple  of  the  Tigers  at  Chichen  Itza.  It  seems  clearly 
to  designate  the  figure  in  much  the  same  way  as  figures  are 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


365 


named  in  the  Mexican  writings,  i.e.,  by  having  a  glyph  show¬ 
ing  this  nearby.  Attention  has  already  been  called  to  the 
fact  that  here  at  Chichen  Itza,  and,  especially  on  this  bas- 
relief,  there  is  much  which  shows  a  strong  influence  from  the 
north.  The  two  figures  in  Tro-Cortesianus  43a  are  probably 
bears.  Forstemann  (1902,  p.  68)  considers  that  they  are 
men  masked  as  Chacs  or  Bacabs. 

Leaf-nosed  Bat  ( Vampyrus  spectrum, ;  Artibeus  jamai- 
censis;  or  Phyllostomus  hastatus  panamensis ).  Several  re¬ 
markably  diabolical  representations  of  bats  (Maya,  soo, 
usually  written  zotz )  occur  among  the  Maya  remains.  These 
all  show  the  prominent  nose  leaf  distinguishing  the  family 
Phyllostomatidae  and,  as  the  Mayas  probably  used  the  largest 
and  most  conspicuous  of  the  native  species  for  artistic  repre¬ 
sentation,  it  is  likely  that  some  one  of  the  three  species  above 
mentioned  is  the  one  here  shown. 

The  bat  had  a  place  in  the  Maya  pantheon.  One  of  the 


Figs,  ll,  12,  13,  14. 

GLYPHS  FOR  MAYA  MONTH  ZOTZ  (BATS). 


months  of  the  Maya  year  (Zotz)  was  named  after  this  animal 
and  the  glyph  for  this  month  shows  the  characteristic  nasal 
appendage.  This  is  to  be  seen  more  clearly  in  the  glyphs 
selected  from  the  stone  inscriptions  (PL  38,  figs.  1,  2,  4-6) 
than  in  those  from  the  codices  (text  figs.  11-14)  although 
the  nose  leaf  is  still  visible  in  the  latter.  The  day  sign  Akbal 
(night)  occurs  as  the  eye  in  the  figures  from  the  manuscripts. 
A  carving  showing  the  whole  body  of  the  bat  is  used  as  a 
glyph  in  Stela  D  from  Copan  (PI.  38,  fig.  3).  This  may  also 
represent  the  Bat  god  who  is  associated  with  the  underworld, 
“the  god  of  the  caverns.”  This  god  is  pictured  on  the  “Vase 
of  Chama”  (PI.  38,  fig.  7)  figured  by  Dieseldorff  (1904,  pp. 


366 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


665-666)  and  by  Gordon  (1898,  PI.  III).  Seler  (1904a)  has- 
discussed  the  presence  of  this  god  among  the  Mayas,  the 
Zapotecs,  and  the  Nahuas.  The  bat  does  not  seem  to  oc¬ 
cur  in  the  Maya  manuscripts  as  a  god,  although  there  are 
glyphs  which  seem  to  refer  to  this  god  (Dresden  17b),  as 
pointed  out  by  Seler,  when  there  is  no  other  representation 
of  this  deity. 

No  doubt  in  the  times  of  the  Maya  civilization,  these  bats 
haunted  the  temples  by  day  as  they  do  now,  and  thus  became 
readily  endowed  with  a  religious  significance. 

Capuchin  Monkey  ( Cebus  capucinus, — C.  hypoleucus 
Auct.)  With  the  possible  exception  of  one  or  two  figures, 


POTTERY  WHISTLE,  APE.  FROM  ULOA  VALLEY,  HONDURAS. 

monkeys  (Maya,  maas  or  baao )  are  not  represented  in  the 
Maya  codices  examined.  In  Tro-Cortesianus  88c  (PI.  39, 
fig.  4)  occurs  a  curious  nondescript  animal  with  what  seem 
to  be  hoofs  on  the  forefeet,  a  somewhat  bushy  tail  of  moderate 
length,  and  a  head  that  appears  to  be  distinctly  bonneted, 
somewhat  as  in  the  representations  of  the  capuchin.  Stem- 
pell  regards  this  as  a  monkey,  though  recognizing  that  the 
short  bushy  tail  is  unlike  that  of  any  Central  American 
species.  The  figure  seems  quite  as  likely  a  peccary  or  possibly 
a  combination  of  a  deer  with  some  other  animal.  A  glyph 
(PI.  39,  fig.  5)  found  directly  above  the  figure  just  referred. 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


367 


to,  suggests  a  monkey,  though  it  cannot  be  surely  identified. 
A  pottery  whistle  from  the  Uloa  Valley  (text  fig.  15)  shows 
two  monkeys  standing  side  by  side  with  a  posterior  extension 
for  the  mouth  piece.  Their  heads  are  shaped  as  in  other 
representations  of  this  monkey  with  a  distinct  cap  or  bonnet 
and  facial  discs.  A  pottery  stamp  from  the  same  locality 
shows  a  monkey  with  a  long  tail  (Gordon,  1898,  PI.  11,  fig.  f). 
It  recalls  the  drawings  of  monkeys  given  by  Strebel  (1899, 
Pis.  1-4). 

In  the  Nuttall  Codex  are  numerous  heads  and  a  few  other 
figures  of  a  monkey,  which  from  the  erect  hair  of  the  crown, 
curling  tail,  and  distinctly  indicated  facial  area  must  be  the 
common  bonneted  or  capuchin  monkey  of  Central  America. 
This  species  does  not  occur  in  Yucatan.  What  is  undoubtedly 
the  same  animal  is  shown  as  a  head  glyph  in  PI.  39,  fig.  8, 
from  the  Aubin  manuscript.  The  identifications  of  the  head¬ 
forming  glyphs  in  the  Nuttall  and  the  Aubin  manuscripts 


© 

Figs.' 16, 17,  18,  19. 

GLYPHS  FOR  MAYA  DAY  CHUEN. 

are  certainly  correct  as  the  Nahua  day  sign  (Ogomatli)  means 
ape. 

Text  figs.  16-19,  show  some  of  the  signs  for  the  day  Chuen 
from  the  Maya  codices.  This  is  the  day  corresponding  to  the 
day  Ogomatli  of  the  Nahuas.  There  is  little  resembling  an 
ape  in  the  Maya  signs  although  it  has  been  remarked  that  the 
sign  may  show  the  open  jaws  and  teeth  of  this  animal. 

Forstemann  (1897)  as  noted  by  Schellhas  (1904,  p.  21) 
alludes  to  the  fact  that  the  figure  of  god  C,  which  occurs  also 
in  the  sign  for  the  north,  in  the  tonalamatl  in  Dresden  4a-10a 
occurs  in  the  day  Chuen  of  the  Maya  calendar,  and  this  corre- 


36S 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


sponds  to  the  day  O^omatli,  the  ape,  in  the  Nahua  calendar. 
This  would  suggest  a  connection  between  god  C  and  the  ape 
and  this  may  be  seen  in  the  glyphs  for  god  C  (text  figs.  20-24). 
Forstemann  sees  “an  ape  wdiose  lateral  nasal  cavity  (peculiar 
to  the  American  ape  or  monkey)  is  occasionally  represented 
plainly  in  the  hieroglyph  picture.”  He  also  associates  god  C 
with  the  constellation  of  Ursa  Minor. 


Figs.  20,  21,  22,  23,  24. 

GLYPHS  OF  GOD  C. 

It  will  be  seen  from  the  detailed  examination  of  the  fauna 
shown  in  the  codices  that  after  all  a  comparatively  small 
part  of  the  animal  life  of  the  country  occupied  by  the  Maya 
speaking  peoples  is  represented.  The  drawings  in  some 
cases  are  fairly  accurate,  so  that  there  is  little  diffi¬ 
culty  in  determining  the  species  intended  by  the  artist.  At 
other  times,  it  is  hazardous  to  state  the  exact  species  to  which 
the  animal  belongs.  It  is  only  in  a  comparatively  small 
number  of  cases,  however,  that  there  is  any  great  doubt 
attached  to  the  identification.  It  will  be  noted  that  the 
drawings  of  the  Dresden  manuscript  are  much  more  care¬ 
fully  and  accurately  done  than  those  of  the  Tro-Cortesianus. 
A  greater  delicacy  and  a  more  minute  regard  for  detail  char¬ 
acterize  the  Dresden  drawings  in  general. 

In  the  animals  selected  for  reproduction  by  the  Mayas, 
only  those  were  taken  which  were  used  either  in  a  purely 
religious  significance  for  their  mythological  character  (and 
here  naturally  there  is  to  be  noted  an  anthropomorphic 
tendency)  or  animals  were  chosen  which  were  employed  as 
offerings  to  the  many  different  gods  of  the  Maya  pantheon. 
The  religious  character  of  the  wdiole  portrayal  of  animal 
life  in  the  codices  is  clearly  manifest,  and  it  is  this  side  of 
the  subject  which  will  come  out  more  clearly  as  the  manu¬ 
scripts  are  better  known. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY. 


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Cogolludo,  Diego  Lopez. 

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Cospiano  Codex  (formerly  Bologna). 

1899,  Published  in  facsimile,  Paris.  (Loubat  edition.) 

Dieseldorff,  Erwin  P. 

1904,  A  clay  vessel  with  a  picture  of  a  vampire-headed  deity;  in  Bureau 
of  Ethnology,  Bulletin  28,  pp.  665-666,  Washington.  (Translation  of 
German  edition  published  in  Zeitschrift  far  Ethnologie,  1894,  pp.  576- 
577.) 

Dresden  Codex,  See  Forstemann,  1880  and  1892. 

Fej4rviry-  Mayer  Codex,  See  Seler,  1901. 


iv  24. 


(369) 


370 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


Fewkes,  J.  Walter. 

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1894,  A  study  of  certain  figures  in  a  Maya  codex;  in  American  Anthropolo¬ 
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Forstemann,  Ernst. 

1880,  Die  Maya-Handschrift  der  koniglichen  offentlichen  Bibliothek  zu 
Dresden;  4°,  Preface  pp.  xvii,  74  colored  plates,  Leipzig. 

1892,  Second  edition  of  18S0,  Dresden. 

1902,  Commentar  zur  Madrider  Mayahandschrift  (Codex  Tro-Cortesian- 
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1903,  Commentar  zur  Pariser  Mayahandschrift  (Codex  Peresianus);  8°, 
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1904,  Tortoise  and  shell  in  Maya  literature;  in  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  Bulle¬ 
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1892.  Dresden.) 

1904a,  The  Pleiades  among  the  Mayas;  in  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  Bulletin 
28,  pp.  523-524,  Washington.  (Translation  of  German  edition  pub¬ 
lished  in  Globus,  Vol.  XVI,  No.  15,  p.  246,  1894.) 

1904b,  The  Day  Gods  of  the  Mayas;  in  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  Bulletin  28, 
pp.  557-572,  Washington.  (Translation  of  German  edition  published 
in  Globus,  Vol.  LXIII,  Nos.  9,  10,  1S9S.) 

1906,  Commentary  of  the  Maya  manuscript  in  the  Royal  Public  Library 
of  Dresden;  in  Papers  of  the  Peabody  Museum,  Vol.  IV,  No.  2,  pp.  48- 
266.  Cambridge.  (Translation,  revised  by  the  author,  of  the  German 
edition  of  1901.) 

Gann,  Thomas. 

1S97-1S9S,  Mounds  in  Northern  Honduras;  in  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  19th 
annual  report,  part  2,  pp.  661-691,  Washington. 

Gordon,  George  Byron. 

1598,  Researches  in  the  Uloa  Valley,  Honduras;  in  Memoirs  of  the  Pea¬ 
body  Museum,  Vol.  I,  No.  4,  pp.  44,  Cambridge. 

Flamy,  Ernest  T. 

1599,  Codex  Borbonicus.  Manuscrit  Mexicain  de  la  Bibliotheque  der 
Palais  Bourbon;  Text  and  plates,  Paris. 

Holmes,  William  Plenry. 

1S95-1S97,  Archaeological  studies  among  the  ancient  cities  of  Mexico; 

Field  Museum  of  Natural  History,  Publications  8  and  16 ,  Anthropological 
Series,  Vol.  I,  No.  I,  Chicago. 

Hough,  Walter. 

1905,  The  pulque  of  Mexico;  in  Proceedings  of  the  United  States  National 
Museum,  Vol.  XXXIII,  pp.  577-592,  Washington. 

Landa,  Diego  de. 

1S64,  Relation  de  las  cosas  de  Yucatan;  Spanish  text  with  French  trans- 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


371 


lation  published  by  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg;  8°,  pp.  516,  Paris.  (The 
references  in  the  text  are  to  this  edition).  Spanish  edition  published  by 
Juan  de  Dios  de  la  Rada  y  Delgado,  Madrid,  1884,  as  an  appendix  to 
his  translation  of  Leon  de  Rosny’s  article,  Essai  sur  le  dechiffrement 
de  l’ecriture  hieratique  de  l’Amerique  Centrale.  Second  Spanish 
edition  in  Coleccion  de  Documentos  ineditos  (2d  Series);  Madrid, 
1900,  Vol.  XIII,  pp.  265-411. 

1900,  See  second  Spanish  edition  under  1864.  (This  contains  much  that 
is  not  given  in  the  1864  edition.) 

Maler,  Teoberto. 

1901-1903,  Researches  in  the  Usumatsintla  Valley;  in  Memoirs  of  the 
Peabody  Museum,  Vol.  II,  Cambridge. 

1908,  Explorations  of  the  Upper  Usumatsintla  and  adjacent  region;  in 

te  Memoirs  of  the  Peabody  Museum,  Vol.  IV,  No.  1,  Cambridge. 

Maudslay,  Alfred  P. 

1889-1902,  Biologia  Centrali- Americana,  or  Contributions  to  the  know¬ 
ledge  of  the  flora  and  fauna  of  Mexico  and  Central  America.  Archae¬ 
ology;  Text  and  4  vols.  plates,  London. 

Nuttall  Codex. 

1902,  Reproduced  in  facsimile  by  the  Peabody  Museum,  Cambridge. 

Palacio. 

1686,  Relacion  hecha  por  el  Licentiado  Palacio  al  Rey.  D.  Felipe  II  en  la 
que  describe  la  Provincia  de  Guatemala,  las  costumbres  de  los  Indios 
y  otras  casas  notables;  in  Coleccion  de  Documentos  ineditos  relativos 
al  descubrimiento ,  conquista  y  organization  de  las  antiguas  posesiones 
Espahales  de  America  y  Oceania-,  Tomo  VI,  pp.  7-40,  Madrid. 

Peresianus  Codex,  See  Rosny,  1887. 

Perez,  Juan  Pio. 

1866-1877,  Diccionario  de  la  lengua  Maya;  sm.  4°,  pp.  437,  Merida. 

Rada  y  Delgado,  Juan  de  Dios  de  la. 

1893,  Codice  Maya  denominado  Cortesianus  que  se  conserva  en  el  Museo 
Arqueologio  Nacional;  42  colored  plates,  Madrid. 

Relacion  de  la  Ciudad  de  Merida. 

1900,  in  Coleccidn  de  Documentos  ineditos  relativos  al  descubrimiento, 
conquista  y  organizacion  de  las  antiguas  posesiones  Espaholas  de  Ultra 
mar  ( Segunda  serie),  Tomo  XI,  pp.  37-75,  Madrid. 

Relacion  de  Cotuta  y  Tibolon. 

1900,  in  Coleccidn  de  Documentos  ineditos  etc.,  ( Segunda  serie),  Tomo 
XI,  pp.  93-103,  Madrid. 

Rosny,  Leon  de. 

1876,  Essai  sur  le  dechiffrement  de  l’ecriture  hieratique  de  l’Am6rique 
Centrale,  Paris. 

1887,  Codex  Peresianus,  Manuscrit  hieratique  des  anciens  Indiens  de 
l’Ameirque  Centrale  conserve  a  la  Bibliotheque  National  de  Paris,  Paris. 


372 


ANIMAL  FIGURES  IN  THE  MAYA  CODICES 


Schellkas,  Paul. 

1904,  Representations  of  deities  of  the  Maya  manuscripts;  in  Papers  of 
the  Peabody  Museum,  Vol.  IV,  No.  1,  pp.  1-47,  Cambridge.  (Revised 
translation  of  second  German  edition  of  1904.) 

Seler,  Eduard. 

1900-1901,  The  Tonalamatl  of  the  Aubin  Collection,  (English  edition), 
pp.  147,  plates  19,  Berlin  and  London.  (Loubat  edition.) 

1901,  Codex  Fejervary-Mayer.  Manuscrit  Mexicain  precolombien  du 
Free  Public  Museum  de  Liverpool  (M  12014).  Text  and  plates,  Paris. 
(Loubat  edition.) 

1902-1903,  Codex  Vaticanus  3773,  Text  and  plates,  Berlin.  (Loubat  ed.) 

1904, -Venus  period  in  the  picture  writings  of  the  Borgia  Codex  group;  in 
Bureau  of  Ethnology,  Bulletin  28,  pp.  355-391,  Washington.  (Trans¬ 
lation  of  German  edition  of  1898.) 

1904a,  The  Bat  god  of  the  Maya  race;  in  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  Bulle¬ 
tin  28,  pp.  231-242,  Washington.  (Translation  of  the  German  edition 
of  1S94.) 

1904b,  Antiquities  from  Guatemala:  in  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  Bulletin  28, 
pp.  75-121,  Washington.  (Translation  of  the  German  edition  of  1895. 
republished  in  his  collected  v-orks,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  578-640.) 

1904-1906,  Codex  Borgia.  Eine  altmexikanische  Bilderschrift  der  Biblio- 
thek  der  Congregatio  de  Propaganda  Fide;  4°,  2  vols.  plates,  Berlin 
(Loubat  edition.) 

1909,  Die  Tierbilder  der  mexikanischen  und  Maya-Handschriften:  in 
Zeitschrift  filr  Etlinologie,  1909,  pp.  209-257,  3S 1-457  (not  completed). 

Stempell,  W. 

1908,  Die  Tierbilder  der  Mayahandschriften;  in  Zeitschrift  filr  Ethnol¬ 
ogic,  40  Jahrgang,  Vol.  V,  pp.  704-743. 

Strebel,  Hermann. 

1899,  Uber  Tieromamente  auf  Thongefiissen  aus  Alt-Mexico;  in  Vcrbffent- 
lichen  aus  dem  Kbnig.  Mus.  fur  Volkerkunde,  Vol.  VI,  part  1,  pp. 
1-33,  Berlin. 

Thomas,  Cyrus. 

1S82,  A  study  of  the  Manuscript  Troana;  in  Contributions  to  North  Ameri¬ 
can  Ethnology,  Vol.  V,  pp.  234,  Washington. 

1884-1885,  -lids  to  the  study  of  the  Maya  codices;  in  Bureau  of  Ethnology, 
6th  annual  report,  pp.  253-371,  Washington. 

Tozzer,  Alfred  M. 

1907,  A  comparative  study  of  the  Mayas  and  the  Lacandones.  Report 
of  the  Fellow  in  American  Archaeology,  1902—1905;  Archaeological  In¬ 
stitute  of  America,  8°,  pp.  195,  plates  29,  New  York. 

Troano  Codex,  See  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  1867-1870. 

Villagutierre  Soto  Mayor,  Juan. 

1701,  Historia  de  la  Conquista  de  la  Provincia  de  el  Itza;  4°,  pp.  660, 
Madrid. 

Vaticanus  3773.  See  Seler,  1902. 


PLATE  1 
MOLLUSCA 
Fasciolaria  gigantea 

1.  Man  emerging  from  shell,  Dresden  41b. 

2.  Same,  Borgia  4. 

3.  Bologna  4. 

4.  Dresden  37b. 

5.  Vaticanus  3773,  66. 

6.  Nuttall  16. 

7.  Sign  for  zero,  Dresden  64. 

8.  Glyph,  Dresden  41b. 

9.  Nuttall  16. 

Oliva 

10,  11.  Sign  for  zero,  Dresden  63. 

12.  Same,  Dresden  55b. 

Other  Mollusca 

13.  Sign  for  zero,  Dresden  54b. 

14.  Same.  Bivalve,  Dresden  63. 

15.  Bivalve,  Nuttall  25. 

16.  Nuttall  49. 

17.  Nuttall  23. 

IS.  Nuttall  16. 

19.  Nuttall  36. 

20.  Nuttall  75. 

21.  Bivalve  closed,  seen  in  profile,  Nuttall  75. 

22.  Same,  Nuttall  25. 

23.  Probably  bivalve,  Nuttall  16. 

24.  Same.  Nuttall  36. 


PLATE  1 


PLATE  2 
INSECTA 

Honey  bee  ( Melipona ) 

1.  Possibly  a  drone,  Tro-Cortesianus  108a. 

2,  3.  Tro-Cortesianus  lOSa. 

4,  6  Bees  more  conventionalized,  Tro-Cortesianus  80b. 

5.  Bee  and  honey  comb,  Tro-Cortesianus  109c. 

7.  Honey  combs,  apparently  in  a  hive,  Tro-Cortesianus  11c. 

8.  Maya  day  sign,  Cauac,  possibly  representing  a  honey 

comb,  Tro-Cortesianus  106b. 

9.  Tro-Cortesianus  103c. 

10.  Honey  combs  in  a  hive,  Tro-Cortesianus  104a. 

11.  Bee  and  honey  comb,  Tro-Cortesianus  109c. 


Plate  T2 


11 


PLATE  3 

INSECTA  and  MYRIAPODA 

1.  Maggots,  probably  of  Blowfly  (Sarcophaga) ,  Tro-Cor- 

tesianus  27d. 

2.  Same,  Tro-Cortesianus  24d. 

3.  Larva  of  Acentrocneme  kollari,  Tro-Cortesianus  28c. 

4.  Conventionalized  insect,  possibly  a  hornet,  Nuttall  3. 

5.  Conventionalized  insect,  unidentified,  Nuttall  19. 

6.  Same,  Nuttall  55. 

7.  Same,  Nuttall  51. 

8.  Butterfly  or  moth,  Nuttall  19. 

9.  Butterfly,  Aubin. 

10.  Maya  day  sign,  Akbal,  possibly  representing  the  head  of 

a  centipede. 

11.  Glyph  belonging  to  god  D,  apparently  composed  of 

signs  for  centipede,  Dresden  7b. 

12.  Glyph  for  god  D,  Dresden  14b. 

13.  Glyph,  Dresden  44b. 

14.  Same,  Dresden  27a. 

15.  Centipede  in  connection  with  head-dress  of  god  D, 

Dresden  15c. 

16.  Glyph,  Dresden  9b. 

17.  Same,  Dresden  15c. 

IS.  Centipede  in  connection  with  head-dress  of  god  D, 
Dresden  7c. 


PLATE  3 


PLATE  4 

ARACHNOIDEA,  ARACHNIDA,  CRUSTACEA 

1.  Scorpion  and  deer,  Tro-Cortesianus  48c. 

2.  Scorpion  with  sting  conventionalized  as  a  hand,  Tro- 

Cortesianus  44c. 

3.  Scorpion  highly  conventionalized,  Nuttall  22. 

4.  Spider,  possibly  a  tarantula,  Borbonicus  9. 

5.  Crayfish,  Nuttall  1G. 

6.  Crab,  Nuttall  37. 


Plate  4 


PLATE  5 

MYRIAPODA,  PISCES 

1.  Parts  of  a  conventionalized  centipede  with  quetzal 

tail,  Vaticanus  3773,  13. 

2.  Fish  with  teeth,  Chichen  Itza,  Temple  of  the  Tigers, 

Lower  Chamber  (Maudslay,  III,  PI.  48). 

3.  Fish  captured  by  heron,  Dresden  36b.  (Compare  PI. 

15,  fig.  5.) 

4.  Chichen  Itza,  Temple  of  the  Tigers,  Lower  Chamber- 

(Maudslay,  III, PI.  45). 

5.  Fish. 

6.  Pottery  fish,  Chajcar  (Maudslay,  IV,  PI.  93). 

7.  Same. 

8.  Fish  as  offering,  Tro-Cortesianus  3a. 

9.  Same,  Dresden  29b. 


PLATE  6 
PISCES 

1.  Possibly  a  flying-fish  (Exocetus) ,  Nutt  all  75. 

2.  Palcnque,  Temple  of  the  Cross  (Maudslay,  IV,  PI.  68). 

3.  Nuttall  36. 

4.  5.  Glyphs,  possibly  of  a  shark,  Dresden  40a. 

6.  Fish  as  offering,  Dresden  27c. 

7.  Fish  without  dorsal  fins,  possibly  an  eel  (Muraena) , 

Dresden  65b. 

8.  Fish  as  offering,  Dresden  23b. 

9.  Pottery  animal  from  Santa  Rita  (Gann,  1S97-1898, 

PI.  34). 

10.  Dresden  44c. 

11.  Nuttall  16. 

12.  Palenque,  Palace  (Maudslay,  IV,  PI.  11). 

13.  Fish  as  offering,  Dresden  33a. 

14.  Fish  as  part  of  the  Great  Cycle  glyph,  Copan,  Stela  C, 

north  (Maudslay,  I,  PI.  41). 

15.  Same,  Copan,  Stela  C,  south  (Maudslay,  I,  PI.  41.) 

16.  Same,  Copan,  Stela  D  (Maudslay,  I,  PI.  48). 

17.  Same,  Copan,  Stela  C,  south  (Maudslay,  I,  PI.  41). 


it;  p? 


17 


PLATE  7 
AMPHIBIA 

1.  Frog  ( Rana ),  Tro-Cortesianus  31a. 

2,  3.  Same,  Tro-Cortesianus  lOld. 

4.  Probably  a  toad  ( Bufo ),  Copan,  Oblong  altar  (Maudslay, 

I,  PI.  114). 

5.  Frog  or  toad,  Tro-Cortesianus  17b. 

6.  Frog  and  fish,  Copan,  Altar  0  (Maudslay,  I,  PI.  85). 

7.  Chichen  Itza,  Temple  of  the  Tigers,  Lower  Chamber 

(Maudslay,  III,  PL  4G). 


iv.  25 


PLATE  8 

AMPHIBIA,  REPTILIA 

1.  God  F  representing  a  tree-toad  ( Hyla  eximia) ,  Tro- 

Cortesianus  2Gb. 

2.  Glyph  evidently  belonging  to  fig.  3,  Tro-Cortesianus  26a. 

3.  Same  as  fig.  1,  Tro-Cortesianus  26a. 

4.  Snake,  Nuttall  6. 

5.  Same,  Nuttall  45. 

6.  Same,  Nuttall  37. 

7.  Snake  used  as  head-dress  of  a  woman,  Dresden  39b. 

8.  Same,  Dresden  23b. 

9.  Same,  Dresden  43b. 

10.  Same,  Dresden  22b. 

11.  Same,  Dresden  9c. 

12.  Same,  Dresden  15b. 

13.  Same,  Dresden  18a. 

14.  Dresden  42a. 

15.  Same  as  figs.  7-13,  Dresden  20a. 


PLATE  9 
REPTILIA 

Rattlesnake  ( Crotalus ) 

1.  Tro-Cortesianus  33b. 

2.  Nahua  day  sign,  Couatl,  Aubin  10. 

3.  Tro-Cortesianus  52c. 

4.  Tro-Cortesianus  40b. 

5.  Chichen  Itza,  Temple  of  the  Tigers,  Painted  Chamber 

(Maudslay,  III,  PL  40). 

6.  Nuttall  29. 

7.  Glyph  representing  rattles,'  Tro-Cortesianus  106c. 

8.  Tro-Cortesianus  lOOd. 

9.  Chichen  Itza,  Temple  of  the  Tigers,  Painted  Chamber 

(Maudslay,  III,  PI.  40). 

10.  Nuttall  54. 


9 


10 


PLATE  10 
REPTILIA 
Serpents 

1.  Tree  snake  (possibly  Lachesis ),  Dresden  27c. 

2.  Nuttall  37. 

3.  Dresden  57b. 

4.  Nuttall  5. 

5.  Nuttall  37. 

6.  Nuttall. 

7.  Serpent  in  connection  with  long  number  series,  Dres¬ 

den  62. 

8.  Dresden  37b. 

9.  Dresden  40c. 


PLATE  11 
REPTILIA 
Serpents 

1.  Large  snake  with  conventionalized  spots,  Tro-Cortesianus 

30a. 

2.  Tro-Cortesianus  31b. 


PLATE  11 


PLATE  12 
REPTILIA 
Iguana,  Lizards 

1.  Iguana  as  offering,  Tro-Cortesianus  105c. 

2.  Iguana,  Tro-Cortesianus  3b. 

3.  Iguana,  as  offering  with  Kan,  Dresden  43c. 

4.  Same,  Tro-Cortesianus  107b. 

5.  Same,  Tro-Cortesianus  6a. 

6.  Same,  Dresden  29b. 

7.  Offering,  possibly  representing  a  lizard,  Dresden  27b. 

8.  Same,  Dresden  34a. 

9.  Lizard  used  for  TJinal  glyph,  Copan,  Stela  D,  gl.  4. 

(Maudslay,  I,  PI.  48). 

10.  Naliua  day  sign,  Cuetzpalin  (lizard),  Aubin  10. 

11.  Lizard,  Dresden  3a. 

12.  Nuttall  10. 

13.  Offering,  the  portion  with  serrated  margin  possibly 

representing  an  iguana,  Tro-Cortesianus  12b. 

14.  Lizard,  Nuttall  2. 


Plate  12 


PLATE  13 
REPTILIA 

Crocodile  ( Crocodilus ) 

1.  Glyph  of  the  Nahua  day  sign,  Cipactli,  Nuttall  1. 

2.  Crocodile  represented  by  head  and  limb,  Nuttall  36.. 

3.  Same  as  fig.  1,  Nuttall  1. 

4.  Same  as  fig.  1,  Nuttall  4. 

5.  Same  as  fig.  1,  Nuttall  9. 

6.  Same  as  fig.  1,  Nuttall  47. 

7.  Same  as  fig.  1,  Nuttall  1. 

8.  Nuttall  75. 

9.  Head  of  lizard  or  possibly  crocodile  used  as  a  Uinal 

glyph,  Palenque,  Temple  of  the  Foliated  Cross 
(Maudslay,  IV,  PI.  82,  gl.  6). 

10.  Head  of  crocodile,  Dresden  52b. 

11.  Head,  possibly  of  a  crocodile,  Palenque,  Temple  of  the 

Foliated  Cross  (Maudslay,  IV,  PI.  82,  gl.  0,  4). 

12.  Conventionalized  head  of  a  crocodile,  Dresden  53b. 


8 


PLATE  14 
REPTILIA 


Turtles 

1.  Turtle,  Tro-Cortesianus  19b. 

2.  Same,  Tro-Cortesianus  17b. 

3.  Swimming  turtle,  Tro-Cortesianus  17a. 

4.  Possibly  representing  a  turtle,  Nuttall  33. 

5.  Turtle,  Tro-Cortesianus  81c. 

6.  Freshwater  turtle  ( Chelydra )  with  leeches  attached,  Tro- 

<  Cortesianus  72b. 

7.  Glyph  for  fig.  3. 

8.  Glyph. 

9.  Glyph. 

10.  Glyph. 

11.  Turtle,  Nuttall  43. 

12.  Turtle  god,  Aac,  Dresden  49. 


2 


PLATE  15 
AVES 

Herons  Frigate  bird 

1.  Heron,  stucco  ornament,  Palenque,  Palace,  House  B 

(Maudslay,  IV,  PI.  18). 

2.  Heron  head-dress,  Chichen  Itza,  Temple  of  the  Tigers, 

Lower  Chamber  (Maudslay,  III,  PI  45). 

3.  Head  and  neck  of  a  heron,  Dresden  37b. 

4.  Heron,  Nuttall  74. 

5.  Heron  with  fish,  Palenque,  Temple  of  the  Cross,  West 

side  panel  (Maudslay,  IV,  PI.  71). 

6.  Heron 

7.  Heron  with  a  fish  as  a  head-dress,  Dresden  36a. 

8.  Fork-tailed  bird,  probably  a  Frigate  bird  ( Fregata 

aquila) ,  Tro-Cortesianus  34a. 

9.  Same,  arranged  for  offering,  Dresden  35a. 


iv  26 


Plate  15 


PLATE  16 
AVES 

Ocellated  Turkey  ( Agriocharis  ocellata) 

1.  Turkey  in  trap,  Tro-Cortesianus  93a. 

2.  Turkey,  Tro-Cortesianus  10b. 

3.  Turkey  snared,  Tro-Cortesianus  91a. 

4.  Tro-Cortesianus  4a. 

5.  Tro-Cortesianus  95c. 

6.  Tro-Cortesianus  37b. 

7.  Vaticanus  3773,  14. 

8.  Tro-Cortesianus  36a. 

9.  Whole  turkey  as  offering,  Dresden  26c. 

10.  Head  of  turkey  as  offering,  Dresden  34a. 

11.  Same,  Tro-Cortesianus  12b. 

12.  Same,  Tro-Cortesianus  105b. 

13.  Dresden  20a. 

14.  Head  of  turkey  as  offering,  Dresden  41c. 

15.  Same,  Tro-Cortesianus  107b. 

16.  Same,  Dresden  29c. 

17.  Same,  Dresden  28c. 


Plate  16 


10 


15 


12 


13 


14 


16 


17 


PLATE  17 
AVES 

King  Vulture  ( Sarcorhamphus  papa ) 

1.  Tro-Cortesianus  67a. 

2.  Tro-Cortesianus  22c. 

3.  God  with  head  of  King  Vulture,  Dresden  19a. 

4.  King  Vulture  and  Ocellat.ed  Turkey,  Tro-Cortesianus  85a. 

5.  Glyph,  showing  head,  Dresden  39c. 

6.  Same,  Tro-Cortesianus  107c. 

7.  Same,  Dresden  3Sb. 

8.  Same. 

9.  King  Vulture,  tearing  out  entrails  of  deer,  Tro-Cortesia¬ 

nus  40a. 

10.  Tun  period  glyph  (Maudslay,  IV,  PI.  89). 

11.  Tro-Cortesianus  94c. 

12.  Tro-Cortesianus  26c. 

13.  Glyph,  Chichen  Itza,  Monjas,  east  (Maudslay,  III, 

PI.  13). 


PLATE  17 


PLATE  18 
AVES. 

King  Vulture  ( Sarcorhamphus  papa),  Black  Vulture 
{C atharista  urubu) 

1.  Glyph  of  head  of  King  Vulture,  Dresden  lib. 

2.  Glyph  for  Nahua  day  sign,  C ozcaquauhtli ,  Nuttall  5. 

3.  Same  as  fig.  2,  Nuttall  41. 

4.  Same  as  fig.  2,  Nuttall  5. 

5.  Same  as  fig.  2,  Nuttall  4. 

6.  Same  as  fig.  2,  showing  considerable  conventionaliza¬ 

tion,  Nuttall  2. 

7.  Same  as  fig.  2,  Nuttall  3. 

8.  Same  as  fig.  2,  further  reduced,  Nuttall  IS. 

9.  Same  as  fig.  2,  Nuttall  3. 

10.  Same  as  fig.  2,  Nuttall  20. 

11.  Probably  a  Black  Vulture,  Tro-Cortesianus  95c. 

12.  Black  Vulture,  Tro-Cortesianus  70a. 

13.  Same,  Dresden  17b. 

14.  Possibly  a  Black  Vulture,  Chichen  Itza,  Monjas,  east 

(Maudslay,  III,  PI.  13). 

15.  Head  of  Black  Vulture,  Nuttall  32. 

16.  Glyph  of  head  of  same,  Dresden  54b. 

17.  Black  Vulture,  Tro-Cortesianus  36b. 

18.  Head  of  same,  Tro-Cortesianus  26c. 

19.  Same,  Dresden  39c. 

20.  Same,  Nuttall  19. 

21.  Same,  Nuttall  34. 

22.  Same,  Dresden  37c. 

23.  Same,  Nuttall  27. 

24.  Same,  Nuttall  1. 

25.  Same,  Nuttall  34. 

26.  Same,  Nuttall  9. 

27.  Same,  Tro-Cortesianus  19b. 


EfoitfWi 


PLATE  19 
AVES, 

Vultures 

1.  Vulture  (probably  a  King  Vulture)  tearing  at  entrails 

of  an  animal,  Tro-Cortesianus  42a. 

2.  Nuttall  G9. 

3.  Nuttall  74. 

4.  Possibly  a  Black  Vulture,  Tro-Cortesianus  35b. 

5.  Tro-Cortesianus  26cl. 

6.  Tro-Cortesianus  26cl. 

7.  Dresden  3a. 

8.  Glyph,  Copan  (Maudslay,  I,  PI.  16). 

9.  Glyph,  Copan,  Altar  K  (Maudslay,  I,  gl.  73). 

10.  Glyph,  Tikal,  House  9  (Maudslay,  III,  PI.  79). 

11.  Black  Vulture  and  snake,  Dresden  36b. 

12.  Probably  vultures,  Tro-Cortesianus  100b. 

13.  Probably  a  vulture,  Tro-Cortesianus  18b. 

14.  Same,  Temple  of  the  Tigers,  Lower  Chamber,  Chichen 

Itza  (Maudslay,  III,  PI.  46). 


Plate  19 


PLATE  20 
AVES 

Harpy  Eagle  ( Thrasaetos  harpyia ) 

1.  Glyph,  Copan  (Maudslay,  I,  PI.  16,  gl.  3). 

2.  Nuttall  53. 

3.  Glyph,  Copan  (Maudslay,  I,  PI.  16,  gl.  13). 

4.  Tro-Cortesianus  8Sc. 

5.  Part  of  a  head-dress,  Dresden  14c. 

6.  Peresianus  2. 

7.  Dresden  14b. 

8.  Eagle  with  crest  feathers  tipped  by  flints,  Nuttall 

9.  Glyph,  Tro-Cortesianus  107c. 

10.  Stone  carving,  Chichen  Itza  (Maudslay,  III,  PI.  52). 

11.  Dresden  23c. 

12.  Possibly  an  eagle’s  head,  Dresden  43c. 

13.  Possibly  an  eagle,  Dresden  74. 

14.  Bologna  7. 


Plate  20 


PLATE  21 

AVES 

Yucatan  Horned  Owl  ( Bubo  virginianus  mayensis) 

1.  Owl  in  flight,  Stucco  ornament,  Palenque,  Palace,  House 

E  (Maudslay,  IV,  PI.  43). 

2.  Stone  carving  of  owl,  Yaxchilan,  Stela  4  (Peabody  Mu¬ 

seum  Memoirs,  II,  PI.  70). 

3.  Ow  in  flight,  carved  in  wood,  Tikal,  House  C,  lintel 

(Maudslay,  III,  PI.  78). 


PLATE  22 
AYES 

Yucatan  Horned  Owl  ( Bubo  virginianus  mayensis ) 

1.  Bologna  7. 

2.  As  a  head-dress,  Tro-Cortesianus  95c. 

3.  Borgia  7. 

4.  On  end  of  staff  carried  by  warrior,  Chichen  Itza,  Temple 

of  the  Tigers,  Lower  Chamber  (Maudslay,  III, 
PI.  49). 

5.  Aubin  13. 

6.  Head  highly  conventionalized,  Palenque,  Temple  of 

the  Sun  (Maudslay,  IV,  PI.  88). 

7.  Screech-owl  (chiquatli) ,  Aubin. 


PLATE  23 
AVES 


1. 

2. 

3. 

4. 

5. 

6. 
7. 

,  8. 

9. 

10. 

11. 

12. 

13. 

14. 

15. 

16. 

17. 

18. 

19. 

20. 
21. 


Yucatan  Screech  Owl  or  Moan-bird  ( Otus  choliba 


thompsoni ) 


Dresden  7c. 

Tro-Cortesianus  66a. 

Dresden  11a. 

As  a  head-dress,  Tro-Cortesianus  94c. 

As  a  head-dress,  Dresden  ISb. 

Glyph  associated  with  Moan-bird,  Dresden  7c. 

Same,  Dresden  7c. 

Dresden  10a. 

Peresianus  10. 

Peresianus  5. 

Glyph  representing  head,  Dresden  3Sc. 

Same,  Dresden  8b. 

Same,  Dresden  53b. 

Same,  Dresden  16c. 

Glyph  possibly  representing  Moan-bird,  Dresden  38c. 
Glyph  of  head,  Dresden  53b. 

Glyph  associated  with  Moan-bird. 

Tro-Cortesianus  73b. 

As  a  head-dress,  Dresden  16c. 

As  a  head-dress,  Tro-Cortesianus  95c. 

Glyph  associated  with  Moan-bird,  Dresden  7c. 


1. 

2. 

3. 

4. 

5. 

6. 
7. 

,  8. 

9. 

10. 

11. 

12. 

13. 

14. 

15. 

16. 

17. 

18. 

19. 

20. 
21. 


iv.  27 


Plate  2 


l 


PLATE  24 
AYES 


Coppery-tailed  Trogon  or  Quetzal  ( Pharomacrus 
mocinno) 

E  Head-dress  with  crest  feathers  shown  as  knobs,  Dres- 
I  den  7c. 

2.  Head-dress,  Dresden  13b. 

3.  Same,  Dresden  16c. 

4.  Tro-Cortesianus  100b. 

5.  Tro-Cortesianus  70a. 

43.  Head-dress,  Tro-Cortesianus  94c. 

7.  Nuttall  33. 

8.  Conventionalized  tail  as  a  head  ornament,  Dresden  20c. 

9.  '  Vaticanus  3773,  17. 

10.  Glyph,  Palenque,  Temple  of  the  Sun  (Maudslay,  IV, 

PI.  89,  gl.  O,  9). 

11.  Trogon  descending  on  a  sacrifice,  Bologna  8. 

12.  Tro-Cortesianus  36b. 

13.  Glyph,  Copan  (Maudslay,  I,  PI.  Ill,  gl.  54). 

14.  Glyph  apparently  representing  a  trogon’s  head,  Dres¬ 

den  20c. 

15.  Same,  Dresden  9b. 

16.  Same.  Dresden  3a. 

17.  Head,  Nuttall  43. 

18.  Tro-Cortesianus  26c. 

19.  Figure  with  head  ornament  resembling  a  trogon  glyph, 

Dresden  20c. 


PLATE  25 
AVES 

Blue  Macaw  ( Ara  militaris) 

1.  Figure  with  macaw  head  and  holding  firebrands,  Dres¬ 

den  40b. 

2.  Head-dress,  Dresden  16c. 

3.  Tro-Cortesianus  12a. 

4.  Glyph,  Copan,  Stela  11  (Maudslay,  I,  PI.  112,  gl.  12). 

5.  Same,  Copan,  Stela  B  (Maudslay,  I,  PI.  3S). 

6.  Glyph  used  in  connection  with  fig.  1. 

7.  Glyph. 

8.  Stone  carving  of  upper  mandible  and  head,  Copan, 

Stela  B  (Maudslay,  I,  PI.  37). 

9.  Head,  probably  of  a  turtle,  month  sign  Kayab,  Quirigua, 

Stela  A  (Maudslay,  II,  PI.  7,  gl.  14). 

10.  Plead,  probably  of  a  macaw,  Copan,  Altar  Q  (Maudslay, 

I,  PI.  93). 

11.  Tro-Cortesianus  37b. 

12.  Head,  probably  of  a  macaw,  Copan,  Stela  A  (Maudslay, 

I,  PL  30,  gl.  19). 

13.  Tro-Cortesianus  94c. 


Plate  25 


1 


PLATE  26 
AVES 

Parrots,  Turkeys 

1.  Macaw  as  a  head-dress,  Tro-Cortesianus  26c. 

2.  Bird  of  sacrifice,  doubtless  an  Ocellated  Turkey  ( Agrio - 

charts)  Dresden  25c.  (Compare  also  Dresden  26c 
27c,  28c.) 

3.  Head-dress,  probably  a  macaw,  Copan,  Altar  Q  (Mauds- 

lay,  I,  PL  92). 

4.  Possibly  a  parrot  (Amazona) ,  Nuttall  4. 

5.  Head-dress,  head  of  a  macaw,  Tro-Cortesianus  89a. 

6.  Head-dress,  possibly  representing  a  parrot,  Dresden  12b. 

7.  Possibly  a  parrot  (Amazona),  Nuttall  71. 

8.  Glyph  representing  a  macaw’s  head,  Tikal,  Temple  C 

(Maudslay,  III,  PI.  78). 

9.  Parrot-like  head-dress,  Dresden  19a. 

10.  Possibly  a  macaw,  Tro-Cortesianus  37b. 

11.  Parrot-like  head-dress,  Dresden  lib. 

12.  Bird  of  sacrifice,  probably  an  Ocellated  Turkey  or  a 

Chachalaca,  Nuttall  22. 

13.  Parrot-like  head-dress,  Dresden  11a. 

14.  Head  of  Ocellated  Turkey  or  a  Chachalaca,  Nuttall  5. 


Plate  28 


13  14 


12 


1. 

2. 

3. 

4. 

5. 

6. 

7. 

8. 
9. 

10. 

11. 


PLATE  27 
AVES 

Miscellaneous 

Bird  of  sacrifice,  an  Ocellated  Turkey  or  a  Chachalaca, 
Nuttall  2. 

Same,  Nuttall  1G. 

Same,  Nuttall  19. 

Same,  Nuttall  1. 

Woodpecker  possibly  Campephilus  imperialis,  Nuttall  74. 
Same,  Nuttall  71. 

Possibly  a  Raven  ( Corvus  corax  sinuatus) ,  Nuttall  48. 
Parrot  (cocho) ,  Aubin  11. 

Same,  Aubin  13. 

Turkey-cock  (uexolot) ,  Aubin  11. 

Same,  Aubin  13. 


3 


PLATE  28 
Various  Animals 

1.  Earthenware  vessel  representing  a  tapir  ( Tapirella ) 

with  a  necklace  of  Oliva  shells  (Seler,  1904b,  p. 
106,  fig.  23). 

2.  Stone  carving,  possibly  of  a  King  Vulture  ( Sarcorham - 

phus  papa),  Copan,  Altar  T  (Maudslay.  I,  PL  96). 

3.  Stone  carving,  possibly  a  lizard,  Copan,  Stela  6  (Mauds¬ 

lay  I,  PL  107). 

4.  Stone  carving,  probably  a  jaguar  ( Felis  onca  hernandezi) , 

Copan,  Stela  2  (Maudslay,  I,  PL  102). 

5.  Stone  carving  of  a  Black  Vulture  ( Catharista  urvbu) , 

Copan,  Stela  D  (Maudslay,  I,  PL  4S). 

6.  Lizard  (?)  attacked  by  two  birds  (?)  perhaps  vultures, 

Quirigua,  Altar  B  (Maudslay,  II,  PL  15). 


Plate  28 


PLATE  29 
MAMMALIA 

Armadillo  and  Miscellaneous 

1.  Nine-banded  Armadillo  ( Tatu  noremcinctum) ,  Tro 

Cortesianus  103a. 

2.  Same,  Tro-Cortesianus  92d. 

3.  Same,  Tro-Cortesianus  103a. 

4.  Armadillo  captured  in  a  pitfall,  Tro-Cortesianus  48a. 

5.  Undetermined  animal,  Dresden  14c. 

6.  Undetermined  animal,  possibly  a  frog  or  a  marsupial 

Tro-Cortesianus  33a. 

7.  Rodent,  Nuttall  11. 

8.  Undetermined  animal,  Tro-Cortesianus  24d. 


r-n 


Plate  29' 


5 


8 


PLATE  30 
MAMMALIA 
Deer,  Hare 

1.  Yucatan  deer,  caught  in  a  snare,  Tro-Cortesianus  48b. 

2.  Yucatan  brocket  ( Mazama  'pandora)  caught  in  a  pit- 

fall,  Tro-Cortesianus  92a. 

3.  Glyph  for  hare  or  rabbit,  Nuttall  16. 

4.  Same,  Nuttall  5. 

5.  Yucatan  deer,  Dresden  OUa. 

6.  Same,  Tro-Cortesianus  30b. 

7.  Hare  or  rabbit,  Nuttall  22. 

8.  Same,  Dresden  61 


iv  28 


I 


PLATE  31 
MAMMALIA 

Yucatan  Deer  ( Odocoileus  yucatanensis ) 

] .  Doe,  Dresden  45c. 

2.  Same,  Fegervary-Mayer  26. 

3.  Same,  Tro-Cortesianus  29c. 

4.  Same,  Nuttall  50. 

5.  Same  captured  in  snare,  Tro-Cortesianus  86a. 

6.  Head-dress  of  god  M,  Tro-Cortesianus  50b. 

7.  Same,  Tro-Cortesianus  51c. 

8.  Doe,  Tro-Cortesianus  2b. 

9.  Head  of  same,  Nuttall  43. 

10.  Head  of  doe  as  sacrifice,  Tro-Cortesianus  77. 

11.  Same,  Peresianus  10. 

12.  Haunch  of  venison  as  a  sacrifice,  Dresden  35a. 

13.  Same,  Tro-Cortesianus  105b. 

14.  Same,  Dresden  28c. 

15.  Same,  Tro-Cortesianus  108a. 


Plate  31 


PLATE  32 
MAMMALIA 

Yucatan  Peccary  ( Tayassu  angulatum  yucatanense ) 
Yucatan  Deer  ( Odocoileus  yucatanensis) 

1.  Peccary,  Nuttall  79. 

2.  Same,  Dresden  68a. 

3.  Combination,  a  peccary’s  head  and  forefoot,  with  long 

tail  and  hindfoot  without  hoofs,  Tro-Cortesianus  66a 

4.  Peccary,  Dresden  45b. 

5.  Man" with  peccary  head,  Copan,  Sela  D,  east  (Maudslay, 

I.  Ph  46). 

U  Combination  animal,  with  hoofs  and  dorsal  crest  of  a 
peccary  and  scales  of  a  reptile,  Dresden  75. 

7.  Peccary,  Nuttall  9.  ,, 

S.  Yucatan  deer,  with  conventionalized  antler,  glyph  lor 
Nahua  day  sign,  Makati,  Nuttall  26. 

9.  Same,  Peresianus  5. 

10.  Glyph  for  Nahua  day  sign  Makati,  Aubin  10. 

11.  Same,  Nuttall  5. 

12.  Deer,  Copan,  Stela  N,  East  (Maudslay,  I,  PI-  /9). 


Plate  32 


PLATE  33 
MAMMALIA 

Yucatan  Peccary  ( Tayassu  angulatum  yucatanense ) 

1.  Peccary  caught  in  a  snare,  Tro-Cortesianus  49c. 

2.  Glyph,  Chichen  Itza,  Monjas,  East  (Maudslay,  III, 

PL  13). 

3.  Head  as  a  head-dress,  Chichen  Itza,  Temple  of  the  Tigers, 

Lower  Chamber  (Maudslay,  III). 

4.  Peccary  caught  in  a  snare,  Tro-Cortesianus  93a. 

5.  Tro-Cortesianus  30b. 

6.  Dresden  62. 

7.  Glyph  representing  a  peccary’s  head,  Dresden  45b. 

8.  Same,  Dresden  43b. 

9.  Peccary  caught  in  a  snare,  Tro-Cortesianus  49a. 


6 


PLATE  34 
MAMMALIA 
Jaguar,  Puma 

1.  Jaguar  ( Felis  hernandezi) ,  Nuttall  24. 

2.  Man  seated  in  the  open  mouth  of  an  animal,  possibly 

a  jaguar,  Tro-Cortesianus  20a. 

3.  ,  Nahua  day  sign,  Oceolotl,  Aubin  9. 

4.  Pot  representing  a  jaguar  or  puma  (Gann,  1897-1898 

PI.  34). 

o.  Probably  a  puma  ( Felis  bangsi  costaricensis) ,  Chichen 
Itza,  Temple  of  the  Tigers,  Painted  Chamber 
(Maudslay,  III,  PI.  40). 

6.  Chichen  Itza,  Temple  of  the  Tigers,  Lower  Chamber 

(Maudslay,  III,  PI.  50). 

7.  Probably  a  puma,  Dresden  47. 


7 


PLATE  35 
MAMMALIA 
Coyote,  Bear,  Jaguar 

1.  Probably  a  coyote  (Cards),  Nuttall  0. 

2.  Same,  Nuttall  26. 

3.  Possibly  a  bear  ( Ursus ),  Dresden  37a. 

4.  Same,  Chichen  Itza,  Temple  of  the  Tigers  (Maudslay, 

III,  38). 

5.  Jaguar  (Felis  hernandezi) ,  Dresden  8a. 

6.  Glyph,  probably  of  a  jaguar  head,  Copan,  Stela  4 

(Maudslay,  I,  PI.  104). 

7.  Copan,  Altar  F  (Maudslay,  I,  PI.  114). 

S.  Jaguar,  Tro-Cortesianus  28c. 

9.  Stone  carving  of  jaguar  head,  Palenque,  Palace,  House 
C  (Maudslay,  IV,  PI.  24). 

10.  Jaguar,  Tro-Cortesianus  30b. 

11  Glyph,  probably  of  a  jaguar. 

12.  Head  of  jaguar  in  fresco,  Santa  Rita  (Gann,  1897-1S98, 

PI.  31). 

13.  Same,  Tro-Cortesianus  2a. 

14.  Same,  Nuttall  27. 


PLATE  36 
MAMMALIA 
Dog  ( Canis ) 

1.  Dog  and  crab,  Tro-Cortesianus  SSc. 

2.  Tro-Cortesianus  37b. 

3.  Tro-Cortesianus  66b. 

4.  Head,  Nuttall  34. 

5.  Nuttall  72. 

6.  Head,  Nuttall  20. 

7.  Probably  a  dog,  Nuttall  3. 

S.  Aubin  9. 

9.  Glyph  for  day  sign  Oc. 

10.  Same. 

11.  Same. 

12.  Tro-Cortesianus  91d. 

13.  Glyph  for  Nahua  day  sign  Itzcuintli,  Aubin  9. 

14.  Tro-Cortesianus  27d. 


PLATE  35 


1. 

2 

3. 

4. 

5. 

6. 
i . 
8. 
!). 

10. 

11. 

12. 


13. 


PLATE  37 
MAMMALIA 
Dog  ( Canis ) 

Dog  bearing  firebrands,  Dresden  40b. 

Same,  Dresden  39a. 

Same,  Dresden  36a. 

Trp-Cortesianus  88a. 

Dresden  21b. 

Tro-Cortesianus  24e. 

Dresden  13c. 

Tro-Cortesianus  37a. 

Dresden  30a. 

Dresden  7a. 

Glyph  supposed  to  represent  a  dog’s  ribs,  Dresden  13c. 
Dresden  29a. 

Head,  Tro-Cortesianus  91d. 


Plate  37 


11 


CO 


PLATE  38 
MAMMALIA 

Leaf-nosed  Bat  ( Vampyrus  spectrum  or  Phyllostomus  hasta- 
tus  panamensis ) 

1.  Glyph,  Chichen  Itza,  Akat  ’Cib  (Maudslay,  III,  PI.  19.) 
Glyph,  Copan  (Maudslay,  I,  PI.  S). 

Bat  god,  drawn  as  glyph,  Copan,  Stela  D  (Maudslay, 
I,  PL  48). 

4.  Glyph,  Copan  (Maudslay,  I,  PI.  8). 

5.  Glyph,  Palenque,  Temple  of  the  Inscriptions  (Mauds¬ 

lay,  IV,  PI.  GO,  gl.  Q  1). 

G.  Glyph,  Tikal  (Maudslay  III,  PI.  74,  gl.  41). 

7.  Bat  god  used  as  decoration  on  pottery,  Chama  (Diesel- 
dorff,  1904). 


iv  29 


Plate  38 


PLATE  39 
MAMMALIA 

Monkey  and  Miscellaneous 

1.  Capuchin  monkey  ( Cebus  capucinus) ,  Nuttall  1. 

2.  Same,  Nuttall  5. 

3.  Head  of  same,  Nuttall  3S. 

4.  Nondescript  animal,  possibly  a  combination  of  monkey 

and  peccary,  Tro-Cortesianus  SSc. 

5.  Glyph,  possibly  representing  a  monkey,  found  in  con¬ 

nection  with  fig.  4. 

6.  Glyph  of  head  of  monkey,  Nuttall  1. 

7.  Head  of  long-nosed  god,  Tro-Cortesianus  30a. 

S.  Head  of  monkey,  glyph  for  Nahua  day  sign,  0<;omatli, 
Aubin  9. 

9.  Long-nosed  god,  Tro-Cortesianus  30b. 

10.  God  with  head-dress,  Dresden  oc. 


i 


Plate  39 


10 


GETTY  CENTER  LIBRARY 


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